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THE 



CYR0PJ1DIA, 

OE INSTITUTION 0Γ CYKUS, 



/ Μ 



7 jt 

AND 

THE HELLENICS, 

OR GRECIAN HISTORY. 

LITERALLY TRANSLATED FROM THE GREEK 

OF 

XENOPHON. 

BY THE 

REV. J. S. WATSON, M. A. 

AND THE 

REV. HENRY RALE, M. A. 

LATE DEMY OF MAGDALENE COLLEGE, OXFORD. 
WITH 

BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE, CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE, AND INDEX. 



LONDON: 
HENRY G. BOHN, YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN. 

MDCCCLV. 







JOHN CHILDS AND SON, BUNGAY. 



PREFACE. 

The present forms the second volume of the "Classical 
Library" edition of Xenophon's "Works, and contains the 
Cyropsedia and Hellenics. 

Of former versions of the Cyropsedia the best is that of the 
Hon. Maurice Ashley Cooper, who studied to give the sense 
of his author with honesty and fidelity, but his pages are 
frequently disfigured by inelegant phraseology. 

Of the Hellenics the best previous version is that of Dr. 
Smith, who, though he sometimes mistakes the sense, gives in 
general a correct representation of his author. But he is 
too fond of subdividing the sentences of the original, which 
breaks the current of the narrative, and often produces 
lameness. 

The present versions are, it is believed, as verbally exact 
as is consistent with neatness'and perspicuity. Some con- 
junctions, which, if preserved, would but offend the general 
reader, without being of any profit to the student, have been 
omitted ; and the present tense has sometimes been changed 
into the past, as most suitable to English style. 

The text of Dindorf has been followed both in the Cyro- 
psedia and Hellenics ; and on all obscure passages the best 
commentators, Morus, Schneider, Weiske, Bornemann, and 
Dindorf, have been consulted. 

The Cyropaedia is translated exclusively by the Rev. J. S. 
"Watson, as are also the last five books of the Hellenics. The 
first two books of the Hellenics are by the Rev. Henry Dale, 
the translator of Thucydides, whose avocations, conjoined 
with indisposition, prevented his completing the task he had 
undertaken. 

H. G. B. 



CONTENTS. 



PAGE 

Biographical Notice of Χενογιιον v 

Cyrop.edia, Book I. ..... 1 

II. . . . . .44 

HI. ..... 72 

IV 101 

V 132 

VI 172 

VII. 200 

VIII. 234 

Hellenics, Book I. ... 287 

II 316 

III 345 

■ IV 380 

V 429 

VI 472 

VII. 517 

Chronological Table to the Hellenics . . . 565 

Index • • . . . . . .566 



BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE 



XENOPHON. 



Xenophon was born at Athens, in the demos, or borough, called 
Erchia. His father's name was Gryllus. 1 

The year of his birth is nowhere mentioned ; but as he was up- 
wards of ninety when he died, 2 and was alive B. c. 357, the year in 
which the assassination of Alexander of Pherse, which he mentions, 3 
took place, Kruger, 4 who has examined the subject with much atten- 
tion, is inclined to place his birth about B. c. 444. If this date be 
correct, he was twenty years of age at the time of the battle be- 
tween the Athenians and Boeotians at Delium, B. c. 424, in which 
he was present, and would probably have lost his life in the flight 
of the Athenians, had he not been rescued by Socrates, who, seeing 
him fall from his horse, took him upon his shoulders, and carried 
him for several stadia. 5 

What were the circumstances or rank of his father, we are not 
informed, but it may be reasonably conjectured, from his intimacy 
with Proxenus, 6 a man of consideration in Boeotia, and from the 
position which he held among the Greeks that followed Cyrus, that 
he was not of mean or poor parentage. 

He had at an early age become acquainted with Socrates. Their 
first meeting is thus described by Laertius. 7 Socrates met him in a 
narrow passage, and being pleased with the modesty and beauty of 
his countenance, playfully put out his stick to prevent him from 
passing, and asked him, at the same time, where people could pur- 
chase provisions. Xenophon having given him an answer, he again 
asked where people might learn virtue and honour. Xenophon 
hesitating how to reply, Socrates said, " Follow me, then, and be 
taught." From that time he became firmly attached to Socrates. 

1 Diog. Laert. ii. 48. 2 Lucian, Macrob. c. 21. 3 Hellen. vi. 4. 35. 

4 De Xenoph. Vita Quaestt. Critt. Hal. 1822. 

5 Strabo, lib. ix. c. 1. Diog. Laert. ubi sup. 

6 Xen. Anab. in. 1. 4. 7 ii. 48. 



VI BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF XENOPHON. 

It is said by Philostratus, 1 that he was taken by the Boeotians, 
and lived far some time as a prisoner among them. If this be true, 
he must have been captured, as Kriiger thinks, when the Boeotians 
treacherously recovered Oropus from the Athenian garrison left to 
defend it, B. c. 412. At this period he may have commenced his 
acquaintance with Proxenus, a man of cultivated mind and of some 
ambition. Philostratus relates that Xenophon and Proxenus at- 
tended the lectures of Prodicus the sophist together. Photius 2 also 
says that he was a pupil of Isocrates, who, however, if Xenophon 
was born B. c. 444, was eight years his junior. 

It was by the persuasion of Proxenus 3 that Xenophon joined 
Cyrus in his expedition against Artaxerxes. Proxenus had engaged 
in the enterprise with the expectation of gaining honour and 
wealth, and, while the army was staying at Sardes, wrote to Xe- 
nophon to say that if he would come thither, he would introduce 
him to Cyrus. Xenophon showed the letter to Socrates, who ad- 
vised him to consult the Delphic oracle, as it was a matter not to be 
hastily decided, since Cyrus was regarded as an enemy to Athens. 
Xenophon accordingly went to Delphi, but did not ask the god 
whether he ought to go or not, for he was probably too much in- 
clined to go, but merely inquired to what gods he should sacrifice 
in order to commence and accomplish in safety the journey which 
he was contemplating. Apollo replied that he should sacrifice to 
the gods to whom he ought to sacrifice. Socrates, at his return, 
blamed him for having consulted the oracle in such a manner, but 
told him that, as he had received an answer, he had better go. 
Xenophon in consequence joined Cyrus at Sardes, and accompanied 
him in his expedition, but, as it appears, without any military or 
other rank. 4 

After Cyrus was killed, however, in the affair at Cunaxa, and the 
generals were cut off by the perfidy of Tissaphernes, he soon showed 
himself capable of exercising command. He stood forward to 
answer Phalinus, who came from the king to demand the arms of 
the Greeks ; he was chosen general by the captains that had served 
under Proxenus ; and he was quickly found able to take charge of 
the whole army. With what ability and success he conducted the 
Ten Thousand in their retreat through deserts and Barbarians, a 
march of many hundred miles, is fully related in the Anabasis. 

The kind of connexion that subsisted between Xenophon and 
Proxenus might lead us to suppose that they were nearly of the 
same age. But Proxenus was only thirty when he was put to death ; 
and Xenophon, by Kriiger's computation, must have been forty- 
three or forty-four, not much younger than Clear chus, who was 
put to death at fifty. Yet Xenophon seems to speak of himself in 

1 i. 12. Kriiger, Quaestt. p. 17. 2 Biblioth. cclx. 

3 Anab. iii. 1. 4 Anab. iii. 1. 4. 



BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF XENOPHON. VU 

the Anabasis as young, so young that his offer to take a command 
required an apology ; ' he is called νεανίσκος, according to some 
manuscripts, by Phalinus ; 2 he says that himself and Timasion were 
the two youngest of the generals ; 3 he takes, on every occasion, the 
more active duty, as being more appropriate to the young ; and a 
general impression is certainly left upon the reader that he could 
not have reached middle age. Hence Mitford 4 concludes that he 
must have been between twenty-five and thirty at the time of the 
Anabasis. But if we suppose him to have been only twenty years 
old at the battle of Delium, he must have been at least forty-three 
when he joined Cyrus; and Seuthes addresses him 5 as a man ap- 
parently old enough to have a marriageable daughter. On the word 
νεανίσκος, even if applied to Xenophon, we may observe that much 
stress cannot be laid ; for it was used, as well as νέος, with regard to 
men even of forty ; 6 Xenophon, as Sturz observes, says that Agesi- 
laus became king 'έτι νέος ων, when it appears from Plutarch that he 
was forty-three : and Phavorinus says that νεανίσκος might be ap- 
plied to a man of any age from twenty-three to forty-one. Besides, 
the best manuscripts, in the passage where νεανίσκος is used, read 
" Theopompus " instead of " Xenophon," and the mode in which he 
introduces himself in the first chapter of the third book, would 
almost lead to the conclusion, as has been observed, that his name 
ought not to occur in the first two books. 

But whatever attempts we make, it is impossible to come to any 
satisfactory decision with regard to the age at which Xenophon 
joined Cyrus. Unless we set aside the anecdote of the battle of 
Delium, we must believe, with Kriiger, that he was not under forty ; 
yet from the way in which he speaks of himself, we can hardly help 
fancying him younger, and surmising that there must be more in 
favour of the arguments for his youth than we can substantiate. 

An argument offered by Schneider, 7 to prove that Xenophon was 
more than forty at the time of the Anabasis, should not be left un- 
noticed. The entertainment given by Callias, which was the basis 
of Xenophon's " Symposium," occurred B. c.421 ; and an allusion is 
made in the " Symposium" 8 to some familiarities of Critobulus with 
Cleinias, which, as appears from the " Memorabilia," 9 must have 
taken place when Xenophon was a young man. If, accordingly, 
\ve suppose that Xenophon was somewhat more than forty at the 
time of the Anabasis, we make him somewhat more. than twenty 
at the time of Callias's entertainment ; a computation satisfactory 
enough ; but if we consider him, with Mitford, to have been under 
thirty at the time of the Anabasis, we unfortunately make him 
under ten at the time of the entertainment. 10 

« Anab. iii. 1. 16. 2 Anab. ii. i. 13. 3 iu. 2. 25. 

4 Vol. v. p. 329, seqq. s Anab. vii. 2. 8. 6 Kriiger, p. 12. 

7 Ad Sympos. iv. 25. 8 iv. 25 ; ibique Schneider. 9 i. 3. 10. 

18 See the Philological Museum, vol. i. p. 510. 



Vlll BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF XENOPHON. 

Mitford says that the anecdote respecting the battle of Delium is 
overthrown by a passage in Athenaeus, and that Xenophon is more 
than once called νέος and νεανίσκος in the Anabasis, but is wrong, 
as Mr. Clinton 1 observes, in both assertions; for there is nothing 
in Athenaeus subversive of the evidence as to Delium, and the term 
νέος is not applied to Xenophon in the Anabasis. About νεανίσκος 
we have already settled. Mr. Clinton says that Xenophon was pro- 
bably about forty-two when he joined Cyrus. 

After the Greeks, on their return, had arrived at Trapesus or 
Trebisond, they were conducted from thence to Chrysopolis, op- 
posite Byzantium, and some of them entered the service of Seuthes, ' 
a prince of Thrace, from whom, after performing what they had 
undertaken for him, they could with difficulty obtain a portion 
of the pay which he had promised them. Soon after they had 
settled matters with him, however, they were invited by the 
Lacedaemonians to join Thibron, a Spartan general, who was main- 
taining a contest with Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus, and under 
whose command Xenophon left almost all that survived of the Ten 
Thousand, B. C. 399. But previously, as his finances were exhausted, 
he made an expedition, in order to recruit them, into the plain of 
the Caicus, where he stormed the residence of a Persian, named 
Asidates, and captured Asidates himself, his women, and all his 
treasures. Such a foray seems to have been scarcely creditable to 
Xenophon, but in his account of it he testifies no concern or shame. 2 
As he had joined the Lacedaemonians, who were at war with Persia, 
he probably thought himself justified in treating any Persian as an 
enemy. 

During Xenophon's absence from Athens Socrates was put to 
death, B. c. 399. 

Soon after his return from Asia, and when he was intending to 
go to Athens, he learned that sentence of banishment had been 
passed against him by his countrymen, for the support which he 
had given to Cyrus, the friend of the Lacedaemonians, during the 
Peloponnesian war. 3 In consequence, it has been supposed that 
he remained in Asia, with Thibron and his successor Dercyllidas, 
and perhaps acted as leader of the Kt'paoi. 4 It is certain that in 
B. c. 396 he was in Asia with Agesilaus, in his campaign against 
the Persians, and that, when Agesilaus was recalled to defend his 
country, he accompanied him to the battle of Coroneia, in which 
the Thebans and Athenians were defeated by the Spartans, B. C. 
394. 5 " How he is to be excused for siding with the enemies of 
his country," says Kiihner, " is shown by H. Weilius in Zimmer- 
manni Annal. antiq. discip. 1842, p. 144." 

' Fasti Hellenici, b. c. 401. 2 Anab. vii. 8. 23. 

3 Anab. vii. 7. 57 ; Pausan. v. 6. 4 ; Diog. Laert. ii. 51. 

4 Kiihner, Prolegom. in Anab. p. v. ; Kriiger, Quaestt. p. 21. 

5 Anab. v. 3. 6 ; Plut. Agesil. 18. 



BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF XEXOPHON. IX 

After this battle, the Lacedaemonians, perhaps at the instance of 
Agesilaus, presented Xenophon with a house and estate at Scillus, 1 
a town of Elis near Olympia, where he was joined by his wife Phi- 
lesia, 2 and his two sons, Gryllus and Diodorus, who, by the advice 
of Agesilaus, had been educated at Sparta. 3 Philesia is said to have 
been his second wife, but when or where he married her is un- 
known. Of his residence and grounds he has given a description in 
the Anabasis. Here he built a temple to Diana from the proceeds 
of some spoil which he had deposited at Ephesus when he accom- 
panied Agesilaus from Asia to Boeotia. 

He appears to have continued to reside here for more than 
twenty years, till B. C. 371, when, after the defeat of the Lacedae- 
monians at the battle of Leuctra, the Eleians regained possession of 
Scyllus, which had been wrested from them by that people some 
time before Xenophon settled there. Xenophon escaped with his 
sons, first to Lepreum, and afterwards to Corinth, where he fixed 
his abode for the remainder of his life. 4 

In B. c. 369, when the Athenians had resolved to assist the Spar- 
tans, whose territories had been invaded by the Thebans, Xenophon, 
says Laertius, sent his two sons to fight on the Spartan side. Gryllus 
was killed seven years after, at the battle of Mantineia, after having, 
as Pausanias relates, killed Epaminondas with his own hand. Xeno- 
phon received the news of his death as he was going to offer sacrifice, 
and immediately took the chaplet from his head ; but on hearing 
that he had died fighting bravely, replaced it. Some relate that he 
did not shed a tear, but merely observed that he knew he had be- 
gotten him mortal. 5 

The decree for his banishment was repealed, it is said, on the 
motion of the same Eubulus by whom it had been proposed ; but 
in what year is uncertain. Kriiger 6 thinks that it was about B. c. 
369. But it does not appear that he ever returned to Athens. 
Diogenes Laertius says that he died at Corinth. The only allusion, 
among the writers of antiquity, to the time of his death, is that in 
Diogenes Laertius, who cites Stesicleides as saying that he died in 
the first year of the hundred and fifth Olympiad, or B. c. 360 ; but as 
it is certain that he was alive three years later, b. c. 357, Kriiger 
conjectures that he may have died about B. C. 355. 

From a passage in Athenaeus, 7 it appears that he paid a visit to 
the elder Dionysius in Sicily. A trifling remark is recorded by 
Athenaeus which Xenophon made at the tyrant's table. 

It is mentioned by Laertius, as a report, that he edited or pub- 
lished the History of Thucydides, when he might have suppressed 

1 Anab. v. 3. 7 ; Diog. Laert. 1. cl. 2 Diog. Laert. ii. 52. 

3 Plut. Agesil. 20 ; Kiihner, Prolegom. in Anab. 

4 Kriiger, Quaestt. p. 26 ; Diog. Laert. ii. 53. 

5 Diog. Laert. ubi supra ; iElian. V. H. iii. 3 ; Stoboeus Tit. vii. p. 89. 

6 Kriiger, Qua?stt. p. 27. 7 Lib. x. p. 427- 



X BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF XENOPHON. 

it. Such publication is nowhere else mentioned ; and that Xeno- 
phon could have suppressed the work of Thucydides seems in- 
credible. 

It was during his quiet residence at Scillus that most if not all of 
his works were written. Letronne, in the Biogi-ajjhie Universelle, 
endeavours to prove that he wrote the Symposium and the Hiero 
before he went into Asia to Cyrus, but his arguments are of very 
little weight. 

Diogenes Laertius says that Xenophon wrote about forty books ; 
an expression by which he does not mean forty works, but com- 
prehends in that number the several books or divisions of the larger 
works, and the treatises that consist of a single book. By this 
mode of computation the number of books is thirty-seven. 

Of all his works the Anabasis has been the most popular. It 
narrates in a clear, animated, but unpretending style, the march of 
the Ten Thousand up the country under the conduct of Cyrus, and 
the difficulties which they surmounted in their retreat after Cyrus's 
death. It showed Greece the weakness of the Persian empire, and 
the inefficiency alike of its troops and their officers; and fully justi- 
fied the remark of Cyrus before the battle of Cunaxa, that he was 
ashamed to say how little resistance the Greeks would find in the 
immense numbers of his countrymen. This notion, that Persia 
might easily be subjugated by Greeks, continued to prevail, and 
was at length amply proved by Alexander to be no mere fancy. 

Of the descriptions of the military movements of the Greeks in 
their retreat, it has been justly remarked that they are not always 
clear. On the authorship of the Anabasis, and its ascription to The- 
mistogenes, some remarks have been already given. The proba- 
bility is, that Xenophon published it, or part of it, for some reasons 
of his own, under the name of Themistogenes. 1 " Xenophon and 
Csesar," says Ascham, 2 " wrote their own acts so wisely, and so with- 
out all suspicion of partiality, as no man hitherto by mine opinion 
hath borne himself so uprightly in writing the histories of others." 

The Hellenics is a history of affairs in Greece from B. c. 410, the 
twenty-first of the Peloponnesian War, to the battle of Mantineia, 
B. C. 362, a period of forty-eight years, commencing at the point 
where the History of Thucydides terminates. One event is men- 
tioned in it, however, as we have noticed, that occurred five years 
later, B. c. 35 7. Niebuhr supposed that the Hellenics consists of two 
works, the second commencing with the third section of the third 
book, ΈπεΙ μίντοι Τισσαφέρνης, &c. ; and his opinion* is perhaps just. 
The point is discussed by Breitenbach in his Prolegomena to the 
Hellenics, 3 who thinks that the work should certainly be divided 
into two parts ; that the first, consisting of the first two books, is a 

1 Breitenbach, Prolegom. in Hellen. p. xxiy. 

2 Letter to Astely, Works, p. 6, ed. Bennet. 

3 Gothse, 1853. in Biblioth. Gr. 



BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF XENOPHON. XI 

continuation of Thucydides; and that the latter, of a more miscel- 
laneous character, and composed with less regard to chronology, 
narrating events that occurred subsequently in Xenophon's own 
time, is intended to show how much more successful are acts con- 
sistent with prudence and piety, than those which are the offspring of 
presumption, dishonesty, or contempt of religion. This notion, 
with respect to the latter portion, may perhaps be thought fanciful ; 
yet it receives some confirmation from the remarks with which 
Xenophon commences the fourth chapter of the fifth book. It is 
however of little moment w r hether we read the Hellenics as one work 
or as two. It has been censured as a dry narrative : it is indeed 
plain and simple, and destitute of the animation of Thucydides ; 
but is nevertheless not without merit. It is much to the credit of 
Xenophon that he did not attempt, with inferior force, to rival the 
more vigorous and ambitious narration of his predecessor. 

The Cyropcedia, says Cicero, 1 was written non ad histories fidem, sed 
ad effigiem justi imperii, not in conformity with the truth of history, 
but to exhibit a representation of an excellent government. That 
it does not adhere to the truth of history is eminently true ; scarcely 
any historical romance has departed farther from it ; time is set at 
utter defiance, and things are often, apparently, done in a few days, 
which it must have taken months or years to accomplish. It is 
strange that Xenophon should ha\ T e ventured to make Cyrus die in 
his bed, when the true account of his death was before the public 
in the pages of Herodotus. The speech given to Cyrus on his death- 
bed, however, is one of the finest parts of the book ; Cicero has 
shown his estimation of it by adopting much of it in his De Senectnte, 
and Sallust has borrowed from it. His picture of Persian manners 
and education is imaginary, or based on the discipline of Sparta, 
which he so greatly admired. The title of the work is often re- 
garded as applicable only to the first book, which relates the edu- 
cation of Cyrus himself, but Fischer 2 extends it to signify tne 
whole discipline and order of things which Cyrus instituted through- 
out his dominions when he became a ruler. The work is less in- 
teresting than the Anabasis, inasmuch as fiction must always be less 
interesting than truth. That the last chapter is probably spurious 
I have remarked in a note upon it. 

The Memorabilia of Socrates defends the character of the phi- 
losopher against the two charges on which he had been condemned, 
that of rejecting the gods of his country, and that of corrupting 
the youth. It exhibits Socrates as he appeared to the Athenian 
public, and makes it evident that the accusations brought against 
him were utterly unfounded. Socrates is shown to have been a 
philosopher who retained, to all appearance, his belief in the exist- 
ence of the gods worshipped by his country, and who paid them 

1 Ad Q. Fratr. i. 1. 8. 2 Praefat. ad Comment, in Cyrop. 



Xll BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF XENOPHON. 

respect, and looked to them for guidance in difficult circum- 
stances. 

Socrates at an early period felt convinced that his business in 
life was to acquire knowledge, and to instruct others ; to ascertain 
what, in human affairs, was to be esteemed and pursued, and what 
to be despised and avoided ; and to stimulate men to practise the 
good and to shun the evil. But first he proceeded to ascertain 
how far he was qualified for the task which he meditated. He 
began, accordingly, by questioning some who had the highest re- 
putation for wisdom, and found that, however knowing they might 
be in particular departments, they were not superior to himself, 
but rather inferior in general power and compass of intellect ; and 
hence it was that the oracle, perhaps at the instigation of his friend 
Chserephon, declared him the wisest of men ; he could see the way 
in which others ought to walk, better than they saw it themselves. 
He made it his object to overthrow all false conceit of knowledge; 
to awaken a consciousness of ignorance where ignorance existed; 
and to inculcate the Delphic admonition, "Know thyself." He 
endeavoured to draw men's attention from mathematical and phy- 
sical studies, as they were then pursued, directed to vain inquiries 
and speculations, ending in no useful result, to the contemplation of 
what was good or evil in human life and conduct ; and was accord- 
ingly said to have brought philosophy from heaven down to earth. 
He interrogated men as to what they were doing, and excited them 
to think of what they ought to do. He said that men should have 
as exact a knowledge of ethics, and of the great duties of human 
life, as that which artists or mechanics possessed in their respective 
crafts. It was from him that induction, and the careful definition 
of general terms, had their origin. 1 For the objects which he 
pursued, he was qualified, not only intellectually, but physically ; 
he had, though of a physiognomy that people were obliged to call 
ugly, a winning address; he had a strong frame, not to be ex- 
hausted by the longest discussion; he could control his natural 
wants, and content himself with such humble clothing and fare as 
showed him proof against ridicule. He sought no share in political 
occupations ; for he said that he was divinely dissuaded from doing 
so. He talked with all kinds of persons ; he asked no money for 
the instruction which he gave ; he had no disciples, but all who 
would might profit by his conversation. By such as were able to 
profit by it he was followed and honoured ; of such as were unable 
to value it, some quietly deserted him, while others, by his confuta- 
tions or admonitions, were humiliated or exasperated, and became 
his enemies. Some of these accused him of corrupting the youth, 
because he made them wiser than their fathers; and of introducing 
strange gods, because he said that he had within him a dcemo- 

* Aristot. Metaphys. i. 6. 3 ; xiii. 4, 6 — 8 ; Grote's Hist, of Greece, ch. 
lxviii. vol. viii. p. 583. 



BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OP XENOPHON. Xlll 

nium, or divine influence, which restrained him from doing what 
was wrong or inexpedient ; and he was put to death because he 
refused to make undue submission, or to acknowledge himself in 
error, before his judges. 1 He left a name to be venerated ; and his 
influence upon human reasoning has been greater, perhaps, than 
that of any man who ever lived; an influence wonderful as pro- 
ceeding from one who left nothing written. 

The picture of Socrates given by Xenophon represents him as 
discoursing chiefly on those plain topics of every-day life, which, 
as it would appear, he was generally inclined to discuss ; that given 
of him by Plato exhibits him descanting on sublimer and more 
speculative subjects, in the contemplation of which he was doubt- 
less accustomed at times to indulge. 

The (Economicus has been called by AYeiske a fifth book of the 
Memorabilia ; but without the least reason ; for a conclusion is put 
to the "Jlemorabilia at the end of the fourth book; and the (Econo- 
micus is not similar in character to the books of that work. It 
contains instruction on agriculture, on the management of farms, 
and on the duties and value of a wife in the conduct of a house- 
hold. The observations made in it on this last point refute, as Mr. 
Long 2 justly observes, the notion "that the attachment of husband 
and wife, independent of the sexual passion, and their permanent 
love after both have grown old, is a characteristic of modern society, 
and that the men of Greece and Rome were not susceptible of that 
affection which survives the decay of a woman's youth and beauty." 
The translation of this treatise by R. Bradley, F. R. S., Professor 
of Botany at Cambridge, 1727, 8vo, is ridiculously unfaithful, full 
of wanton insertions, omissions, and falsifications of every kind; 
and the reader who compares it with the original must feel astonish- 
ed that such perversions of Xenophon's matter could have proceeded 
from a man in such a position. 

The Symposium, or Banquet, shows the humours of an entertain- 
ment at the house of Callias, a rich Athenian, Socrates, Critobulus, 
Charmides, Antisthenes, and others, being the speakers, and love and 
friendship being the subjects of discussion. It is said to have been 
written after the Spnposiwn of Plato. 3 It has been translated 
into English by Dr. Welwood, but with variations, in many pas- 
sages, from the original. 

The Hiero is a short dialogue between Hiero, king of Syracuse, 
and the poet Simonides, in which Hiero states the disadvantages 
of an exalted station, and Simonides specifies its blessings, adding 
some suggestions as to the best mode of employing power for the 
public good. It is thought by Letronne that Xenophon may have 
been induced to write this piece by what he saw at the court of 
Dionysius. It has been very well translated by Graves. 

1 Arrian, Ep. Diss. ii. 2. 18. 2 Smith's Diet, of Gr. and Rom. 

Biog. art. Xenophon. 3 Smith's Diet. ibid. 



XIV BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF XENOPHON. 

The Agesilaus is a panegyric on the great Agesilaus, king of 
Sparta, Xenophon's friend. Cicero speaks of him as the instructor 
of Agesilaus, and says, " The single little book of Xenophon," " in 
praise of that king, is worth all the pictures and statues in honour of 
all other princes." l Modern readers are apt to make the same 
complaint of it that Charles II. made of the praises offered him by 
Cowley, that it is rather tame and insipid. 

The two treatises On the Athenian and Lacedcemonian Common- 
wealths, which, though not always regarded, even by the ancients, as 
genuine works of Xenophon, have nothing in their matter or style 
to prove that he was not the author of them, show that the writer 
evidently preferred the polity of Sparta to that of Athens. The 
treatise on the Republic of Athens has been translated into English 
by James Morris, 1794. Of that on the State of Sparta there is, I 
believe, no English translation. 

The little work On the Revenues of Athens, is intended to show 
how the public revenues of Athens might be improved. Its matter 
and merits are fully discussed in Boeckh's " Public Economy of 
Athens." It was translated into English by AYalter Moyle, Esq., 
1697. 

The Hipparchicus is a treatise on the duties of a cavalry officer. 
It contains a variety of directions on the equipment, evolutions, and 
general management of cavalry. 

The treatise On Horsemanship, though placed by Schneider before 
the Hipparchicus, was written after it, there being a reference to 
the latter at the end of the former. It gives a number of precepts 
on the management, choice, and training of horses ; precepts which 
the writer considers that from long experience in horses he is well 
entitled to give. 

The Cynegeticus is a little work on hunting, the breeding and 
qualities of dogs, and the various modes of taking hares, foxes, boars, 
and other game. The last chapter contains some strictures on the 
sophists, as distinguished from the philosophers, which have little 
to do with the subject. 

The Nine Epistles printed witlTthe works of Xenophon were not 
written by him, but are mere forgeries or scholastic essays. 2 

Of Xenophon's style his own countrymen must be allowed to be 
the best judges ; and they found such charms in it that they called 
him the Athenian Muse, 3 and the Attic Bee. 4 Dionysius of Hali- 
carnassus 5 extols him for the purity and clearness of his periods, 
and for the judicious selection and elegant collocation of his words. 
Nor were the critics of Home less ready to accord him similar praise ; 
Quintilian 6 attributes to him " an unaffected sweetness, which no 

1 De Orat. iii. 34 ; Ad Fam. v. 12. 

2 Schneider, Epist. adSchaef. pra?miss. (Econom. p. 1. 

:i Diog. Laert. 4 Suidas, v. Εενοφων. 

5 De Pnecip. Histor. vol. vi. p. 778, ed. Reisk. 6 x. i. 



BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF XENOPHON. XV 

affectation could attain," and says that " what Pericles observed of 
the ancient comedy may be justly transferred to him, that the god- 
dess of persuasion dwelt upon his lips ;" and Cicero * says that " his 
language is sweeter than honey," and "that the Muses spoke with 
his mouth." His style is indeed simple, perspicuous, and agreeable. 
He never rises above a certain level, but beneath that level is always 
pleasing, elegant, and consistent with himself. He sometimes bor- 
rows a poetical expression, but never disfigures his page with pur- 
ple patches. The piece in which he displays most animation of style 
is the Anabasis ; in the Cyropasdia, the sentences, though far more 
laboured, are sometimes long and heavy. In the Hellenics, Kiihner 2 
charges him with being often dry and jejune. His brevity, in many- 
passages of that work, certainly renders him obscure, and leaves 
his reader dissatisfied. 

It is said by Lord Monboddo 3 that the language of Caesar's Com- 
mentaries is perhaps the best " memoir-style " that ever was written. 
I know not why it should be preferred to that of Xenophon in the 
Anabasis. 

Dr. Johnson has justly observed, that the characters of the de- 
ceased generals drawn in the second book of the Anabasis are the 
earliest specimens of that kind of portraiture. 

Xenophon, as a man, if we form our opinion of him from his 
writings and the voice of antiquity, was of a highly honourable 
character; just, generous, and humane. In paying reverence to 
the gods, as worshipped by his countrymen, he was a disciple of 
Socrates, and went beyond his master, apparently, in what was to 
him a religious respect, but what we are inclined to call a super- 
stitious fondness, for omens, dreams, and other supposed signs 
from heaven. He shows this propensity through all his works, 
and is ready to admit the providence and agency of the gods on 
every occasion. Hume 4 has noticed many instances of his super- 
stition. He could tell a plain story, or discuss ordinary topics, 
with fluency and clearness, but had not an intellect, like that of 
Plato, for the consideration of abstruse or sublime metaphysical 
questions. He encourages his readers to the cultivation of virtue, 
and the study of what he thought useful and likely to contribute to 
their happiness. He has been censured for his approbation of the 
Lacedaemonian polity, and his dislike and depreciation of that of his 
country ; but he was certainly at liberty, like any other man, to 
form a judgment on a comparison of the two, and, if he preferred 
the ancient Spartan severity to the disorder, corruption, and laxity 
of morals, w r hich in his time prevailed in Athens, to express his 
opinion to that effect. Though the ground for his banishment 
seems hardly just, it does not appear that, while he was in exile, he 
took any part in hostilities against his country ; if he was present 

1 Orat. c. 19. 2 Prolegom. in Anab. p. x. 

3 Or. and Pr. of Language, vol. iv. p. 293. 

* Essays, vol. ii. note DDD. 5 Prolegom. in Anab. p. xvii. 



XVI BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF XENOPHON. 

at the battle of Coroneia, there is no proof that he gave the Lace- 
dsemonians any assistance in it. The attack upon the Persian 
Asidates is the only known act of his life in which we can charge 
him with having deviated from strict morality. In drawing the 
character of Menon, it is thought that he must have been unjust, as 
it could hardly have been so black as it is painted; since Menon is 
represented by Plato, in the Dialogue which bears his name, as a 
man of better character; but "Xenophon," as Kiihner 1 observes, 
" might have known his morals better than Plato ; Plato introduces 
him as a young man, and he had plenty of time to grow worse 
before he joined Cyrus ; and even from Plato himself it appears 
that he was of a proud and insolent temper." 

A notion was in early times more or less prevalent among the 
learned, that there was great rivalry and enmity between Xenophon 
and Plato. 2 The chief arguments for that supposition, as given by 
Aulus Gellius, are, that Plato, in all his works, makes no mention of 
Xenophon, and Xenophon in his makes no mention of Plato, 3 though 
each had ample opportunities of alluding to the other I that Xeno- 
phon, on reading the first two books of Plato's Republic, proceeded 
to write the Cyropsedia in opposition to it, and that Plato, annoyed 
at Xenophon's conduct, took occasion to observe, in speaking of 
Cyrus, that he was a brave and active man, but had not been happy 
in his discipline and government ; and that Xenophon, in his Me- 
morabilia, represents Socrates as discountenancing physical specula- 
tions, in order to throw discredit on Plato, who was inclined to in- 
dulge in them. But Gellius himself thinks that these arguments 
are not sufficient to establish the fact of their enmity, and inclines 
to suppose that the report of it arose from the subsequent disputes 
between their partisans, as to which of the two was the wiser or 
greater philosopher, from which disputes it came to be believed 
that there had existed jealousy and ill-feeling between the two 
philosophers themselves. Athenaeus and Laertius observe that one 
of them wrote a Symposium in emulation of the other, but do not 
say which of the two wrote first ; it is generally supposed, how- 
ever, that the Symposium of Plato was the first to make its appear- 
ance. 4 Menage 5 thinks that Gellius was deceived, and that 
jealousy did exist between the two ; Heusde 6 and Ast, 7 the com- 
mentators on Plato, are of the same opinion. On the whole, the 
general voice seems to be too strong against Gellius. But whence 
the enmity, if it existed, arose, there is among the ancients neither 
account nor conjecture. 

J. S. W. 

1 Prolegom. in Anab. p. xvii. 

2 Diog. Laert. ii. 57 ; iii. 34 ; A. Gell. xiv. 3 ; Athenasus, lib. xi. p. 504 ; 
Marcellin. Vit. Thucyd. 3 See note on Mem. Soc. iii. 6. 1. 

4 Smith's Diet, of Biog. and Mythol., art. Xenophon. 

5 Ad Diog. Laert. iii. 34. β Ad Plato, Protag. § 91. 
7 Ad Plato, Kepubl. i. init. 



XENOPHOFS 

CYEOP^EDIA, 

OR, 

INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 



BOOK I.— CHAPTER I. 



Remarks on the several forms of government. On the government of in- 
ferior animals, and the difficulty of governing men. The great power of 
Cyrus, and his excellence as a ruler. 

i. The reflection once occurred to me, how many democra- 
cies have been dissolved by men who chose to live under some 
other government rather than a democracy ; how many mon- 
archies, and how many oligarchies, have been overthrown by the 
people ; and how many individuals, who have tried to estab- 
lish tyrannies, have, some of them, been at once entirely de- 
stroyed, while others, if they have continued to reign for any 
length of time, have been admired as wise and fortunate men. 
I had observed, too, I thought, many masters, in their own 
private houses, some indeed having many servants, but some 
only very few, and yet utterly unable to keep those few entire- 
ly obedient to their commands. 2. 1 considered also that herds- 
men are the rulers of oxen, and horse-feeders of horses ; and 
that, in general, all those called overseers of animals may 
properly be accounted the rulers of the animals of which they 
have the charge. I thought that I perceived all these herds 
more willing to obey their keepers than men their governors ; 
for the herds go the way that their keepers direct them ; they 
feed on those lands to which their keepers drive them, and 



ι 



THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. 



abstain from those from which they repel them ; and they 
suffer their keepers to make what use they please of the pro- 
fits 1 that arise from them. Besides, I never saw a herd con- 
spiring against its keeper, either with a view of not obeying 
him, or of not allowing him to enjoy the advantages arising 
from them ; for herds are more refractory towards strangers 
than they are towards their keepers, and those who make pro- 
fit of them ; but men conspire against none sooner than against 
those whom they perceive attempting to rule them. 3. While 
I was reflecting upon these things, I came to this judgment 
upon them ; that to man, such is his nature, it was easier to 
rule every other sort of creature than to rule man. But when 
I considered that there was Cyrus the Persian, who had ren- * 
dered many men, many cities, and many nations, obedient to 
him, I was then necessitated to change my opinion, and to 
think that to rule men is not among the things that are im- 
possible, or even difficult, if a person undertakes it with under- 
standing and skill./ 1 knew that there were some who will- 
ingly obeyed Cyrus, that were many days' journey, and others 
that were even some months' journey, distant from him ; some, 
too, who had never seen him, and some who knew very well 
that they never should see him ; and yet they readily submit- 
ted to his government ; 4. for he so far excelled all other kings, 
as well those that had received their dominion from their 
forefathers, as those that had acquired it by their own efforts, 
that the Scythian, for example, though his people be very 
numerous, is unable to obtain the dominion over any other na- 
tion, but rests satisfied if he can but continue to rule his own ; 
so it is with the Thracian king in regard to the Thracians, 
and with the Illyrian king in regard to the Illyrians ; and so 
it is with other nations, as many as I have heard of ; for the 
nations of Europe, at least, are said to be independent and de- 
tached from each other. But Cyrus, finding, in like manner, the 
nations of Asia independent, and setting out with a little army 
of Persians, obtained the dominion over the Medes by their 
own choice, and over the Hyrcanians in a similar manner; 
he subdued the Syrians, Assyrians, Arabians, CappadoeLns, 
both the Phrygians, the Lydians, Carians, Phoenicians, and 
Babylonians ; he had under his rule the Bactrians, Indians, 

1 Milk, wool, labour in the plough, and any other profits that 
men can derive from them. 



OH. 2.] BIRTH OF CTRCS. 3 

and Cilicians, as well as the Sacians, Paphlagonians, and Ma- 
gadidians, and many other nations of whom we cannot enu- 
merate even the names. He had dominion over the Greeks 
that were settled in Asia ; and, going down to the sea, over 
the Cyprians and Egyptians. I• These nations he ruled, 
though they spoke neither the same language with himself 
nor with one another ; yet he was able to extend the fear of 
himself over so great a part of the world that he astonished 
all, and no one attempted anything against him. He was 
able to inspire all with so great a desire of pleasing him, that 
they ever desired to be governed by his opinion ; and be at- 
tached to himself so many nations as it would be a labour to 
enumerate, which way soever we should commence our course 
from his palace, whether towards the east, we*t, north, or south, 
β. With respect to this man, therefore, as worthy of admira- 
tion, I have inquired what he was by birth, what qualities he 
possessed from nature, and with what education he was brought 
up, that he so eminently excelled in gov* rning men. What- 
ever, accordingly, I have ascertained, or think that I under- 
stand, concerning him, I shall endeavour to relate. 



CHAPTER II. 



ί 



Birth of Cjtu•. Hit excellent qualities of mind and body 1 1 υ education 
among tne Pertiana. Account of their Law• and institution*, and mod• 
of training youth. 

l. Ctrus is said to have had for hie father Cambyaes, king 
of the Persians. Cambyses was of the race of the Perseide, 
who were so called from Perseus. It is agreed that he wae 
born of a mother named Mandane ; and Mandane was the 
daughter of Astyages, king of the Medes. Cyrus is described, 
and is still celebrated by the Barbarians, as having been most 
handsome in person, most humane in disposition, most eager 
for knowledge, and most ambitions of honour ; so that he 
would undergo any labour and face any danger for the sake of 
obtaining praise. 2. Such is the constitution of mind and body 
that he is recorded to have had ; and he was educated in con- 
formity with the laws of the Persians. 

■ 2 






4 TBI INSTITUTION OF CTIU'S. [B. I. 

These law9 seem to begin with a provident care for the 
common good; not when* they begin in most other govern- 
ments ; lor most governments, leaving each individual to edu- 
cate his children as be pleases, and the advanced in age to live 
as the/ plea.se, enjoin their people not to steal, not to plunder, 
not to enter a house by violence, not to strike any one whom 
it is wrong to strike, not to be adulterous, not to disobey 
the magistrates, and other such things in like manner ; and, if 
people transgress any of these precepts, they imjiose punish- 
ments upon them. *. lint the Persian laws, by anticipation, 
are careful to provide from the beginning, that their citizens 
shall not be such as to be inclined to any action that is bad 
and mean. This care they take in the following manner. They 
an Agora, 1 called The Free, where the king's palace 
and other house- for magistrate! arc built; all thing- for sale, 
and the dealers in them, their erics and coarsenesses, are ban- 
ished from hence to some other place | that the disorder of 
these may not interfere with the regularity of those who are 
under instruction. 4. This Agora, round the public courts, 
is divided into four parts ; of these, one i- for the boys, one 
for the youth, one for the full-grown men, and one for those 
who are beyond the jtm - for military service. Each of these 

divisions, according to the law, attend iti their several quarters ; 
the boys and full-grown men as soon as it is day; the olden 
when they think convenient, except upon aj>|>ointed days, 
when they are obliged to 1*• present The youth pass the 
night round the courts, in their light arm-, except such as are 
lor these are not required to do so, unless orders 
have bei η previously given them ; nor is it becoming in them 
to U* often absent. r >. Over each of the classes there are 
twelve presidents, for there are twelve distinct tribes of the 

Pen over th<• boys are chosen from amongst the 

•IderS, ami are such as are thought likely to make them the best 1 
boy» ; those over the youth are chosen from amongst the full- 

grOWD men, and are such as are thought likely to make them 
Ithj and over the full-grown men, such as are 

ή μ forum or square, fires from buyer• and teller•. Aria- 
city iliould have such a forun 
\XvOLi ώνιων πάντων. He aliu tafi 

- tly ; hut Muretut i up pptsi that ne 



CSL 2.1 rntUX Kin • •\μμ>. ο 

thought likely to render thera the most expert in performing 
their appointed duties and in executing the orders given by 
the chief magistrate. Inhere are likewise chosen prvsn lents 
over the elders, who take care that these also perform their 
duties What it is prescribed to each age to do, we shall re- 
late, that it maybe the better nnderttood how the rVi>ians 
take precautions that excellent citizen, may ha pro** 

β The boys attending the public schools, pass their time in 
learning justice; and say that they go for thfc purpose, as 
those with us say who go to learn to read. 1 heir presidents 
gpend the most part of the day in .li r ..M.,^ ju>tnv amongst 
them • for there an» among the boys, as among the men, ac- 
cusations for theft, robbery, violence, doeeit, calumny, and 
other such things as naturally occur ; and such as they con- 
vict of doi η - wrong, in any of these respeoO, U*J plttial 
they punish Likewise such as they lad guilty ot false accusa- 
tion; thev apj>eat to justice fin i" Λ * a crime for 
which neo hate one toother exceerireiy, bat for which they 
never go to law, that is, ingratitude; and whomsoever the? 
find able to return a benefit, and not returning it, thev punish 
severely. For they think that the ungrateful aw with 
regard to the g<*k thek parent-, their country, end their 
friends ; and upon ingratitude seems ekeeij to follow >hame- 
Isjsoess, which appears to be the principal conductor of man- 
kind into all that is dishonourable. 

S. They also teach the boys self-control ; and it contributes 
much tow'ards their learning to control thcm>el\es, that they 
see everv day their elders behaving themselves with discre- 
tion. They teadi them also to obey their ofl pd it 
contributes much to thil end, that they see their con- 
stantly obedient to their officers. They teach theni temper- 
ance with reapeet tO eating and drinking | and it contributes 
much to this object, that they see that their eiders do not quit 
their station- to seusfj their appetltee, until their officer• dis- 
miss them, and that the hoys themselves do not eat with their 
mothers, but with their teachers, and when the officers give 
the signal. Thev bring from home with them bread, and a 
sort of cresses' to eat with it ; and a cup to drink from, that, 



1 

bread. 



'Οώον ?i «Ίηϊαμον.Λ 7)ψον signine* anything that was eaten with 
id Κά^αμον was either the herb which we call cresses, or one 



« τπε ηίβτιτΓτιοχ or cntus. [β. ι 

if any are thirsty, thoy may take water from the river • They 
ίΐ? beside,, to shoot with the bow, and to throw the jare- 
Ito Tbeee exercises the boy» practice till they are sixteen 
or ecventeen ye*rs of age, when they enter the class of young . 

Τ The young men pass their time thus: For ten yean • 
after they go from the class of boys, they pass the night 
round the courts, as I have said bef..re. »",fh for the recur. 
™ y and guard of the city, and for the sake of practising self- 
ritraint ; for this age seem* ex* to n-ed «upcnntendenoe. 
During the day they keep themselves at the ^",η-ηά *f their 
officers, in caie tbey want them for any public senrice; and 
wheTh is necessary they all wait at the courts But when- 
Tver the king goes out to hunt, he take, hetf the guard ou 
tnth him, and tare• half of it behind ; and this he doe. several 
times every month. Those that go out must have their bow, 
S.Ser, a biU or small sword in a sheath, a light shield, 
3ΓΛΪ javelins, one to throw and the other, .f necessary, 
to use at hand. ie. They attend to hunting as a matter of 
public interest, and the king, as in war, is their 1*^*»*; 
Sng himself, and seeing that others do eo ; because »•««■* 
them to be the most efficient exercise for all such thing, ae re- 
late to war It accustoms them to rise early in the morning, 
and to bear heat and cold ; it exercises them in long marcher, 
and in running ; it necessitates them to use their bow agamrt 
the beast that they hunt, and to throw their javelin, wherever be 
falls in their way , their courage must, of necessity be otteo 
sharpened in the hunt, when any of the strong and vigorou. 
heaete present themselves ; for they must come to blow, with 
the animal if he come, up to them, and niu.t be upon their 
«niard as he approache. ; eo that it i. not easy to find what 
single thing, of all that i. practised in war is not to be found 
in hunting. II. They go out to hunt provided with a dinner 
krger, indeed, as is but right, than that of the boys, but w 
other reepecte the same ; and during the hunt prrhapr they 
may not eat .t ; but if it be necessary to remain on the ground 
to watch for the beast, or if for any other reason they wi.h to 
spend more time in the hunt, they .up upon thin dinner, and 
wry.imilar to it; the expression κά^αμον flXiwnr .ignified to fa» 
•*?!•£ AraxXon which PenepoU• ■*»«• <*"* *•# »• «Μ. 



CH . 2.] TERSUN DISCHI INK. 7 

hunt Again the next day till supper-time, and reckon tin κ two 
day» a* Dut one > because they eat the food of but - 
This abstinence they practise to accustom themselves to it 
that, should it be necessary in war, they may be able to ob- 
serve it. Those of this age have what they catch for meat 
with their bread ; or, if they catch nothing» their Cl easel. And, 
if anyone think that they cat without pleasure when thev have 
creese* only with their bread, and that they drink without 
pleasure when they drink only water, let him π collect how 
pleasant barley cake or bread is to eat to one who is hungry, 
and how pleasant water is to drink to one who is thirty. 

12. The parties that remain at home pass their time in 
practising what they learned while they were boys, as well as 
other things, such as using the bow and throwing the jave- 
lin ; and they pursue these exercises with mutual emulation, 
as there are public contests in their several accomplishing 
and prizes offered; and in whichsoever of the tribes there are 
found the most who excel in skill, in courage, and in oU-di- 
ence, the citizens applaud and honour, not only the pn 
commander of them, but also the person who had the instruc- 
tion of them when they were l>oys. The magistrates likewise 
make use of the youth that remain at home, it they want them, 
to keep guard upon any occasion, to search tor malefactors, to 
pursue robbers, or for any other business that requires strength 
and agility. In these occupations the youth an ltd. 

But when they have completed their ten years, they enter 
into the class of full-grown men ; 13. who, from the time they 
leave the class of youth, pass five and twenty years in the fol- 
lowing manner. First, like the youth, they keep themselves 
at the command of the magistrates, that they may use their 
services, if it should be necessary, for the public good, in what- 
ever employments require the exertions of such as have dis- 
cretion, and are yet in vigour. If it be necessary to undertake 
any military expedition, they who are in this state of disci- 
pline do not march out with bows and javelins, but with 
what are called arms for close fight, a corslet ov r the breast, 
a shield in the left hand, such as that with which the Persians 
are painted, and, in the right, a large sword or bill. All the 
magistrates are chosen from this class, except the teachers of 
the boys; and, when they have completed five and twenty 
years in this class, they will then be something more than 



8 THE INSTITUTION ΟΓ CTR18. t> «• 

fiftv years of aee, and pass into the class of such as are elders. 
«J ST« "cSTed. .4. The* older* no longer go on any 
ϊ®£ ^abroad, but, remaining ^hn »» 
SnSnof public and private ju-k, j * 7 taU oogum». t 

wtnt'eSers iar the «OK, and p~ aentvnee upon ,ii» 
anJ the Vrsou that is comh-mned n,na,ns mtamous for th. 

ahown more clear.v. 1 «hall g. 1-,-k • HA^ J^jJJ 

"ho^ btto^inlain their ^iMnn without P u, = them 
Ilw^k send them to these school*; they who are unable, do 
to work, send "*™ «\ h educate.! under the pub- 

not send them. 1» . ** » ho are ^ rf 

which the, think tl... they «- *J «»' "ZfSa^ 
There eerohin U the l'«'*nt d., iMtr * <**~ f J ■„ 

^ ,„e»,.nd of ί: ; =ΐ ;;», ^^U 0' » 

Kissa srJi :«" ."ft J-*• '» »' - 

T XtnoP h„„ „, h.. »-*■»■>«<">■■ »'"» ** 

„, el~•. .deo.t.d h. th- ••> hete de.cr.bed. 



2.1 Ct«OI OOl Β >" λ -ivv.i η. 

tob e mo going wide to make water, 01 for any similar cause ; 
andtoth^• habits they could not possibly adhere, u. 
thov *ed a very temperate diet, and exhausted the,r mowture 
b/exerci* it it may pass • -" J«* «-•'>•• 

These particulars 1 had ... etate «mcernmg «I»• 1 ersians m 
mwaL I will now relate the actions of Cyras, upon whose 
account this narrative was undertaken, beginning from hia 
boyhood. 



CHAPTER HI. 

τ™, whm ho i< t* -vUv ran ©M, weaeptine• hi« mother on a vi.it to hi* 

Lhtr. HiterwneottidecittoninaoaiiM. Η* ω* umwiinni 
on justice. 

ι. curs till twelve years of age, or a Ktt» ™re, wa« 
educated under this discipline, and evidently excelled eU ha 
equals, both in quickly learning what was nee. «sary, ι am in 
doing everything in a becoming and manly way. Μ that 
IbaAstyages sent for bis daughter and bcr «or. ; for he was 
desirous to μ e bin», having heard that be was a luiud-,,..• ;....1 
excellent chili Accordingly Mandane went to her father, 

and took her son Cyrus with ber. ». \ η a« »be armed, 

and Cyrus knew Astyages to be his njothers father, he in- 
stantly, as being a boy naturally affectionate, embraced bun, 
Seifhehad been previoudy brought up vnthhKsfld 
hadlong loved him ; and, observing bin adorncd^th paint 
about hi, eyes' and colour' applied to bis face,aftd with aru- 
ficial hair. 'tl.i.,-- that are customary amongst the Medea, (tor 
purple coats, cloaks, collars ah.,», the neck, and braeetottx» 
the wrists, are all Median decorations! but amongst toe rer• 

. The Mede• .... -1 to tinge the lower Dart of *•«*** fej 
the propriety of the «Ord ! - '•. " ' '"',;,.*. " he 

hadan'ai.tnn K .„t «..d contracting quality, and thus ">•«»• 
eye..eem l.rtr.-r than they would naturally have appears* J and 
leg. ftdl eye• were accounted a beaul N 

'(>».«; white lead, to give whiten*•• to Um Λιβ, 1 lm ν 
xxiv.54; and «.A—, s bind ... herb, to give itwdne•», PhnjH. 
N. xxii. 20. S. ι. -1 I He..phr. II. P. vu. », p- Mfc **»»• 

See viii. 1 41. 



10 THI INSTITUTION OF CTBUS. [b. L 

sians At home, even at this day, their habits are much coarser, 
and their diet more simple,) observing this dress of his grand• 
father, and fixing his eyes on him, he said, " Ο mother, how 
handsome my grandfather is ! " His mother thin asking him 
which he thought the more handsome, hie father or his grand- 
father, Cyrus answered, " Of the Persians, mother, my father 
is much the most handsome ; but of all the Medes that I have 
seen, either upon the road or at the gates of the palace, my 
grandfather is far the most handsome." 3. Astyages, theu, 
embracing Cyrus in return, put on him a fine robe, did him 
honour, and decorated him with collars and bracelets ; and, 
whenever he went abroad, took him with him on a horse with 
a bridle of gold, just as he himself used to go about. Cyrus, 
being a boy fond of what was fine and honourable, was pleased 
with the robe, and extremely delighted at learning to ride ; 
for, amongst the Persians, from its being difficult to breed 
horses, and difficult even to ride in a country so mountainous, 
it is a rare thing to see a horse. 

4. Astyages, when he was supping with his daughter and 
Cyrus, and wished the boy to sup as agreeably as possible, 
that he might the less regret what he had left at home, 'had 
several dishes set before him, with sauces and meats of all 
kinds ; when, as they relate, Cyrus said, " How much trouble, 
grandfather, you hare at your meals, if you must stretch out 
your hands to all these dishes, and taste of all these kinds of 
meat!" " What, then," said Astyages, M do you not think 
this entertainment much finer than what you have in Persia ?" 
To this question Cyrus is said to have replied, " No, grand• 
father ; for with us the way to be satisfied is much plainer 
and straighter than with you ; since among us plain bread and 
aeat conduct us to that object ; you indeed pursue the same 
object with us, but, after rambling in many windings up and 
down, you at last scarcely reach the point at which we have 
arrived long before you." a. " But, child," said Astyages, 
" it is not with pain that we ramble through these windings; 
if yon taste," said he, " you will find that these things are 
pl e as a n t" " But, grandfather," said Cyrus, " I observe yoe 

1 The men of the court were accustomed to attend at the gates, 
that they might be ready, if the king wished to use their services in 
any way. So Mordecai sat at the kings gate, E»th. ii. 19. Hutch- 
■ssssv 



CH. 3.] onus's talk WITH tfTTAOl 11 

yourself show an aversion t<> tin μ dishes*" M From what do 
you gueas," inquires! Aatyagea, u thai yon express inch an 
opinion?" "Became I remark," wM be, M thai when you 
touch your bread, you do not wi|*• your band Upon anything, 
but, when you touch any one of these dishee, you immediately 
wipe your hand u|*>n your napkin, a* it' y<»u were Quite un- 
easy that it ha<l touched them• ' • . < ha recdving this answer 
Astyapt-s said, "If you thii k so, then, al least «at heartily of 

plain meat, that you may return home a stout VOUtb ;" and as 

he said this he directed various kind- of Beeh, both of tame 

and wild animate, to !>«' presented to him. Cyrus, whan he 

saw this vari«'t\ "I KM ported to have -aid, M And do 

you give me all these meats, grandfather, to d«> with them 

what 1 j t. "Yee, indeed»" mid Aatyageej "1 

make you a present of them." Then Cynis, taking of the 

several meat.-, ii mid to have distributed them to the servants 

about hi* grandfather, saying to < «ch, u 1 give thi* to yon, 

because you take pleasure in teaching me t«» ride ; this to you, 

because you gave me a javelin, for 1 have it still; thi 

because you serve my grandfather #efl ; this to yt o, because 

you honour my mother ;" and to have proceeded thus, till he 

had distributed all the meat that be had received a. Λ 

ages then said, "And d»> yon give nothing t<> this Sedan, my 

cup-bearer, whom I valoe above all?" This Sedan was a 

handsome |>or*on, and bad the hononr to introduce to I 

any that wanted to lee him, and to exclude MsCli ^ he { ^ not 

think it seasonable to admit. Cyras Upon thi- i* *aid to have 

answered rather flippantly, as a boy ft .wn bashful, 

"For what r e ifcop is it, grandfather, that yon value this 

Sacian so much f n A replied, jestingly, " IX> you not 

see," said he. "how property and gracefully he j>ours out my 

winer" For these cup-bearers to kingi perform their business 

very lrverlv; they pour in thr wine without spilling, and 

give the cup, holding it on three Angers, and presenting it In 

such a manner as to pot it moat conveniently into the hand of 

the person who is to drink. <*. M Hid the Sacian give me the 

cup, grandfather," said Cyrus, "that I aba, by gracefully 

pouring in w im* for you to drink, may gain your favour if I 

can." Astyages bade the Sedan give him the cup; and 

1 "Or» rXia σοι άπ αντύν iy'tvtro.] Μ That it wai full for you from 
them." Full, in the aen§e of dauUed, be*mcar§d. 



1 



12 Tin•: INSTITUTION 01 CTJ [ιι. ι. 

Cyrus, taking it, rinsed the cup wo well, a-> be had observed 
the Saeian to d<., settled hie countenance so gravely, and 
brought and presented the cup to hi•* grandfather so prettily, 
as to afford much laughter to his mother and Am 
Cyrus then, laughing out, leaped up to his grandfather, and, 
kissing him, cried out, M Ο Saeian, you an• undone] I will 
turn you out of your office; for I will j>our out wine better 
tluin you in other respects, and I will not drink the wine my- 
self." For these cup-hearers to kings, when they give the 
cup, dip a little out with a smaller cup, which they potir into 
their left hand and swallow ; so that, in case they mix poison 
in the cup, it may be of no profit to them. Lo. Γροη this, 
•Astyages said, joking, "And why, Cyrus, win η you imitated 
the Saeian in everything else, did not you swallow some of 
the wine?*' M Because, to say the truth," said he, " I was 
afraid there might have been poison mixed in the cup ; for, 
when you entertained your friends ιΐ|κ>η your birth-day, I 
plainly perceived that he had poured in poison for you all." 
"And how, child," said be, "did you know this?" "He- 
cause," said be, M I saw you all disordered both in mind and 
body; for, in tin* first place, what you do not allow us boys to 
do, that you did yourselves ; for you all cried out together, 
and yet could not understand each other; next you fell to 
singing very ridiculously; and, without attending to the 
singer, you swore that lie sung admirably ; then, though each 
told stories of his own strength, when you rose up and fell 
to dancing, you were not only unable to danoe properly, but 
were unable even to 'stand upright; at length, you all entirely 
forgot yourselves, you, that you were king, and they, that yon 
were their ruler; and then, for the first time, I discovered 
that it was equal liberty of speech that you were practising; 
for you never ceased to speak." π. Astyages then said, 
"Is your father, child, never intoxicated when he drinks ?" 
"No, indeed," said he. " What does he, then ?" " Why, he 
quenches his thirst, and suffers no further harm ; for I believe, 
grandfather," says he, " it is not a Saeian that pours out wine 
for him." His mother then said, " But why, child, do you 
thus make war upon the Saeian ? " Cyrus is said to have re- 
plied, "Why, indeed, because I hate him; for, very often, 
when I am desirous to run to my grandfather, this disagree- 
able fellow hinders me. But pray, grandfather," .-aid he, 



cetJ.] ctBue dtvited το way wtra lsttaqes. 13 

"allow me to have the government of bim for three day•." 
"How would you govern him ί v { :' ; 

^^ .. \\ ii the entrance, when 

he had a mind to go ill to dinner, I would tell him thnt it is 
art yet possible for bira to get bii dii ' be was 

people: 1 then, when he ram.• to snpp 
would tell bim that ' he was bathin 
eaper to ι ιΗ tell him that ' be was with the 

and so on, till I had torn». ntcd bim Μ he torment* me when 
me from you." >-'. Such enl did he iflbid 

:it meaLi ; at other times of th ' v «« 1 H• 

grandfather or his mother'e brother in want of anything 
lifficult for an) or..• to be beforehand with him in d< 
i l; for Cyrui rtremely delighted to gratify them In 

anything that laj in hia po* 

Bntwhen Matndane was preparing to return home to 
bef husband, quested her to 1 m~ with 

him. She made answer, thai she was willing to gratify her 
father in everything ; bul that Ae should think n unkind to 
leave the child hie will. 1 4. Upon this \ mid 

itay with me, in the first place, 

in shall not have the command of your mej 

but, whenevei ih to come in, it shall he in your own 

power to do bo; and the oftener you come," said he, "the 

I .hall think obliged to you. You iliall 

the ase of all my horse•, and of μ ssany m 
and, when you go ι α shall tak<- a* many of th< 

ith yon. At me*l ι shall take what» 

l» to what app are to you to be sufficien the 

animals thai are now in the park, I give tbem to you; and 
will thereof all kinds which you shall hunt when 

ride, and shall strike them down with 
, and javi frown men do. Boys 1 will 

Υ you for play! and, whs lee you may desire, it 

Υ it. vmi shall not tail to have it." I». When 
mother asked him whether he 
r go. H<• did not at alt hesitate, but 
laid would stay, And being asked by hie π 

what reason, it is said that be answered, M Because, mother, 
at home, I am, and am accounted, superior to my equals in 
throwing the javelin and in shooting with th* 



14 THB INSTITUTION OF CTRU8. [β. I. 

bow ; but here, I well know that, in horsemanship, I am in- 
ferior to the boys of my age ; and be assured, mother, this 
grieves me very much. But if you leave me here, and I 
learn to be a horseman, I conceive that when I am in Persia, 
I shall easily master them there, who are so good at all exer- 
cises on foot ; and, when I come amongst the Medea, I shall 
endeavour, by becoming the best of good horsemen for my 
grandfather's sake, to be a support to him." 

is. His mother is then reported to have said, " But how, 
child, will you be instructed here in the knowledge of justice, 
when your masters are there?" "Oh, mother," said Cyrus, 
" I understand that accurately already." " How do you know 
that?" said Mandane. "Because my teacher," said he, 
"appointed me to give judgment to others, as being very 
exact in the knowledge of justice myself. But yet," added 
he, "for not having decided rightly, in one case, I re- 
ceived some stripes, n. The case was this: A bigger boy, 
who had a little coat, taking the coat off a little boy, that 
had a larger one, put on him his own coat, and put on him- 
self the little boy's coat I, therefore, giving judgment be- 
tween them, decided that it was best that each should keep 
the coat that best fitted him. Upon this, the master beat me, 
telling me that, when I should be constituted judge of what 
fitted best, I might determine in this manner ; but thai when 
I was to judge whose the coat was, I must consider what just 
possession is ; whether he that took a thing from another by 
force should have it, or he who made it or purchased it should 
poss ess it ; and then he told me what was according to law 
was just, and that what was contrary to law was an act of 
violence ; and impressed upon me accordingly, that a judge 
ought to give his opinion in conformity with the law. So, 
mother," said he, " I understand what is just in all cases very 
exactly ; or, if I am at all deficient, my grandfather here will 
teach it me." is. "But, child," says she, "the same things 
are not accounted just with your grandfather here, and yonder 
in Persia ; for among the Medea, your grandfather has made 
himself master of all ; but amongst the Persians, it is ac- 
counted just that each should have equal rights with hi* 
neighbours. Your father is the first to execute what is ap- 
pointed by the whole state, and submits to what is appointed | 
his own inclination is not his standard of action, but the law. 



CH. 3.] CYRUS REMAINS WITH ASTYAGES. 



e 



Take care, then, that you are not beaten to death at home, if 
you come thither having learned from your grandfather not 
what belongs to a king, but what belongs to a tyrant ; an in- 
gredient in which is, to think that you yourself ought to have 
more than all others." " Oh, mother," said Cyrus, " your 
father is much better able to teach one to have less than to 
have more. Do you not see," said he, " that he has taught 
all the Medes to have less than himself? Be well assured, 
therefore, that your father will not dismiss me, nor any one, 
from about him, instructed to encroach upon others." 



CHAPTER IV. 



Cyrus remains with Astyages. His conduct, and discourses, and exercises. 
His ardour in hunting. His fear of displeasing his grandfather. His free- 
dom from envy. He assumes arms for the first time. His sagacity in the 
field when the king of Assyria's son was ravaging the country. He is 
recalled to Persia. His concern at leaying his grandfather and his other 
friends. • 

i. Many remarks of this kind did Cyrus utter. At last, 
his mother went away ; while he stayed, and was there 
brought up. He soon began to associate with those that were 
his equals in age, so as to be upon very familiar terms with 
them ; and he quickly attached their fathers to him, both by 
visiting them, and by giving evidence that he loved their chil- 
dren ; so that, if they wanted any favour of the king, they 
desired their boys to ask Cyrus to obtain it for them ; and 
Cyrus, from his benignity and love of esteem, did his utmost 
to effect their object. 2. Astyages, also, whatever Cyrus asked, 
was unable to refuse to gratify him ; for Cyrus, when his 
grandfather fell ill, never quitted him, nor ever ceased from 
tears ; and it was clearly seen by all, that he was in the ut- 
most fear lest he should die. In the night, if Astyages wanted 
anything, Cyrus was the first to perceive it, and started up, 
more nimbly than any one else, to serve him in anything that 
he thought would gratify him ; so that he gained the entire 
love of Astyages. 

3. Cyrus was, perhaps, a little over-talkative ; but this was 



16 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. I. 

partly from education ; because lie was obliged by bis master 
to give a reason for what be did, and to require reasons from 
others, when he had to give his opinion in judgment; and 
partly, because, from being very eager after knowledge, he 
was always putting questions to those about him on many 
subjects, to ascertain how such and such things were ; and, 
upon whatever subjects he was questioned by others, he gave, 
from being of a quick apprehension, very ready answers ; so 
that, from all these circumstances, loquacity was contracted by 
him. But, as in the persons of those who, while still young, 
have attained an extraordinary stature, there yet appears 
something childish, which betrays the fewness of their years, 
so, in the talkativeness of Cyrus, there was no forwardness to 
be observed, but a certain simplicity, and affectionateness of 
disposition ; so that a person was desirous rather to hear yet 
more from him than to be in his company in silence. 

4. But when time, with increase of stature, advanced him to 
the age to become a young man, he then used fewer words 
and a gentler tone of voice ; he became remarkably bashful, so 
as to blush when he came into the company of men of years ; 
and that playful dog -like habit, of running up to everybody 
alike, he no longer retained! Thus he became more quiet, 
but was still in society extremely agreeable ; for in whatever 
exercises he and his equals used to emulate each other, he did 
not challenge his companions to those in which he knew him- 
self superior, but in those in which he felt himself inferior, he 
was the first to commence declaring that he would perform 
better than they. Accordingly, he would begin vaulting upon 
the horse, shooting with the bow, or hurling the javelin on 
horseback, while he was yet scarcely able to sit on a horse ; 
and, when he was outdone, he was the first to laugh at him- 
self; 5. and as, on being unsuccessful, he did not shrink from 
attempting again the things in which he had failed, but assi- 
duously employed himself in endeavouring to do them better, 
he soon attained an equality with his companions in horse- 
manship, and, by his love cf the exercise, soon left them be- 
hind. He rapidly, too, exhausted all the beasts in the park, 
pursuing, throwing at them, and killing them, so that Astyages 
could no longer collect animals for him. Cyrus, perceiving 
that, though he was desirous, he was unable to procure many 
living creatures for him, said to him, " Why need you take so 



CH. 4.] HIS FONDNESS FOR HUNTING. 17 

much pains, grandfather, in seeking these animals ? If you 
will but send me out a hunting with my uncle, I shall consider 
that whatever beasts I see are maintained for my use." 6. 
But though he was very desirous to go out to hunt, yet he 
could not now be importunate, as when he was a boy ; but 
became more backward in going to his grandfather ; and as 
to what he had previously blamed in the Sacian, that he 
did not admit him to his grandfather, he became in this a 
Sacian to himself ; for he never went in, unless he' had ascer- 
tained whether it was convenient, and begged the Sacian, by 
all means, to signify to him when it was convenient and when 
not ; so that the Sacian now loved him extremely, as did all 
other people. 

7. When Astyages, therefore, knew that he was extremely 
desirous to hunt abroad, he sent him out with his uncle, and 
sent some older persons on horseback with him, as guards 
upon him, to take care of him in the rugged parts of the 
country, and in case any beasts of the fiercer kind should 
show themselves. Cyrus, in consequence, was very earnest 
in inquiring of those that attended him, what beasts he was 
not to approach, and what sort of animals he might confidently 
pursue. They told him, that bears had destroyed many that 
had ventured to approach them, as well as lions, wild boars, 
and leopards, but that stags, antelopes, wild sheep, and wild 
asses, were harmless creatures. They told him, likewise, that 
he must guard against rough places not less than the beasts ; 
for that many men, with their horses, had been carried head- 
long over precipices. 8. Cyrus attended to all these instruc- 
tions very readily ; but, as soon as he saw a stag leap forth, 
forgetting all that he had heard, he pursued, regarding nothing 
but which way the animal fled ; and his horse, taking a leap 
with him, fell somehow upon his knees, and very nearly threw 
him over his neck. However Cyrus, though with difficulty, 
kept upon his back, and the horse got up again. When he 
reached the open ground he hurled his javelin, and struck the 
stag down, a fine large animal ; and he was most highly de- 
lighted. But his guards, riding up to him, reproved him, 
told him into what danger he had run, and said that they 
must complain of him. Cyrus, having alighted from his horse, 
stood and listened to this with much uneasiness ; but, hearing 
a shout, he sprang on his horse, as in a sort of enthusiasm, 

VOL. II. C 



18 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. I. 

and seeing before him a boar advancing, he rode forward to 
meet it, and taking a good aim with his javelin, struck the 
boar in the forehead, and brought it down. 9. But now his 
uncle, seeing his rashness, began to reprove him. Cyrus how- 
ever, notwithstanding his uncle was finding fault with him, 
begged that he would allow him to carry off the beasts that he 
had taken, and to present them to his grandfather. To this, 
they say, his uncle replied, " But, if he learn that it is you 
that have taken them, he will not only blame you, but me, for 
allowing you to do it." " Let him even beat me," says he, " if 
he will, when I have given them to him ; and do you, if you 
will, uncle," says he, " correct me as you please ; gratify me 
only in this." Cyaxares at last said, " Do as you please ; for 
you seem now to be our king." 

10. Cyrus accordingly, carrying home the beasts, presented 
them to his grandfather, and told him that he himself had 
hunted them for him. The javelins he did not show him, but 
laid them down, covered with blood, where he thought that he 
certainly would see them. Astyages said, " Child, I receive 
with pleasure whatever you give me ; yet I am not in such 
want of any of these animals, as that you should run into 
danger for them." " If, then, you do not want them, grand- 
father," said Cyrus, " pray give them to me, that I may dis- 
tribute them to my companions." " Child," said Astyages, 
" take them, and distribute them to whom you please, and of 
everything else whatever you will." n. Cyrus, taking the 
beasts, carried them off and gave them to the boys ; and said 
to them at the same time, " Boys, what very triflers were we 
when we hunted the beasts in the park ! It seems to me the 
same as if one had hunted animals tied by the leg ; for, first, 
they were within a narrow compass of ground ; then the 
creatures were lean mangy things ; one was lame, another 
maimed ; but the beasts in the mountains and plains, how fine, 
how large, and how sleek did they appear ! The stags, as if 
they had wings, leaped to the very sky ; the boars, as they say 
brave men do, came to close quarters ; and, by reason of their 
bulk, it was impossible to miss them. These, even when they 
are dead," says he, " appear to me finer than those other wall- 
ed-up creatures when alive. But," added he, "would your 
fathers, think you, allow you to go out a hunting ? " " Yes, 
very readily," said they, "if Astyages desired it." 12. Cyrus 



CH. 4.] A GREAT HUNTING MATCH. 19 

then said, " Who is there, then, that would mention it for us 
to As ty ages ? " " Who more able," said they, " to persuade 
him than yourself? " " By Jupiter," said he, " for my part, I 
know not what kind of person I am become ; for I am neither 
able to speak, nor look up to my grandfather in the same man- 
ner as formerly ; and, if I go on at this rate, I fear," says he, 
u I shall become a mere dullard and fool ; yet, when I was 
a little boy, I was thought a wonderful talker." The boys 
then said, " You tell us a sad piece of news, if you will be 
able to do nothing for us in case of need, but, as far as 
depends on you, 1 we must make our requests to some one else." 

13. Cyrus, on hearing this remark, was annoyed, and retir- 
ing in silence, encouraged himself to venture ; and, having 
considered how he might speak to his grandfather in the least 
offensive manner, and obtain for himself and the boys what 
they desired, went in, and began thus : " Tell me," said he, 
" grandfather, if one of your domestic servants should run 
away, and you should take him again, what would you do with 
him ?" "What else," said he, '" but put him in chains, and 
force him to work ? " " But if he should of himself return to 
you, how would you act ? " " What else should I do," said 
he, " but have him whipped, that he may do so no more, and 
make use of him as at first ? " " It is time for you, then," said 
Cyrus, " to prepare a scourge to whip me, as I am contriving 
how to run away, and take my companions with me, to hunt." 
" You have done well," said Astyages, " to tell it me before- 
hand; for I now order you not to stir from home. It would 
be a fine thing, indeed," added he, " if, for the sake of a little 
venison, I should send out my daughter's son to ramble at his 
pleasure." 

14. Cyrus, hearing this, obeyed, and stayed at home ; but 
he continued affiicted, melancholy-looking, and silent. Asty- 
ages, finding that he was so extremely distressed, and being 
willing to please him, took him out to the chase ; and, assem- 
bling abundance of people, both foot and horse, and also the 
boys, and driving the beasts into that part of the country 
which was suited for riding, he made a great hunt, and being 
himself present, royally attended, gave orders that none should 
throw till Cyrus had had enough of the exercise. Cyrus how- 

1 To ίπΐ σέ.] Most of the old editions have το hiri σοι, " what is in 
your power," which is inconsistent with the context. 

c 2 



20 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. I. 

ever would not let him hinder them, but said, " If you have a 
mind, grandfather, that I should hunt with pleasure, let all those 
with me engage in the pursuit, and strive each to do his best." 
15. Astyages then gave them permission, and, taking his stand, 
saw them engage with the beasts, striving to outdo each other, 
pursuing and throwing their javelins. He was delighted with 
Cyrus, who, from excess of joy, could not hold his tongue, but, 
like a young and generous dog, cried out when he approached 
a beast, and encouraged every one by name. He was pleased 
to see him laughing at one ; another he observed him to 
praise cordially, and without the least feeling of envy. At 
last Astyages, having taken abundance of game, retired ; and, 
in other respects, was so pleased with that hunt, that he 
always went out with Cyrus whenever he could, and took 
abundance of people with him, as well as the boys, for the sake 
of Cyrus. Thus, for the most part, did Cyrus pass his time, 
contributing much pleasure and service to every one, without 
doing the least harm. 

16. But, when he was about fifteen or sixteen years of age, 
the king of Assyria's son, 1 who was about to marry, had a 
mind at that time to hunt ; and, hearing that there was plenty 
of game upon the borders of his own people and those of the 
Medes, having not been hunted because of the war, 2 he de- 

1 The king of Assyria at that time was Nabuchodonosor, or Ne- 
buchadnezzar, whose empire, besides Assyria and Babylonia, in- 
cluded Chaldaea, Arabia, Syria, and Palestine ; for on the death of 
Sardanapalus, the king of Assyria, three other kingdoms were 
formed out of his dominions, the Babylonian, Assyrian, and Me- 
dian. Astyages was then king of Media; but Esarhaddon, the 
king of Assyria, united under his rule the other two kingdoms, and 
Nebuchadnezzar was the fourth king from him, his father having 
destroyed Nineveh with the assistance of Astyages, who had be- 
trothed his daughter Amyitis to Nebuchadnezzar. He is therefore 
called by Xenophon the king of Assyria, as he is also by John Ma- 
lala, Chronogr. 190; while in the Book of Daniel he is called king 
of Babylon. The son of this Nebuchadnezzar was Evilmerodach, 
who succeeded his father. See Prideaux's Hist, of the O. and N. 
Test. p. 109. Fischer. Usher places this hunt, and* the commence- 
ment of the war to which it gave rise, in the year b. c. 581. 

2 The commentators understand the war that Nebuchadnezzar 
carried on with the Jews ; just as if Palestine had been on the con- 
fines of Media, or as if the Medes, being united in close alliance 
with the Assyrians, might not have hunted on those borders. 
Bomemann. What war is meant, is uncertain. 



CH. 4.] MEDIA INVADED Β Γ THE ASSYRIANS. 21 

sired to go thither. That he might hunt, therefore, without 
danger, he took with him a body of horse and another of light- 
armed foot, who were to drive the beasts for him out of the 
thickets into the parts that were cultivated and easy to ride 
over. Having come, therefore, to the place where their gar- 
risons were, and a guard attending, he took supper there, 
with the intention of hunting early the next morning. 17. 
But, when it was evening, a guard of horse and foot arrived 
from the city, 1 to relieve those who were there before ; and 
he accordingly thought that he had now a considerable army 
with him ; for the two parties of guards were united in 
a body, and he himself had brought with him a large number of 
both horse and foot. He conceived it best, therefore, to carry 
off some plunder from the Median territory, as this would be 
a nobler exploit than a hunt ; and he thought he should thus 
procure great abundance of beasts for sacrifice. Rising, in 
consequence, early in the morning, he led out his army. The 
foot he left in a body upon the borders ; while he himself, ad- 
vancing up to the Median garrisons with the horse, and 
keeping the best and greatest number of them with him, halted 
there, that the Medes in garrison might not give assistance to 
their countrymen against those who were to overrun the 
country ; and such as were suited for the purpose, he sent 
out in parties, some to ride one way and some another ; and 
ordered them to surround and seize whatever booty they met 
with and bring it to him. These did as they were directed. 

18. But notice being given to Astyages, that the enemy 
was in the country, he marched himself, with what forces he 
had at hand, to the borders, and his son, likewise, with such 
cavalry as were with him ; and he sent word to all his other 
forces to come and support him. When they caught sight of 
a great number of Assyrians, drawn up in a body, and their 
horses standing still, the Medes likewise came to a halt. 

Cyrus, seeing others marching out in troops to support 
their friends, went out to join the expedition himself, putting 
on his arms then for the first time ; having thought that the 
time would never come for doing so, such was his eagerness 
to equip himself with them ; for they were very fine, and fit- 
ted him very well, being those which his grandfather had 

1 Babylon is supposed to be signified. Bomemann. 



22 THE INSTITUTION OP CYRUS. [b. I. 

had made to suit his size. Having thus armed himself, he rode 
up to the rest on his horse. Astyages wondered by whose en- 
couragement he came ; however, he told him to remain near 
him. 19. Cyrus, seeing a great number of horsemen in front 
of him, " Grandfather," asked he, " are these men enemies, 
that sit there quietly on their horses ? " " They are indeed 
enemies," said he. "And are those enemies, too, that are 
riding up and down?" " Yes, and those also." "By Jove, 
then, grandfather," said he, "they seem to be wretched fel- 
lows, and mounted upon wretched horses, that are carrying off 
our property ; and ought not some of us to march against 
them ?" "But do you not see, child," said he, " what a body 
of horse stands there in close order, who, if we advance against 
the others, will intercept us ? And our full strength is not 
yet come up." " Bat," said Cyrus, " if you wait here, and 
attach to yourself those that are marching to support us, those 
of the enemy that are here will be under apprehension, and 
will not stir ; but the plunderers, should they see any troops 
marching against them, will soon relinquish their booty." 20. 
As he said this, he appeared to Astyages to say something to 
the purpose ; and, wondering to see how sagacious and vigilant 
he was, he ordered his son to take a troop of horse and march 
against the plunderers. " And I," said he, " will bear down 
upon these men that are here, if they offer to move towards 
you ; so that they shall be obliged to watch our motions." 

Cyaxares, accordingly, taking some of the strongest and 
best, both of men and horses, set forward ; and Cyrus seeing 
them start, pushed on with them, and soon, at a quick pace, 
got to the head of them. Cyaxares followed, and the rest 
were not left behind. As soon as the plunderers saw them 
approaching, they immediately quitted their booty and fled. 
21. Those that were with Cyrus intercepted them, and fell at 
once to blows with such as they overtook, and Cyrus was the 
first to attack. Those who had got the start, and were be- 
yond them, they pursued in the rear, and made no pause, but 
captured several of them. As a generous dog that has no 
experience hurries headlong without caution upon a boar, so 
Cyrus pressed forward, minding only to strike whomsoever 
he overtook, and heedless of anything else. The enemy, 
when they saw ,their people in distress, moved forward their 
main body, judging that the pursuers would discontinue their 



CH. 4.] THE ASSYRIANS REPULSED. . 23 

chase as soon as they should see them advancing. 22. Cyrus, 
notwithstanding, did not give over, but calling out to his 
uncle for joy, continued the pursuit, and, pressing on, put the 
enemy to an entire rout. Cyaxares followed, (perhaps being 
in awe of his father,) and the rest kept up behind, even those 
who would not have shown themselves very brave against 
men that had opposed them, being, on such an occasion, 
more than ordinarily eager in pursuing. Astyages, when he 
saw the one party so incautiously pursuing, and the enemy, 
in a close and regular body, marching to meet them ; fearing 
for his son and for Cyrus, lest they, in disorder, should fall in 
with the enemy prepared to receive them, and suffer some 
harm, immediately advanced against the enemy. 23. The 
enemy, as soon as they saw the Medes move forward, halted, 
presenting some their javelins, and some their bows, in ex- 
pectation that they would halt when they came within bow- 
shot, as they generally had been accustomed to do ; for within 
such a distance, when they approached nearest, 1 they would 
ride towards one another, and frequently skirmish till evening. 
But when they saw their own men in full flight towards them, 
and those with Cyrus following close upon them, and Astyages, 
with his horse, advancing within bow-shot, they gave way 
and fled before the enemy, who pursued them at full speed, 
and killed several ; they fell upon all that they overtook, whe- 
ther man or horse, and whoever fell they killed. Nor did 
they stop till they came up with the Assyrian foot ; but here, 
fearing lest some greater force than was seen might be lying 
in ambuscade, they desisted. 24. Astyages then led back his 
troops in much joy at this victory obtained by his cavalry, but 
knew not what to say to Cyrus, for he knew him to be the 
cause of the action, and saw him almost mad with excess of 
spirit ; for while the rest were retiring home, he alone, by 
himself, did nothing but ride round and gaze upon those that 
had fallen in the action. And they who were sent for the 
purpose could with difficulty tear him away and bring him to 
Astyages, while he kept his conductors constantly before him, 
because he saw the countenance of his grandfather grow exr 
tremely stern at the sight of him. 2 

1 That is, their nearest approach to each other was only within 
bow-shot. 

2 'Επί ry Qkq, ry αυτόν.'] I have given these words the sense in 



24 , THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. I. 

25. These things passed among the Medes, and not only all 
other people had Cyrus in their mouths, both in their con- 
versation and songs, but Astyages, who before had a great 
esteem for him, was now struck with extraordinary admira- 
tion of him. Cambyses, the father of Cyrus, was pleased to 
hear these things of him ; but when he heard that he was 
taking upon him the duties of a man, he recalled him home, 
that he might complete the customary education among the Per- 
sians. Cyrus is reported to have said on this occasion, " That 
he was desirous to return, lest his father should be dissatisfied 
and his country should blame him." It appeared necessary, 
therefore, for Astyages to send him home ; and he accordingly 
let him depart, presenting him with such horses as he desired 
to have, and bestowing on him many other presents, both be- 
cause he had a great affection for him, and because he enter- 
tained • the strongest hopes that he would prove a man 
thoroughly able to do service to his friends, and give trouble 
to his enemies. 

All the people waited upon Cyrus at his departure, both 
boys, youth, men, and those in years, on horseback ; as did 
also Astyagee himself; and they said that not one turned 
back without shedding tears. 26. It is said, too, that Cyrus 
himself shed many tears at parting ; that he distributed many 
presents among his companions and equals in age, out of the 
gifts which Astyages had given him ; and that, at last, taking 
off the Median robe that he had on, he gave it to a certain 
youth, thus showing that he loved him the most of all. It is 
told that those who had taken and accepted of these presents, 
returned them to Astyages, and that Astyages on receiving 
them, sent them to Cyrus, but that he sent them back again 
to the Medes, with a message to this effect : " Ο grand- 
father ! if you would have me return hither again to you 
without shame, let every one keep what I have given him ; " 
and that Astyages, hearing this, did as Cyrus had entreated 
him to do. 

27. But, if I may be allowed to relate an amusing occur- 
rence, it is said, that when Cyrus was going away, and they 
were parting from one another, his relations took leave of 

which they are usually taken. Weiske and Bornemann think that 
they refer to Cyrus's contemplation of the dead bodies of the Assyri- 
ans, just before mentioned. 



CH. 4.] CYRUS RETURNS TO PERSIA. 25 

him with a kiss, according to the Persian custom ; for the Per- 
sians retain the practice to this day ; and that a certain Mede, 
a person of handsome figure and excellent character, stood for 
a long time astonished, as it were, at the beauty of Cyrus ; 
and that, when he saw Cyrus's relations kiss him, he stayed 
behind, and when the rest were gone, accosted Cyrus, and 
said to him, " And am I, Cyrus, the only one of all your re- 
lations that you do not know ? " " What ! " said Cyrus, 
"and are you a relation ?" " Yes," said he. " This was the 
reason, then," said Cyrus, " that you used to gaze at me ; for 
I recollect that you frequently did so." " For 1 was very de- 
sirous," said he, " to salute you, but, by the gods, was always 
ashamed to do it." " But," said Cyrus, " you, that are a re- 
lation, ought not to have been so," and at the same time went 
up to him and kissed him. 28. The Mede having received 
the kiss, is said to have asked this question : " And is it a 
custom also among the Persians to kiss relations ? " " It is," 
said Cyrus, " when they see one another after some length 
of time, or are going away from one another." " It must be 
certainly time, then," said the Mede, " for you to kiss me 
again ; for, as you see, I am going away." So Cyrus, kissing 
him again, took leave of him, and went his way. They had 
not gone very far before the Mede came up with him again, 
with his horse in a sweat ; and Cyrus, observing him, said, 
" Have you forgotten anything that you intended to say to 
me?" " No, by Jove ! " said he, " but I am returning after 
some length of time." " Dear kinsman," said he, "it is cer- 
tainly a very short length." "How a short one?" said the 
Mede: " do you not know, Cyrus," added he, "that the very 
time I am winking appears to me extremely long, because I 
do not then see you, who are so lovely?" Here Cyrus, from 
being before in tears, burst out into laughter, and bade him 
go his way cheerfully, as in a short time he would be with 
them again ; so that he would be at liberty to look at him, if 
he pleased, without winking. ι 



26 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. | B. I. 



CHAPTER V. 

Cyrus, on returning to Persia, continues another year in the class of boys. 
His conduct in the class of youth. His superiority over his companions. 
His appointment to command against the Assyrians. His troops assem- 
bled. His address to his officers. 

1. Cyrus, returning thus into Persia, is said to have con- 
tinued a year longer amongst the boys. At first they made 
jests upon him, as if he had returned to them after learning to 
be luxurious among the Medes. But when they saw that he 
dressed as they did ; that he drank as they did, and with 
pleasure ; and observed that whenever, at a festival, there 
were any delicacies, he was more ready to give part of his 
share away than to wish for any addition to it, and perceived 
him also in other respects superior to themselves, they then, 
such as were of his own age, paid him great deference. And 
when he had passed through the discipline of these years, and 
entered the class of youth, he appeared among them again 
superior to the rest, both in practising what was fit, in steady 
perseverance, in respect to his elders, and in obedience to his 
governors. 

2. In process of time, Astyages died in Media, and his son 
Cyaxares, brother to Cyrus's mother, succeeded to the throne 
of the Medes. The king of Assyria, at the same time, hav- 
ing overthrown all the ' Syrians, a numerous nation, and 
having made the king 1 of the Arabians his subject, having 
also the Hyrcanians under his dominion, and being employed 
in reducing the Bactrians, considered that, if he could break 
the power of the Medes, Tie should easily obtain the dominion 
of all the people around ; for the Medes seemed to be the 
strongest of all the neighbouring nations. 3. He accord- 
ingly sent to all those that were subject to him, to Croesus 
king of Lydia, to the king of Cappadocia, to both the Phry- 
gians, to the Paphlagonians, Indians, Carians, and Cilicians, 
not only loading the Medes and Persians with' reproach, but 
saying 2 how great, how powerful, and how united in interest, 

1 He is called Aragdus, ii. 1. 5. 

2 It seems necessary to insert with Bornernann τα δε και before 
λέγων in this passage ; the words are found in one manuscript, as 



CH. 5.] CYRUS CHOSEN TO COMMAND. 27 

these two nations were, and how they had made intermar- 
riages with each other, and were likely, if he did not prevent 
them and break their power, to subdue all the neighbouring 
nations by attacking them one after another. Some, being 
persuaded by these arguments, entered into an alliance with 
him ; and others were prevailed upon by money and presents ; 
for of these he had abundance. 

4. Cyaxares, the . son of Astyages, when he became aware 
of this design, and the preparations of those uniting against 
him, immediately made the utmost preparations that he was 
able, to oppose them. He sent to the Persians, both to the 
public council, and to Cambyses who was married to his 
sister, and was king of Persia ; and he sent likewise to Cyrus, 
desiring him to endeavour to come as commander of the 
forces, if the public council of the Persians should send any ; 
for Cyrus, by this time, had completed ten years amongst the 
youth, and was now ranked among the full-grown men. 

5. As Cyrus was willing to undertake the charge, the 
elders, in council, chose him commander of the expedition 
into Media. They gave him power to choose two hundred 
from amongst the Equals-in -honour ; ] and to each of these 
two hundred they gave power to choose four of their own 
order. These altogether made a thousand ; and to each of 
these thousand they gave permission to choose, from amongst 
the common people of Persia, ten peltasts, ten slingers, and 
ten archers. Thus there were ten thousand archers, ten 
thousand peltasts, and ten thousand slingers ; and there were 
the thousand besides. So great was the army that was given to 
Cyrus. 6. But as soon as he was chosen, he began by address- 
ing himself to the gods ; and, having sacrificed with good 
omen, he then chose the two hundred ; and, when these had 
afterwards chosen each their four, he assembled them to- 
gether, and spoke to them, for the first time, to the following 
effect : 

7. " Friends, I have chosen you, not as having now first 

Fischer observes. To make oi dk και δώροις the apodosis to τα μεν 
δια€άλλων, when οι μίν intervenes, seems much too forced. 

1 Ύών 6μοτίμων.~\ The ομότιμοι were sons of the higher class of 
Persians, who could afford to have their children well educated ; 
they are opposed here to 6 δήμος των ΤΙερσών. Xenophon, when he 
adopted this term, seems to have had in his mind (as Schneider ob- 
serves ad Hellen. iii. 3. 5) the Lacedaemonian όμοιοι. 



28 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. I. 

had proof of your worth, but as having seen you, from boy- 
hood, performing, with ardour, all things that the state judges 
honourable, and avoiding entirely whatever it considers dis- 
graceful. I would now make known to you, for what reasons 
I, not unwillingly, have devoted myself to this undertaking, 
and why I have called you together. 8. I have considered 
that our forefathers were in no respect inferior to ourselves. 
They passed their time, at least, in the constant practice of 
what are thought virtuous employments ; but what benefit, 
with such a character, they acquired either for the common- 
wealth of Persia, or for themselves, I cannot yet discover. 9. 
Yet I conceive that no virtue is practised by mankind, with a 
view that those who thus become deserving characters may 
have no advantage over the worthless. They who abstain 
from present pleasures, do not abstain that they may never 
have any enjoyment, but order their conduct thus, that, by 
means of their present abstinence, they may, in future, 
have manifold more enjoyments. Those who are desirous to 
be able speakers, do not exercise themselves in the art, that 
they may never cease haranguing, but in hopes that, by pre- 
vailing upon men by the power of their eloquence, they 
may effect many objects of great consequence. They who 
exercise themselves in martial affairs, do not labour in them 
that they may never cease fighting ; but they judge that, by 
making themselves skilful in military matters, they shall ac- 
quire great riches, great happiness, and great honours, to 
themselves and to their country, ίο. And, if any have taken 
pains in such pursuits, and have allowed themselves to become 
disabled by old age before they reaped any fruits from them, 
they appear to me to have acted like a person, who, desiring 
to be a good husbandman, and sowing and planting with skill, 
should, when the time came for gathering the fruits, let them 
fall ungathered to the ground again. Or if a wrestler, after 
long exercise, and becoming qualified for victory, should pass 
his days without entering the lists, he could not, I think, 
justly be acquitted of folly. n. Let us not, friends, incur 
such a fate ; but, since we are conscious to ourselves that 
from boyhood we have exercised ourselves in honourable and 
worthy pursuits, let us march against the enemy, whom I well 
know, from having myself seen them, to be far too unskilled 
to contend with us. For those are not very powerful antagon- 



CH. 5.] CYRUS ADDRESSES HIS TROOPS. 29 

ists, who, though they may manage their bows, their javelins, 
and their horses with skill, yet, if they have to undergo toil, 
sink beneath it ; and these men, with respect to labour, are 
utterly inexperienced. Nor are those powerful antagonists, 
who, when they have to submit to want of sleep, are over- 
come by it ; and, with respect to want of sleep, these men are 
wholly unpractised. Nor are those powerful antagonists, 
who, though able in all these respects, yet are ignorant how 
to deal with allies or enemies ; and these men are evidently 
ignorant of these most important arts. 12. But you can make 
use of the night, as others of the day ; you regard toils as 
guides to a life of pleasure ; you make hunger the sauce to 
your food ; you drink water more readily than lions ; l and you 
have cherished in your minds the noblest and most warlike 
quality in the world ; for you rejoice in obtaining praise more 
than in all other things beside ; and they that are lovers of 
praise, must of necessity possess the qualities for attaining it, 2 
and must therefore submit to every labour, and every danger, 
with pleasure. 

13. If I should express myself thus concerning you, while 
I apprehend that the case may be otherwise, I should but be 
guilty of self-deception ; for whatever point in your character 
shall fail of being such as I represent, the deficiency will be 
felt by me. But I trust that, through your experience, your 
good-will towards me, and the folly of our enemies, these good 
hopes will not deceive me. Let us then set forward with 
confidence, since the appearance of desiring to possess other 
men's property unjustly is far from us ; for our enemies are 
coming upon us, being themselves the aggressors in wrong ; 
and our friends call us to their assistance. What then is more 
just than to repel injuries, or more noble than to assist 
friends ? 14. I consider, too, that you ought to derive courage 
from this circumstance, that I do not enter upon this expedi- 
tion with neglect of the gods ; for you, who have conversed 
much with me, know that I endeavour to begin not great 
affairs only, but even small ones, with the sanction of the 
deities." In conclusion he said, " What more need I add ? 
Make choice of your men, take them under your care, and 
making all other necessary arrangements, proceed to join the 
Medes ; I, after having returned to my father, will go before 

1 Lions are said seldom or never to pass water without drinking. 

2 Κτάσ^αι τα αίτια.'] These words are wanting in many editions. 



30 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. I. 

you, that having learned, as soon as possible, the condition of 
the enemy, I may make preparations for you as well as I 
can, that, under the favour of heaven, we may carry on this 
war with the highest honour." The men did as Cyrus sug- 
gested. 



CHAPTER VI. 



Cyrus's prayers for a prosperous expedition. He is accompanied by his 
father to the borders of Media. His father's discourse with him on the 
art of war. 

i. Cyrus, after returning home, and making his supplica- 
tions to Vesta, to Jupiter Patrius, and to the other deities, 
set out upon the expedition, and his father attended him on 
his way. As soon as they were out of the house, propitious 
lightning and thunder is said to have occurred. When this 
had taken place, they went on without seeking further augu- 
ries, as if these signals of the greatest of the gods could be 
misunderstood by no one. 2. As Cyrus proceeded on his jour- 
ney, his father began to discourse with him in this manner : 

" That the gods send you forth propitiously and favourably, 
is evident, my son, both from the sacrifices and from the signs 
from heaven ; and you yourself know it to be so ; for I have 
purposely taught you these things, that you might not learn 
what the gods advise from other interpreters ; but that you 
yourself, seeing what is to be seen, and hearing what is to be 
heard, might understand for yourself, and not be in the power 
of augurs, if they should wish to deceive you by telling you 
something different from what is signified by the gods ; and 
that moreover, in case you should be without an augur, you 
might not be at a loss how to profit by the divine signals, but 
understanding, by your knowledge in divination, the advice 
given you by the gods, you might follow it." 3. " And I will 
continue to take care, father," said Cyrus,. "as far as I can, 
according to your instructions, that the gods, being propitious 
to us, may be willing to give us their advice ; for I remember 
to have once heard you remark, that the most likely person to 
obtain favour from the gods, as well as from men, is not he, 
who, when he is in distress, flatters them servilely, but he 
who, when he is most prosperous, is most mindful of them. 



CH. 6.] DISCOURSE OF CYRUS WITH CYAXARES. 31 

And you used to say, that it was in the same manner that we 
ought to cultivate friends." 4. " Accordingly, my son," said 
he, "in consequence of this care, you now approach the gods 
to make your requests with the more pleasure, and have better 
hopes of obtaining what you ask, because you feel conscious 
that you have never neglected them." " Certainly, father," 
said he,-" I feel so disposed towards the gods, as to account 
them my friends." 5. " And do you remember those other 
opinions, my son," said he, "in which we heretofore agreed ? 
that, in all things that the gods bestow, such men as have ac- 
quired knowledge of them succeed better in them than they 
who are ignorant ; that the laborious succeed better than the 
idle ; that the diligent live with more security than the care- 
less ; and that, therefore, first rendering ourselves such as we 
ought to be, we should then make our prayers to the gods for 
their blessings." 6. "Yes, indeed," said Cyrus, "I remember 
to have heard such remarks from you ; and I was forced to 
assent to your reasoning ; for I know you used to say, that it 
was absolute impiety, for such as had never learned to ride, 
to supplicate the gods for victory in a battle of cavalry ; or 
for such as had not learned the use of the bow, to ask for 
superiority, in archery, over those who understood it ; or for 
such as knew not how to steer, to pray that they might pre- 
serve ships as pilots; or for such as have not sown corn, to 
pray that they might have a good crop of it ; or for such as 
are not watchful in war, to pray for safety ; for that all such 
things were contrary to the laws of the gods ; and you said, 
that such as made impious prayers, would probably meet with 
disappointments from the gods, as those would fail of success 
with men, who should desire things contrary to human laws." 
7. " And have you forgotten, my son," said he, " those other 
matters on which you and I used once to discourse ? As, that 
it was a great and noble work for a man to be able to take 
care that he himself should be a good and honourable charac- 
ter, and that both himself and his family should have plenty of 
all things necessary ; and this being allowed to be a great work, 
that to understand how to govern other men, so that they may 
have all things necessary in abundance, and so that they may 
all be such as they ought to be, this seemed to us to be indeed 
an astonishing work ! " 8. " Yes, truly, father," said he, " I 
remember that you said this, and it appeared also to me, that 



32 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. I. 

to govern well was a work of the highest nature." " And I con- 
tinue now," added Cambyses, " to hold the same opinion, when 
I turn my thoughts to consider the duty of a ruler. But when 
I look to other men, and contemplate what sort of characters 
they are that continue to rule, and what kind of men are to be 
our antagonists, I think it altogether disgraceful to fear such 
people, and to be unwilling to go forth and engage them ; 
men/' said he, " who, to begin with these friends of ours, think 
that a governor ought to be distinguished from those that he 
governs, by faring more sumptuously, by having more gold in 
his house, by sleeping longer, and by living, in all respects, 
more at ease than those whom he governs. But my opinion 
is," continued he, "that a governor ought to diifer from the 
governed, not by a life of ease, but by forethought, and by his 
readiness to undergo labour. 9. There are some points, how- 
ever, my son, in which you will not have to contend with men, 
but with circumstances, which it may not be easy satisfactorily 
to overcome. You are aware, for instance, that if the army 
have not provisions, your command will be immediately at an 
end." " Accordingly, father," said he, " Cyaxares says, that 
he will supply them to all that go from hence, however great 
the number be." " You go then, my son," said he, " trusting 
in these matters to Cyaxares's riches ? " "I do," said Cyrus. 
" Do you know then," said he, " what those riches are ? " 
" No, truly," said Cyrus, " I do not." " You trust then," said 
he, " to what is unknown to you. But do you not know that 
you will be in want of many things, and that you must now 
expend many additional sums ? " " I do know it," said Cy- 
rus. " If money, then," said he, " should fail him, or he 
should purposely deal falsely by you, how will the affairs of 
the army stand ? It is plain that they will not stand very 
well." " But, father," added he, " if you know any means of 
obtaining supplies, and such as may depend upon myself, make 
them known to me, whilst I am yet upon friendly ground." 
10. " Do you ask, my son," said he, "if there be any means of 
supply depending upon yourself ? And upon whom are sup- 
plies more likely to depend, than upon one who has power in 
his hands ? You go from hence with a body of foot in ex- 
change for which I know that you would not take any other 
many times as numerous ; and you will have the Median 
cavalry, who are an excellent body of men, to support you. 



en. 6.] ctrus's discourse with cambyses. 33 

What nation is there then, of all those round about, that is 
not likely to serve you both from a desire to gain your favour, 
and for fear of receiving harm ? These matters you ought to 
settle with Cyaxares, that nothing of what is necessary for 
you may ever be wanting ; and, for the sake of habit, you 
ought to devise means of obtaining supplies. But, above all 
things, remember never to delay procuring supplies till neces- 
sity forces you ; but, while you have the greatest plenty, and 
before you come to want, contrive methods of replenishing ; 
for you will obtain more readily from those, from whom you 
ask, when you seem not to be in want ; and you will besides 
be blameless in the eyes of your own men. By this means, 
likewise, you will gain more respect from others ; and if you 
wish to do good or harm to any, your men, while they are supplied 
with all that they want, will do you better service ; and you 
will be able, be assured, to utter far more persuasive words, 
when you can show that you are able to do service or injury." 
11. "You appear to me, father," said Cyrus, "to make all 
these remarks with justice, both for other reasons, and be- 
cause none of the soldiers will feel gratitude to me, for what 
they are now to receive ; for they know upon what terms 
Cyaxares takes them as allies ; but whatever any of them 
may receive in addition to what is stipulated, they will esteem 
a favour ; and it is natural that they should pay the greatest 
gratitude to the bestower of it. Indeed, that a man should 
have a force, by means of which, through doing service to his 
friends, he may receive benefit in return, and endeavour to 
take vengeance on his enemies, and should then be careless in 
securing supplies, — do you think," said he, " that such conduct 
would be at all less disgraceful, than it would be for a man 
to have lands, and servants by whose labour he might keep 
them in a state of cultivation, and yet to suifer the soil to 
lie fallow and unprofitable ? Be assured, therefore," added 
he, " that both in the territory of friends and of enemies, I 
shall never neglect to devise means of supplying my men 
with everything necessary." 

12. " Do you also remember certain other points, my son," 
said he, " that it once appeared to us necessary not to neg- 
lect ? " " Do I not remember," replied Cyrus, "'when I came 
to you for money to give a man, who pretended to have taught 
me the art of commanding an army, and you, as you gave me 

VOL. π. d 



34 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. I. 

the money, asked me, ' Child,' said you, ' did this man, to 
whom you carry this remuneration, ever, amongst the qualifi- 
cations of a general, mention anything of military economy 
to you ? for soldiers in an army,' you observed, ' are not less 
in want of necessary supplies, than domestics in a family ; ' 
and when, telling you the truth, I said that he had not made 
the least mention of it, you asked me again, ' Whether he had 
said anything to me concerning the health and strength of 
the men ? as a general ought to attend to these things, as well 
as to the conduct of troops in the field.' 13. When I answered 
this question in the negative, you again asked me, ' Whether 
he had taught me any arts by which my allies 1 might be ren- 
dered excellent at their several military duties?' and when I 
said ' No ' to this too, you inquired again, < Whether he had 
given me any instruction how I might put spirit into an 
army ? ' for you said, £ that, in every undertaking, spirit 
differed in the greatest possible degree from despondency.' 
When I answered this too in the negative, you inquired 
again, e Whether he had said anything to instruct me about 
obedience in an army, and how a commander might best con- 
trive to produce it.' 14. When this also appeared to have 
been entirely omitted, you at last inquired of me, ' what then 
he had taught me, that he should say that he had taught me 
the art of commanding an army ?' I then replied that 'he 
had taught me tactics ; ' when you, laughing, remarked to me, 
recapitulating each particular that you had mentioned, what 
benefit could there be to an army from tactics without provi- 
sions, or without health, or without a knowledge of the arts 
invented for conducting a war, 2 or without obedience ? When 
you had thus made it evident to me, that tactics were but a 
small part of generalship, and I asked you, whether you were 
able to teach me any of these matters, you bid me go and dis- 
course with men that were reputed knowing in military affairs, 
and inquire of them how all such things were managed. 15. 
Upon this, I conversed with such as I had heard were expe- 
rienced in these particulars. With regard to provisions, I 

1 Σύμμαχοι.] Or this word may rather mean commilitones, fellow- 
soldiers, such as were not of the ομότιμοι, but of the lower order. 

2 Poppo suspects that the words τί δ'άνεν τον προ$υμ'ιαν 'έχειν, " or 
what (benefit) without spirit (or alacrity)," have been lost out of 
the text, as they seem to be requisite in order to make the passage 
fully correspond to what precedes. Bornemann agrees with him. 



ch. 6.] cyrus's discourse with cambyses. 35 

was persuaded that what Cyaxares was going to give us 
would be sufficient. With respect to health, having heard 
and observed, that cities that want health choose physicians ; 
and that commanders, for the sake of their men, take physi- 
cians with them ; so I, when I was placed in this command, 
immediately attended to this point, and, I believe, father," 
said he, " that I have men with me that are very skilful in 
the art of physic," 16. To this the father replied: "But, 
my son, these men that you mention are like menders of torn 
clothes ; for so, when people are sick, physicians cure them ; 
but your care of health is to be of a nobler kind than this ; 
for you ought to make it your study that the army may never 
be diseased at all." 

" By taking what course, then, father," said he, " shall I be 
able to do this ? " " Why," replied Cambyses, " if you are to 
stay some time in the same place, you ought not to be careless 
in choosing a healthy spot for a camp ; and in this you will not 
be deceived if you but give your attention to it; for men are 
continually talking of unhealthy and healthy places, and in each 
kind of places the persons and complexion of the inhabitants 
are sure indications of their nature. But it will not be suf- 
ficient for you to look to places only, but you must remem- 
ber by what means you have endeavoured to take care of your- 
self, so as to continue in health." 17. Cyrus then observed, 
" In the first place, I study never to overload my stomach, for 
it is hurtful ; and what goes into me I work off by exercise. 
By this means, health seems to me to be better retained, 
and vigour to be acquired." " In the same manner therefore, 
my son," said he, " you must take care of others." " And 
will the soldiers have leisure," said he, " father, to exercise 
themselves?" "There will not only be leisure," said the 
father, " but necessity ; for an army that will do its duty must 
never be unemployed, either in distressing the enemy or 
securing some advantage for itself. It is a difficult matter 
for a single man to be maintained idle, and yet more difficult 
for a whole family ; but most difficult of all is it to maintain an 
army in idleness. For in an army there are many eaters, who 
go out with very small supplies, and consume most lavishly 
whatever they may capture ; so that an army ought never to 
be idle." 18. "You say, father, as it seems to me," said he, 
" that as there is no good in an idle husbandman, so there is 

d 2 



36 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. I. 

no good in an idle general. But, unless some god render vain 
my endeavours, I take it upon me to show you a diligent and 
active general, and soldiers well supplied with all things ne- 
cessary, and to take care that they shall be in the best condition. 
But, with respect to the practice of the several military arts, 
father, it appears to me," said he, " that he who should estab- 
lish games for the several sorts of troops, and propose prizes, 
would make them exercise themselves best, so that he would 
be able to make use of men practised in every department 
whenever he had need of them." "You say very well,, my 
son," said he, " for by doing so, you will, be assured, see the 
several divisions of your men, like sets of dancers, always 
performing their proper parts." 

19. " And then," said Cyrus, " with respect to putting 
spirit into the soldiers, nothing seems to me more effectual, 
than to be able to give the men great hopes of advantage." 
"But," said he, " my son, this expedient is just as if any one 
in hunting should always encourage the dogs with the call 
which he uses when he has the beast in view ; for at first, I 
know, he would find them very ready to attend to him, but, 
if he often deceived them, they would at last give no attention 
to him even when he called them with the beast in sight. 
It is the same with respect to these hopes ; if any one should 
disappoint men often, after raising in them expectations of 
advantage, he would at last be unable to prevail over them, 
even when he spoke to them of hopes ever so well grounded. 
But, my son," continued he, "you must be cautious of saying 
anything that you do not certainly know ; sometimes others, 
saying it, may produce the same effect ; your own encourage- 
ment you must preserve in credit as much as possible for the 
greatest emergencies." "Indeed, father," said Cyrus, "in 
my opinion, you say well, and to act thus is to me the more 
agreeable method. 

20. "But, as to rendering the soldiers obedient, I think 
myself, father, not wholly unskilled in that particular ; for 
from my boyhood you taught me discipline, obliging me to be 
obedient to you ; you then committed me to teachers, and 
they acted similarly ; and when I was classed aiqong the 
youth, our officer took strict care as to that point ; and the 
greater number of laws appear to me to teach chiefly these 
two things, how to govern, and how to obey : and, on reflect- 



ch. 6.] cyrus's discourse with cambyses. 37 

ing upon these matters, I think I understand that what ex- 
cites most to obedience among all men is to praise and honour 
the obedient, and to disgrace and punish the disobedient." 

21. "This is indeed the way, my son," said he, "to make 
them obey you through necessity ; but to what is far better 
than this, to have them obey you willingly, there is another 
readier way ; for whomsoever men think to be more know- 
ing than themselves in what is for their good, him they obey 
with the utmost pleasure. You may see that this is so in the 
case of many other people, and particularly in that of the sick, 
for you observe how readily they call in such as may pre- 
scribe what they ought to do ; how readily at sea, too, the 
people that are on board obey their pilots ; and how anxious 
people are not to be left behind by such as they think know 
roads better than themselves ; but when men think that they 
shall incur any harm by obedience, they are not at all willing 
either to submit to punishments or be encouraged by rewards; 
for no one willingly takes even a reward to his own prejudice." 

22. " You say, then, father," said he, " that nothing is more 
effectual to render men obedient than to appear to be wiser 
than those under command." " I do say so," said he. " And 
how, father," said he, " will a person be best able to raise such 
an opinion of himself?" "My son," replied he, " there is no 
readier way to appear wise in things in which you desire to 
appear so, than to be in reality wise in those things ; and if 
you look to particulars, you will find that what I say is true. 
For if you would appear a good agriculturist, a good horse- 
man, a good physician, a good player on the flute, or anything 
else whatsoever, when you really are not so, consider how 
many contrivances you must use in order to make such an 
appearance. And if you should prevail with a great many 
people to commend you, that you may gain a reputation, and 
should procure fine instruments belonging to each of those 
arts, you would but deceive for a time, and soon after, 
when you came to give proof of your skill, you would be ex- 
posed, and appear a mere boaster." 23. " But how can a 
person become really knowing in what will be of future ad- 
vantage?" " Plainly, my son," replied Cambyses, " by learn- 
ing everything that he can acquire by learning, as you have 
learned tactics ; but, with respect to what is not to be learned 
with the aid of men, or ascertained by human foresight, you 



38 THE INSTITUTION OP CYRUS. [b. I, 

would become more knowing than others, by inquiring of the 
gods by means of augury, and whatever you find most proper to 
be done, taking care that it be done ; for to see to the execu- 
tion of what is proper, is the part of a man of superior pru- 
dence, rather than to neglect it." 

24. " But," said Cyrus, " as to being beloved by those that 
are under command, a point which seems to me to be among 
those of most importance, it is evident, that the way is the same 
which any one would take who should desire to be loved by 
his friends ; for I know very well that he ought plainly to 
appear of service to them." " But, my son," said he, " it is 
a matter of great difficulty to be always able to serve those 
that we would wish to serve ; but to be observed to rejoice 
with them if any good fortune befalls them, and to grieve 
with them if anything ill happens ; to appear zealous to assist 
them in their distresses, afraid lest they should miscarry in 
anything, and anxious to provide that they may not miscarry, 
these are the respects in which you should show sympathy 
with them. 1 25. And, in action, if it be summer, the commander 
ought to be observed to bear more heat, and if it be winter, 
more cold, and in great fatigues, more exertion, than others ; 
for all these things contribute to his being beloved by those 
that are under his government." "You say then, father," 
said he, " that a commander ought in everything to show 
himself more capable of endurance than those whom he com- 
mands." " I do say so," said he ; " but be of good courage, 
my son, as to this particular ; for, be assured that, with like 
bodies, the same labours do not equally affect the commander 
and the private man ; glory, and the consciousness that, what- 
ever he does, his acts are -not concealed, make toils lighter to 
the commander." 

26. "But when the soldiers, father, are supplied with all 
things necessary, when they are in health, and able to under- 
go labour, when they are well exercised in all the military arts, 
when they are ambitious to appear brave men, and when 
obedience is more pleasing to them than the contrary ; would 
not that commander be wise, in your opinion, who should then 
desire, upon the first opportunity, to bring them to an engage- 
ment with the enemy?" "Yes, truly," said he, "provided 

1 ΣνμπαρομαρτεΧν.^ " To go along with." 



ch. 6.] cyrus's discourse with cambyses. 39 

that he was likely to have the superiority ; but if otherwise, 
the better I thought of myself, and the better I thought of my 
men, the more should I guard my advantages ; just as we en- 
deavour to secure other things, which we think of the greatest 
value to us, in the safest manner." 

27. " By what means then, father," said he, " would a com- 
mander be best able to get the advantage of the enemy ? " 
" Truly, my son," said he, " this is no contemptible or simple 
business about which you inquire. But be assured that he 
who is to do this must be full of wiles, a dissembler, crafty, 
deceitful, a thief, and a robber, and an encroacher upon the 
enemy in every way." Cyrus, laughing, cried out, " Ο 
Hercules ! what sort of a man, father, do you say that I must 
be ? " " Such a one, my son," said he, " as may yet have the 
strictest regard to justice and law." 28. " Why, then," said 
he, " while we were boys, and while we were youths, did 
you teach us the direct contrary ?" " So indeed we do still," 
said he, " with respect to friends and fellow- citizens. But 
were you not aware that you learned a great many mischievous 
arts in order that you might be able to do harm to your ene- 
mies ? " α I was not, father," said he. " For what purpose, 
then," said he, " did you learn to use the bow, and to throw 
the javelin ? For what purpose did you learn to deceive wild 
boars with nets and trenches, and stags with snares and gins ? 
What is the reason that, in your encounters with lions, bears, 
and leopards, you did not put yourself upon an equal footing 
with them, but endeavoured to contend against them with 
every advantage ? Do you not know that these are all mis- 
chievous artifices, deceits, subtleties, and circumventions ? " 

29. "Yes, certainly," said Cyrus, " against beasts; but if I 
were discovered attempting to deceive a man, I remember that 
I used to receive a good many stripes for it." " Nor did we, 
I think," said he, " allow you to shoot with the bow, or hurl 
a javelin, at a man ; but we taught you to throw at a mark, 
that you might not, at that time, do mischief to your friends, 
but that if war should happen, you might be able to take your 
aim at men. We instructed you, also, to practise deceit, and 
to take advantage, not upon men, but upon beasts, that you 
might not hurt your friends by these means, but that, if a war 
should ever happen, you might not be unpractised in them." 

30. " Then," said he, " father, if it be of use to know both 



40 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. I. 

how to do men good, and how to do them harm, you should have 
taught us how to practise both these arts upon men." 31. " My 
son," said he, " in the time of our forefathers, there is said to 
have been a certain teacher of youth, who, just as you desire, 
taught the boys both justice and injustice ; l to lie and not to 
lie ; to deceive and not to deceive ; to calumniate and not to 
calumniate ; to take advantage and not to take advantage. 
And he distinguished which of these was to be practised to- 
wards friends, and which towards enemies, and, proceeding yet 
further, taught that it was even just to deceive friends for their 
good, and to steal the property of friends for their good. 32. 
In giving these instructions, he was obliged to exercise the 
boys one against another in the practice of them, as they say 
that the Greeks teach boys to deceive in wrestling, and exercise 
them in it one against another, so that they may be able to 
put it in practice. Some, accordingly, being naturally quali- 
fied to deceive artfully, and artfully to take advantage, and, 
perhaps, not naturally unqualified to pursue profit for them- 
selves, did not refrain from using their endeavours to take 
advantage even of their friends. 33. In consequence, a decree 
was made, which we yet observe, that we should teach the 
boys simply, as we teach our servants in their behaviour 
towards us, to tell truth, not to deceive, not to take advant- 
age ; and that if they transgress in these things, we should 
punish them, in order that, being accustomed to this conduct, 
they may become more tractable citizens. 34. But when they 
arrived at the age to which you are now come, it appeared to 
be safe to teach them also what is lawful with respect to ene- 
mies, for, having been bred together with a regard for each 
other, you did not seem likely to break out afterwards so as 
to become lawless citizens; just as before very young people 
we avoid discoursing on amatory subjects, lest license be- 
ing added to strong desire, they should indulge their pas- 
sions to excess." 35. " To me, therefore," said he, " father, 
as being a very late learner of these artifices, do not refuse to 
communicate them, if you know means by which I may take 
advantage of the enemy." " As far as is in your power, then," 
said he, " contrive, with your own men in the best order, to 

1 The words και άδικίαν are inserted in Hutchinson's text, from a 
conjecture of Leunclavius. Subsequent editors have omitted them, 
but I have thought it well to express them in the translation. 



ch. 6.] cyrus's discourse with cambyses. 41 

take the enemy in disorder; the enemy unarmed, with your 
own men armed ; the enemy sleeping, with your own men 
waking ; the enemy exposed to you, yourself being concealed 
from them ; and you will then, while you are yourself in se- 
curity, surprise them in the midst of difficulties." 36. "And 
how," said he, "can a leader possibly surprise the enemy 
making such mistakes as these ? " " Because, my son," re- 
plied Cambyses, " both the enemy and yourself must of neces- 
sity afford many opportunities of this kind ; for you must both 
get provisions ; you must both necessarily have rest ; in the 
morning you must almost all, at the same time, retire on ne- 
cessary occasions ; and in your marches, you must m#ke use 
of such roads as there happen to be : considering all these 
things, in whatever part you know yourself to be the weak- 
est, in that you must be the most watchful ; and in whatever 
part you observe the enemy to be most assailable, in that you 
must attack him." 

37. " Is it then in these things only," said Cyrus, " that it is 
possible to take advantages, or may it be done in others ? " 
" Much more in others, my son," said he, " and more effectu- 
ally ; for, in reference to these things, all men, for the most 
part, take strict precautions, knowing that they require them. 
But those who would deceive the enemy, may possibly, by 
rendering them confident, surprise them unguarded ; or, by 
letting themselves be pursued, may throw them into disorder, 
and alluring them on, by flight, into disadvantageous ground, 
may there attack them. 38. But it becomes you, my son, 
who are fond of understanding all these affairs, not to adopt 
such plans only as you have been taught, but to be yourself 
a contriver of stratagems to put in force against the enemy ; 
just as musicians play not only such tunes as they have been 
taught, but endeavour to compose other new melodies ; and as, 
in music, such pieces as are new, and as it were in flower, are 
held in esteem, so, in affairs of war, new contrivances are much 
more approved, for they are more effective in deceiving the 
enemy. 39. But, my son," continued he, " if you do no more 
than transfer to men those contrivances which you have used 
to insnare small animals, do you not think that you will go a 
great way in the art of taking advantage of your enemy ? 
For, in order to catch birds, you used to rise and go out in 
the night, in the severest winter ; and before the birds were 



42 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. I, 

stirring your snares were laid ready for them ; the moveable 
platform was made like the unmoved ground; birds were 
taught by you to serve your purposes, and to deceive those of 
their own kind ; you yourself lay hid, so as to see them, but 
not to be seen by them ; and you practised drawing your nets 
before the birds could escape. 40. For the hare, too, because 
she feeds in the dusk, and conceals herself by day, you kept 
dogs, to find her by the scent ; and, because she ran off as soon 
as she was found, you had other dogs prepared to overtake 
her on her track ; and if she escaped these, then, having before 
discovered her paths, and to what sort of places hares flee, and 
are caught, 1 you would lay, in these places, nets difficult to be 
seen, and the hare, in the impetuosity of flight, would fall 
into them and entangle herself. And that she might not 
escape from hence, you would set people to watch what passed, 
who, from some place near at hand, would presently be upon 
her ; you yourself shouting behind, with noise that never quits 
her, would overwhelm her with amazement, so that in this 
distraction she would be taken : and you would make those 
that are set to watch lie concealed, having instructed them 
beforehand to be silent. 41. As I said before, therefore, if 
you would form such contrivances against men, I do not know 
that you would leave one of the enemy alive. But if it ever 
be necessary to fight upon even terms with respect to situa- 
tion, openly, and both parties being fully armed, in such a case, 
my son, those advantages, that have been long before secured, 
are of great weight ; those which I mean are, when the bodies 
of your men are duly exercised, their minds keen, and all mili- 
tary arts well studied. 42. Besides, it is very necessary that 
you should understand, that whomsoever you desire to be 
obedient to you, they, on their part, will all desire you to be 
provident for them ; never be remiss, therefore, but consider 
at night what your men shall do when it is day ; and consider 
in the day how matters may be best settled for the night. 43. 
But as to the mode in which you should arrange your troops 
for battle ; how you should lead them, by day or night, through 
narrow or open ways, through mountains or plains ; how you 
should encamp ; how you should place sentinels by night 
and day ; how you should advance towards the enemy, or re- 

1 Alpouvrai.'] " Circumveniuntur :. " compare Eur. Hel. 1621. Bor- 
nemann. 



ch. 6.] Cyrus's discourse with cambyses. 43 

treat from them ; how you should march past a city belonging 
to the enemy ; how you should advance up to a rampart, or 
retreat from it ; how you should pass through woods or rivers ; 
how you should guard against cavalry, or javelin-men, or 
archers ; how, if, when you are marching in columns, the 
enemy should appear, you should form a front against them ; 
how, if, when you are marching in phalanx, the enemy appear 
in some other part than in front, you should advance upon them ; 
how you may get the best intelligence of the enemy's affairs, 
and how the enemy may be best kept in ignorance of yours ; 
what, on all these subjects, can I say to you ? What I know of 
them, you have often heard from me ; and whoever else ap- 
peared knowing in any such matters, you have not neglected 
to get information from them ; nor are you ignorant of them ; 
according to circumstances, therefore, you must turn these 
acquirements to advantage, as it may seem fit. 

44. " Take my instruction, my son," said he, " likewise, on 
the following points, which are of the greatest importance : 
Never run into danger, either in your own person, or with 
your army, contrary to the sacrifices and auguries ; reflecting 
how men engage in undertakings on conjecture, and without 
knowing in the least from what course of conduct benefits will 
result to them. 45. This you may see from the things them- 
selves that happen ; for many men, and such, too, as were 
thought to be very wise, have persuaded people to undertake 
war against those by whom those that were persuaded to be 
the aggressors have been destroyed. Many, also, have exalted 
both private men and cities, from whom, when exalted, they 
have suffered the greatest misfortunes. Many, too, having 
chosen rather to treat those as slaves than as friends, whom 
they might have treated as friends, giving and receiving 
reciprocal benefits, have met with retaliation at their hands. 
To many, likewise, it has not been sufficient to live in plea- 
sure, possessing their own proper share of things ; but, de- 
siring to be lords of all, they have by this means lost what 
they had ; and many, who have acquired the much wished 
for metal, gold, have perished by means of it. 46. Thus 
human wisdom knows no more how to choose what is best, 
than a man who, casting lots, should do whatever might chance 
to fall to him. But the ever-living gods, my son, know all 
things that have been, all things that are, and everything 



44 . THE INSTITUTION" OF CYRUS. [b. II. 

that shall happen from every other thing ; l and of such as 
consult them, they foreshow to those to whom they are pro- 
pitious, what they ought and what they ought not to do. If 
they will not give advice to all, it is by no means wonderful ; 
for no necessity obliges them to take care of those of whom 
they are unwilling to take care." 



BOOK II. 



CHAPTER I. 

Cyrus arrives with the army in Media. His conversations with Cyaxares. 
He prevails with Cyaxares to allow new arms to be given to the Persians, 
who all receive the same equipments as the Equals-in-honour. 

1. Discoursing on such subjects, they arrived at the bor- 
ders of Persia ; and as an eagle, appearing to the right, led 
the way before them, they made their supplications to the 
gods and heroes who presided over the land of Persia, to send 
them away favourably and propitiously, and crossed the bor- 
ders. When they had crossed them, they again made suppli- 
cation to the gods who preside over the land of Media, to 
receive them propitiously and favourably ; and, having done 
so, and embraced each other, according to custom, the father 
returned into Persia, 2 and Cyrus marched on into Media to 
join Cyaxares. 

2. When Cyrus came to Cyaxares in Media, they first 
embraced each other, according to custom, and Cyaxares then 
asked Cyrus, " How large a force he was bringing him." 
He replied, " Thirty thousand of such as used to come to 
you before as mercenary troops, but there are others coming 
who have never served out of their own country, of the order 
of the Equals-in-honour." " How many ? " said Cyaxares. 3. 

1 Έξ εκάστου αυτών.] From everything, both of things past and 
of things present. 

2 Είς Πέρσας.] Dindorf reads εις πόλιν, but I have thought it bet- 
ter to desert him on this occasion, and read είς Πέρσας with Schnei- 
der, Bornemann, and most other editors. 



CH. l.J FORCES OF CYAXARES. 45 

" The number of them," replied Cyrus, "will scarcely please 
you, when you hear it ; but consider," said he, " that those 
who are called the Equals-in-honour, though but few, rule 
with ease the rest of the Persians, who are very numerous. 
But," added he, " are you in any real want of these men, or 
are you under a vain alarm, and the enemy not coming ? " 
"Assuredly they are," said he, "and in great numbers." 4. 
" How does this appear ? " " Because a great many people, 
who come from that quarter, some one way and some an- 
other, all tell the same tale." "We must then," said Cy- 
rus, " engage with these men." " We must of necessity," re- 
plied Cyaxares. " Why do you not tell me then," said Cyrus, 
"if you know, what the number of these forces is, that are 
coming upon us, and what is the number of our own, that, 
knowing the strength of both, we may consult how to carry 
on the war in the best manner ?" 5. " Hear, then," said Cyax- 
ares : "Croesus, the Lydian, is said to be bringing with him 
ten thousand horse, and upwards of forty thousand peltasts 
and archers ; they say, too, that Arsamas, governor of Greater 
Phrygia, is bringing horse to the number of eight thousand, 
and lancers and peltasts not less than forty thousand ; that 
Aribseus, king of the Cappadocians, brings horse to the num- 
ber of six thousand, and archers and peltasts not less than 
thirty thousand; and that Aragdus, the Arabian, is bringing 
cavalry as many as ten thousand, a hundred chariots, and a very 
large body of slingers. As to the Greeks that are settled 
in Asia, there is no certain intelligence as yet whether they 
have joined the expedition or not. But they say that Gabaeus 
has assembled in the Caystrian plain, 1 from Phrygia on the 
Hellespont, six thousand horse, and peltasts to the number 
of ten thousand. The Carians, Cilicians, and Paphlagonians, 
though summoned, they say, do not join the expedition. The 
Assyrian king, who• possesses Babylon and the rest of Assyria, 
will, as I conjecture, bring not less than twenty thousand 
horse ; chariots, I am well aware, not fewer than two hun- 
dred ; and, I believe, a vast body of foot ; at least he was 
accustomed to do so when he invaded this country." 6. 
" The enemy then," said Cyrus, " you say, amount to sixty 

1 Either that plain of Caystrus which is mentioned in the Ana- 
basis, i. 2. 11, or, as is more probable, the plain through which the 
river Cayster flowed. Bornemann. 



46 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. II. 

thousand horse, and more than two hundred thousand pel- 
tasts and archers. But what then do you say is the num- 
ber of your own forces?" " Of the Medes," said Cyaxares, 
the cavalry are above ten thousand ; the peltasts and archers 
may be, perhaps, from such a territory as ours, 1 about sixty 
thousand ; and of the Armenians, our neighbours, there will 
be with us four thousand horse and twenty thousand foot." 
" You say then," said Cyrus, " that our cavalry will be less 
than a third part of the enemy's, and our foot about half the 
number of theirs." 7. " What, then," said Cyaxares, " do 
you think that those Persians, whom you say you bring, are 
but an inconsiderable number ? " " Whether we want more 
men," said Cyrus, " or not, we will consider hereafter ; at 
present, pray tell me what is the mode of fighting that is in 
use with those several people." " It is nearly the same amongst 
them all," said Cyaxares; "there are archers and lancers 
among them, just like ours." "Then," said Cyrus, "since 
such are their arms, they must necessarily skirmish at a dis- 
tance." " Necessarily," said Cyaxares. 8. " In this case, 
therefore," said Cyrus, " the victory will fall to the greater 
number ; for the few will be much sooner wounded and de- 
stroyed by the many, than the many by the few." " If such 
be the case, Cyrus," said he, " what better expedient can we 
find than to send to the Persians, acquaint them that, if the 
Medes sustain any harm, the danger will extend to themselves, 
and, at the same time, request of them a greater force ?" " Be 
well assured," said Cyrus, "that even if all the Persians 
should come, we should not exceed the enemy in numbers." 
9. " What plan have you in view, then, that is better than 
this?" "Why," said Cyrus, "if I had the power, I would 
immediately make, for all the Persians that are coming, such 
arms as those with which the Equals-in-honour come pro- 
vided ; and these are, a corslet over the breast, a shield for 
the left hand, and a bill, or short sword, 2 for the right. 
If you provide these arms, you will make it safest for us to 
come to close fight with the enemy, and better for the enemy 
to flee than to stand their ground. Ourselves," said he, " we 

1 Ώς Ιπι της ημετέρας.] Ut in nostra terra, i. e. pro ration e et tenui- 
tate nostrae terrse. Bomemann. 

2 Κοπις — η σάγαρις.~\ I have chosen the two English words that 
appear to correspond most nearly to the Greek. 



CH. L] NEW ARMS PKOVIDED. 47 

range against those that stand ; those that flee we leave to 
you and your horse, that they may have no time either to make 
their escape or to turn again." 10. Thus Cyrus suggested; 
and Cyaxares was of opinion that what he said was reason- 
able, and thought no longer of sending for more men, but pro- 
ceeded to provide the arms already mentioned ; and they were 
scarcely ready when the Equals-in-honour arrived from Per- 
sia, bringing the Persian army with them. 

11. Soon after, Cyrus is said to have called them together, 
and to have addressed them thus : " My friends, I, who saw 
that you were armed, and prepared in mind for close com- 
bat with the enemy, and knew that the Persians who attend 
you were armed only in such manner as to skirmish from a 
distance, was afraid that, being but few in number, and desti- 
tute of others to support you, you might, when you fell in 
with the great number of the enemy, incur some misfortune. 
Now, therefore, you are come," said he, " you bring with you 
men whose bodies are not to be despised ; and they are to be 
supplied with arms like our own ; but to raise their courage 
will be our part. For it is the duty of an officer not only 
to be brave himself, but to take such care of those that he 
commands, that they may be as brave as is possible." 

12. Thus spoke Cyrus; and they were all much pleased, 
seeing they should now engage the enemy with more to sup- 
port them; and one of them spoke to this effect: 13. " Per- 
haps," said he, " I may be thought to talk strangely, if I ad- 
vise Cyrus to say something on our behalf, when these men, 
who are to be our fellow- combatants, receive their arms ; for 
I know," said he, " that the words of those who have the most 
power to do service or injury, sink deepest into the minds of 
the hearers ; and if such men make presents, though they 
may happen to be less than those which men receive from 
their equals, yet the receivers value them more. Accordingly," 
said he, " our Persian supporters will be much more pleased 
on this occasion, if they receive an exhortation from Cyrus, 
than if they receive one from us. And when they are placed 
in the degree of the Equals-in-honour, they will think that 
they occupy it more securely, if the honour is conferred by 
the son of our king, and our commander-in-chief, than if they 
receive it from us. Nor ought endeavours to be wanting on 
our part ; but we should, ourselves, by every possible means 



48 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. II. 

excite these men's courage ; for the more courageous they be- 
come, the more will it be for our advantage." 

14. Cyrus, therefore, causing the arms to be arranged in a 
place open to view, and calling together all the Persian sol- 
diers, spoke to the following effect: is. "Men of Persia, 
you were born and bred in the same country with ourselves ; 
you have bodies in no respect inferior to ours, and you ought 
to have souls not inferior. But though you are such in your- 
selves, you were not, in our own country, upon an equal foot- 
ing with us. It was not by us that you were excluded from 
it, but by the necessity that you were under of providing 
yourselves with subsistence. But now, with the help of the gods, 
it shall be my care that you be supplied with these ; and it is 
permitted you, if you think proper, by accepting these arms, 
which are such as we have ourselves, to engage in the same 
enterprises with us; and, if anything honourable and ad- 
vantageous result from them, to be honoured with the same 
distinctions as ourselves. 16. Hitherto you have used the bow 
and the javelin as we have ; and if you were inferior to us 
in the exercise of these weapons, it is not at all wonderful ; 
for you had not the leisure that we had, to improve your- 
selves in them. But, with these arms, we shall have no ad- 
vantage over you, for every one will have a corslet fitted to 
his breast, a shield for the left hand, which we are all alike 
accustomed to carry ; and, for the right, a bill or short sword, 
which we are to use against the enemy, guarding against no- 
thing but that we may not miss our blow. 17. With these 
arms, then, what difference can there be between one and 
another of us, unless it be in courage, which you ought to 
cherish not less than we ? As to the desire of victory, which 
gains and secures all that is honourable and advantageous, 
how can it concern us more than you ? As to superior power 
in arms, which gives all the possessions of the conquered to 
the conquerors, how is it possible that we should long for it 
more than you?" 18. In conclusion, he said, "You have 
heard all ; you see the arms before you ; let him that thinks 
fit take them, and enrol himself under his officer in the same 
rank with us. But he that is content to be in the condi- 
tion of a mercenary, let him continue in servile arms." 19. 
Thus he spoke ; and the Persians that heard him were of 
opinion, that if, when they were invited to an equal share of 



CH. 1.] CYRUS'S REGULATIONS. 49 

advantages, by sharing in like labours, they should not accept 
the offer, they would justly pass all their days in a low con- 
dition. They all accordingly enrolled themselves, and all 
took the arms. 

20. During the time that the enemy was said to be ap- 
proaching, but had not yet arrived, Cyrus endeavoured to 
exercise his men so that they might acquire vigour ; to teach 
them military evolutions, and to excite their minds to warlike 
enterprise. 21. In the first place, being supplied with servants 
by Cyaxares, he ordered them to furnish all the soldiers, liber- 
ally, with everything that they wanted, ready prepared. By 
providing for them in this way, he left them nothing to do 
but to exercise themselves in such things as related to war, 
appearing to have convinced himself of the truth of this 
maxim, that those men become most skilful in anything, who, 
abstaining from giving th'eir attention to many occupations, 
apply themselves to one employment only. And of exercises 
relating to war, he relieved them from practice with the bow 
and javelin, and left them only one object of attention, to 
fight with sword, shield, and corslet. He accordingly soon 
brought their minds to this state, that they found they must 
either engage the enemy hand to hand, or confess that they 
were allies of no value ; and this was hard to be owned by such 
as knew they were maintained for nothing else but to fight for 
those that maintained them. 22. Having considered, too, that 
in whatever things there are emulations among mankind, they 
are much more willing to exercise themselves in them, he ap- 
pointed contests among his men in whatever he knew was of 
importance to be practised by soldiers. 

The particulars which he specified were these : for the 
private man, to render himself obedient to his commanders, 
ready to undergo labour, willing to face dangers consistently 
with good order, skilful in military exercises, fond of having 
his arms in good condition, and desirous of praise in all such 
matters. For the captain of five, to make himself such as it 
became an able private man to be ; and to do his utmost to 
make his five likewise such. For the captain of ten, to make 
his ten such ; for the captain of twenty-five, to do the same 
for his twenty-five ; and for the centurion, to be himself un- 
exceptionable in conduct, and to keep watch over those who 
commanded under him, that they might make those whom 



50 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. II. 

they commanded fulfil their duties. 23. The rewards that he 
proposed were, for the centurions, that those who appeared to 
have brought their companies into the best condition, should 
be made commanders of a thousand ; for the captains of 
twenty-five, that those who appeared to exhibit the best com- 
panies, should be promoted to the places vacated by the 
centurions ; for the captains of ten, that such as were most 
meritorious should be put into the places of the captains of 
twenty-five ; for the captains of βνς, in like manner, to be 
advanced to the places of the captains of ten ; and for the 
private men that behaved best, to be promoted to the rank of 
captains of five. It happened to all these officers, accord- 
ingly, that they were well served by those whom they com- 
manded, and that all the honours suitable to each were readily 
paid to them. Greater hopes, too, were held out to such as 
deserved praise, in case any more than ordinary advantage 
should hereafter present itself. 24. He offered also rewards, 
in case of victory, to whole companies of a hundred and of 
twenty-five, as well as to those of ten and five, if they proved 
themselves eminently obedient to their officers, and zealous in 
performing the duties above mentioned. These rewards were 
such as were proper to be bestowed in common upon a number 
of men. Such were the things which were proclaimed, and 
in which the soldiers were exercised. 

25. Tents he likewise provided for them, as many in num- 
ber as were the centurions, and of such a size that each would 
contain a company ; a company consisting of a hundred men. 
Thus they were quartered in tents by companies. The men 
seemed to him to be benefited, with a view to the war that was 
coming on, by thus dwelling together, inasmuch as they saw 
each other maintained alike ; and there was no pretence of 
lying under a disadvantage, so that any one should be remiss, 
or that one should be inferior to another for acting against 
the enemy. They appeared to him likewise to be benefited 
by this joint habitation in knowing one another ; for, from 
being known, a greater feeling of self-respect seems to be pro- 
duced in all men ; and they who are unknown appear to act 
with less restraint, like persons in the dark. 26. They seemed 
to him also to be improved by this cohabitation, in having an 
exact knowledge of their places and companies ; i'or thus the 
centurions had their several companies in order under them, 



ch. 1.] cyrus's invitations to his men. 51 

just as much as when the company was going one by one 
upon a march ; so the captains of twenty-five their twenty^ 
fives ; the commanders of tens their tens ; and the com- 
manders of five their fives : 27. and this exact knowledge 
of their places seemed to him to be of great service, both to 
prevent their being put into disorder, and, if they should be 
disordered, to enable them to rally more readily ; as in the 
case of stones and pieces of wood, that are to be fitted to- 
gether, it is possible, if they have certain marks to make it evi- 
dent to what place each of them belongs, to fit them together 
again with ease, however confusedly they may have been 
thrown down. 28. They seemed to him, moreover, to be 
benefited by living together, inasmuch as they would be 
less likely to desert one another ; because he observed that 
beasts, which were fed together, were in great trouble if any 
one separated them from each other. 

29. Cyrus also took care that they should never go in to 
their dinner or supper without previous exercise ; for he 
either led them out to hunt, and gave them exercise in that 
way, or contrived such sports for them as would make them 
exert themselves ; or, if he happened to want anything done, 
he so managed it, that they should not return without hard 
exercise ; for this he judged to be of service, in order to make 
them eat with pleasure, and to render them healthy and able 
to undergo labour ; and labour he judged to be of use in mak- 
ing them more gentle one towards another, because even 
horses, that labour jointly together, stand likewise more con- 
tentedly together. And certainly with regard to facing the 
enemy, those who are conscious of having duly exercised 
themselves, are inspired with more boldness. 

30. Cyrus likewise provided himself with such a tent as 
would be large enough to contain those that he invited to sup 
with him. He invited, for the most part, such of the cen- 
turions as he thought proper ; but he sometimes invited some 
of the captains of twenty-five, some of the captains of ten, and 
some of the commanders of five ; sometimes some of the pri- 
vate soldiers, and sometimes a whole company of five, a whole 
one of ten, a whole twenty-five, or a whole hundred together. 
He invited likewise, and rewarded, such as he saw practise 
anything that he wished all the others to imitate. And the 
dishes that were set before himself, and before those that he 

ε 2 



52 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. II. 

invited to supper, were always alike. 31. The attendants on 
the soldiers, too, he always made equal sharers in everything ; 
for he thought it not less becoming him to distinguish those 
who served in the concerns of the army, than to honour heralds 
and ambassadors ; as he was aware they ought to be faithful, 
skilled in military affairs, and intelligent, as well as zealous, 
quick of despatch, diligent, and orderly. Besides, whatever 
good qualities those had who were accounted the better class, 
Cyrus thought that the attendants should have those qualities 
likewise ; and that they should bring themselves, by practice, 
to refuse no work, but to consider it becoming them to do 
everything that their commander should enjoin. 



CHAPTER II. 



The plans of Cyrus for improving the army are adopted. His conversations 
with the officers and soldiers at entertainments. His proposals respecting 
the distribution of the spoil which should be taken in war. 

i. Cyrus always took care that, when he entertained any of 
the men in his tent, the most agreeable subjects of discourse, 
and such as might excite them to good conduct, should be intro- 
duced. On one occasion, therefore, he began to speak thus : 
" Friends," said he, " do the newly-attached 1 appear inferior 
to us for this reason, that they have not been disciplined in 
the same manner as we have ? Or are they likely not to differ 
from us at all, either in their converse with us, or in action 
against the enemy ? " 2. Hystaspes, in answer to him, said, 
" What they will prove to be in action against the enemy, I 
do not yet know ; but, by the gods, some of them have shown 
themselves ill-bred enough in company. Yesterday, for in- 
stance," continued he, " Cyaxares sent certain animals to be 
killed for each company of a hundred ; and there were three 
or more pieces of flesh carried round, for each of us. The 
cook began the first round with me, and when he came in to 
go round the second time, I bid him begin with the last man, 
and carry round the contrary way. 3. One, therefore, in the 

1 Οί εταίροι.] Those whom Cyrus had lately promoted to the rank 
of the Equals-in-honour. 



CH. 2.] AWKWARDNESS OF THE NEW SOLDIERS. 53 

middle of the circle of soldiers, as they sat, cried out, ' By 
Jove there is no fairness in this, if nobody ever begins with 
us here in the middle.' I, hearing this, was uneasy that any 
of them should think they lay under a disadvantage, and 
immediately bid him come to me ; in this he, in a very orderly 
manner, obeyed me; but when the portions carried round 
came to us who were to take last, only the least were left ; 
and upon this he plainly showed himself very much dissatis- 
fied, and said to himself, ' O, ill fortune ! that I should happen 
now to have been called hither ! ' 4. I then said to him, 
' Never mind ; he will begin presently with us, and you shall 
help yourself first to the largest piece. Just at this moment 
the cook began to carry round the third time what was left 
for distribution, and he took next after me; but as soon as 
the third person had taken, and seemed to have taken a larger 
portion than himself, he threw down that which he had taken, 
intending to take another ; but the cook, supposing that he 
wanted no more meat, carried it past him before he could take 
a second piece. 5. He now bore so ill the misfortune of losing 
what he had taken, that from forgetting his self-command, 
and being angry at his ill-fortune, he overturned in his impati- 
ence what sauce he had remaining. The captain, who was 
next us, seeing this, clapped his hands, and laughed out, much 
amused; I," added Hystaspes, "made as if I coughed, for I 
was not able to refrain from laughing. Cyrus," said he, 
" such a man do I show you one of our new companions l to 
be." Upon this, as was natural, they all laughed. 

β. Another of the centurions then said, " Hystaspes, it 
seems, Cyrus, has met with one of a very perverse temper. 
For my part, after you had taught us the discipline of 
our companies, and had dismissed us with commands to 
teach every one his company what he had learned from 
you, I, as the others did, went away and began to teach 
one of the companies. Having placed the captain first, a 
young man immediately behind him, and the rest as I thought 
proper, I then, standing in front, and looking towards the 
company, gave the order, when I thought it time, to advance. 
7. This young man, advancing before the captain, marched on 
first ; I, seeing him do thus, said to him, * Young man, what 
are you doing ? ' He said, ' I am advancing, as you order.' But, 
1 Ίων εταίρων.'] See sect. 1. 



54 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. II. 

said Ι, Ί did not order you only to advance, but all;' wlien 
he, turning to his companions, said, 'Do you not hear him 
finding fault ? He tells you all to advance.' 8. Upon this, all 
the men, passing by the captain, came up to me ; but when 
the captain made them go back again, they were offended, and 
said, * Whom are we to obey ? for one tells us to advance, and 
another will not allow us to do so.' Bearing all this patiently, 
and placing them as at first, I told them, that none of those 
behind should move till he that was before him led the way, 
and that they should all mind only to follow the leader. 9. 
But as a person, that was going to Persia, happened then to 
come to me, and ask me for a letter that I had written home, 
I told the captain, (for he knew where the letter was lying,) 
to run and fetch the letter ; he then began to run ; and the 
young man that was next him, armed as he was, with corslet 
and sword, followed after the captain ; and the rest of the 
company, seeing him run, ran off with him ; and so they came 
back, bringing me the letter. So exact," said he, " is this 
company of mine in executing all the instructions they receive 
from you." ίο. The rest, as was natural, laughed at this 
armed procession with the letter ; but Cyrus said, " Ο Jove, 
and all ye gods ! what sort of men have we for our com- 
panions ! Men so easily pleased, that we may render numbers 
of them our friends with the aid of a small piece of meat ; 
and so obedient, that they obey before they understand what 
they are ordered to do. For my part, I do not know what 
sort of soldiers we should wish to have, rather than such ! " 
li. Cyrus thus, laughing, commended the soldiers. 

There happened at that time to be in the tent a certain 
centurion whose name was Aglaitadas, an austere sort of man 
in his manners, Vho spoke thus : " Do you think, Cyrus," said 
he, " that these men tell truth in these stories ? " " Why, 
what end," said Cyrus, "can they have in telling false- 
hood ? " " What other end," said he, "but to make you laugh ? 
For this reason, they tell you these stories like boasters, as 
they are." 12. " Speak civilly, pray ! " said Cyrus : " and do not 
say that these men are boasters ; for the term boaster seems to 
me applicable to such as feign themselves richer or braver 
than they really are, and undertake to do what they are not 
able to do, and evidently show that they act thus with a view 
to gaining something and making profit. But why may not 



CH. 2.] AMUSING CONVERSATION. 55 

those who move their companions to laughter, neither for their 
own gain, nor to the hearers' loss, nor for any ill purpose, be more 
justly called polite and agreeable than boastful ?" 13. Thus 
did Cyrus apologize for such as afforded matter of laughter. 
The captain, who had told the pleasant story of the company 
of soldiers, then observed, " Assuredly, Aglaitadas, you would 
have blamed us most severely if we had endeavoured to make 
you weep, (like some who, in songs and discourses, speaking of 
certain melancholy subjects, try to move people to tears,) when 
you now, though you know that we are desirous to give you 
pleasure, and do you no harm, lay us under so much censure ! " 
14. " By Jove," said Aglaitadas, " I do lay you under censure, 
and justly ; because he that makes laughter for his friends, 
seems to me, frequently, to do them much less service than he 
who makes them weep ; you will therefore find, if you con- 
sider rightly, that I speak with reason. Fathers, for instance, 
instil discretion into their sons, and teachers useful instruc- 
tion into their pupils, by exciting tears ; and the laws lead 
citizens, by making them weep, to the observance of justice. 
But can you say that movers of laughter either do any service 
to the bodies of men, or render their minds fitter for the con- 
duct of private or public aifairs ?" 15. Upon this, Hystaspes 
remarked, " Aglaitadas, if you will follow my advice, you will 
boldly expend this very valuable commodity upon our enemies, 
and endeavour to set them to weep ; but that worthless thing, 
laughter, you will by all means spend upon us, your friends 
here. I know you have a great deal of it lying by you in 
store ; for you neither expend it by using it on yourself, nor 
do you, willingly at least, bestow it either on your friends 
or on strangers ; so that you have no pretext for refusing to 
communicate it to us." "Do you think then," said Ag- 
laitadas, " to extract laughter out of me ? " " By Jove," ex- 
claimed the centurion, " he would be a fool indeed if he did ; 
for I believe one may with greater ease strike fire out of you, 
than draw laughter from you." 16. At this the others laughed, 
knowing the temper of the man ; and Aglaitadas himself 
smiled ; while Cyrus, seeing him look pleased, said, " Indeed, 
centurion, you are wrong to corrupt the most serious man we 
have, by tempting him to laugh ; especially when he is so great 
an enemy to laughter ! " 17. Such was the conversation that 
took place on this subject. 



56 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. II. 

is. Chrysantas then said, " Cyrus, I, and all that are here 
present, consider that though, of the men who have come out 
with us, some are of greater and some of less merit, yet that, 
if any advantage fall to our lot, they will all think themselves 
entitled to an equal share of it ; but, for my part, I think that 
nothing among men can be more unfair, than that the good 
#nd the bad should claim an equal share of benefits." To this 
observation Cyrus rejoined, " It would be best, then, by the 
gods, my friends, to propose this matter as a subject of debate 
to the army, whether it be proper, if the gods give us any 
profit from our labours, that we should make all equal sharers 
in it ; or that, taking into consideration the actions of each, 
we should give rewards to each accordingly?" 19. "But 
why/' said Chrysantas, " should you propose this as a subject 
of debate, and not announce that you will have it so ? Did you 
not thus announce emulation and promotion ?" " But by Jove," 
said Cyrus, " these matters are not like those ; for what the 
men may acquire by their service, they will, I conceive, be 
apt to regard as their common property ; but the command of 
the army they naturally allow to be mine, even from the time 
when we set out from home ; so that in regulating the grades 
of the officers, I believe they do' not think that I act at all 
wrong." 20. " And do you think," said Chrysantas, " that the 
multitude, when assembled, will ever resolve that every one 
shall not have an equal share, but that the best shall have 
the advantage in honours and profit ? " "I do think so," 
said Cyrus ; " partly because we shall express our assent to it, 
and partly because it is infamous to assert, that he who 
labours most for the public, and does it most service, is not to 
be thought entitled to the greatest rewards ; and I believe that 
it will appear advantageous even to the worst of our men, 
that the best should have the advantage." 

21. Cyrus was desirous that such a resolution should be 
passed, even for the sake of the Equals-in-honour themselves ; 
for he thought that they would be yet better men, if they 
knew that they themselves would be judged by their actions, 
and rewarded accordingly. This, therefore, seemed to him to 
be the proper opportunity to put the subject to the vote, 
whilst the Equals-in-honour were dissatisfied with the claim 
of the multitude to equality of shares. It was therefore 
thought right by those in the tent to propose a discussion of 



CH. 2.] THE ΒΕΑ VEST MOST HONOURABLE. 57 

the subject ; and they said, that every one who thought it 
his part to act like a man ought to assist in settling the 
question. 22. Upon this one of the centurions said with a 
laugh, "I know a man, one of the common soldiers, who 
will agree with us, that this equality of shares, without dis- 
tinction, ought not to be." Another asked him, " Whom he 
meant ? " He replied, " Truly, he is one of my own tent, who 
is, on every occasion, seeking to get the advantage of others." 
Another then asked, " What ! in labours ? " " No, by Jove ! " 
said he ; " here I have been caught in a falsehood ; for, in 
labour and everything of that kind, he very contentedly allows 
any one to get the advantage of him that will." 

23. " Friends," said Cyrus, " my judgment is, that such men 
as our friend here mentions, ought to be removed from the 
army, if we intend to keep it vigorous and obedient. For the 
greater part of the soldiers appear to me to be such as will 
ibilow whither any one shall lead them ; honourable and good 
men certainly endeavour to lead to what is honourable and 
good ; but vicious men to what is vicious ; 24. and corrupt 
men have often more abettors than the well-disposed ; for vice, 
that pursues its course amidst present pleasures, has these 
pleasures to persuade the multitude to favour her ; but virtue, 
that leads along an arduous path, has not power sufficient 
for the present, to draw men at once 1 after her, especially if 
there are others, in opposition to her, inviting them to follow 
the prone and easy track. 25. Accordingly, when men are 
vicious from sloth and indolence, I regard them, like drones, as 
injuring their companions only in the expense of maintaining 
them ; but those who are unfair sharers in labour, but forward 
and shameless in taking advantage of others, lead men to vici- 
ous practices ; for they can often show vice to be successful 
in gaining advantages ; so that such men must be entirely re- 
moved from among us. 26. Nor must you think of filling up 
your companies only from your own countrymen ; but as, in 
selecting horses, you look for those that are the best, and not 
for those that are of your own country, so you must choose, 
from among men of all kinds, such as seem most likely to add 
to your strength, and do you honour. That such a course will 
be for our advantage, I have these examples to bear me testi- 

1 Etrc^.] Έν τφ παραυτίκα ritzy is equivalent to ούτως Ιζαίφνης. 
Bornemann ad sect. 22. 



58 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. II. 

mony, that a chariot cannot be swift, if slow horses be at- 
tached to it, nor can it be fit for work, if vicious ones be 
yoked to it ; nor can a house be well regulated that has bad 
servants ; it even takes less harm by being left without serv- 
ants, than by being disordered by dishonest ones. 27. And 
be assured, my friends, that the removal of the vicious will 
not only be of advantage to you inasmuch as they will be 
out of the way, but, of those that remain, they who have been 
imbued with vice will free themselves from it again ; and the 
good, seeing the vicious dishonoured, will adhere to rectitude 
with much more earnestness." 28. Thus spoke Cyrus, and 
all his friends agreed with him in opinion, and acted accord- 
ingly. 

After this, Cyrus began again to jest with them; for, ob- 
serving that one of the captains had made a man excessively 
rough and ugly his guest and companion at table, he called the 
captain to him by name, and spoke to him thus : " Sambaulas, 
do you take that young man that sits next you, about with 
you, according to the Greek custom, because he is handsome ? " 
"No, by Jove," said Sambaulas; "and yet I am pleased 
with his conversation, and even with looking at him." 29. 
They that were in the tent, upon hearing this remark, looked 
at the man, and, seeing that his face was exceedingly ugly, 
all began to laugh ; and one of them said, " In the name of 
all the gods, Sambaulas, by what service has this man so at- 
tached himself to you ? " 30. He said, " By Jove, friends, I 
will tell you ; whenever I have called upon him, either by 
night or by day, he never pretended want of leisure, never 
obeyed lazily, but always with the utmost despatch ; whenever 
I have ordered him to do a thing, I never saw him execute it 
without activity ; and he has made the whole twelve l such as 
himself, not showing them in word, but in action, what sort 
of men they ought to be." 31. Somebody then said, " And, 
being such as he is, do not you kiss him as people kiss rela- 
tions ? " Here the ugly-looking soldier interposed, " No, by 
Jove, for he is not fond of making great efforts ; and if he 
were to kiss me, it would be equivalent to the greatest efforts." 2 

1 Ύονς δεκαδεας πάντας.'] The δεκάς is supposed to have consisted 
of twelve men, that is, two companies of five, and a captain of each 
company. 

2 Άντι πάντων -γυμνασίων.'] " Instead of all exercises " or labours 



CH. 3.] DISCUSSION ON DIVISION OF SPOIL. 59 



CHAPTER III. 

Discussion concerning the distribution of the spoil. It is decided that the 
most deserving shall receive the largest share. Cyrus entertains whole 
companies of soldiers in his tent, to do honour to them for their merit in 
their exercises. 

1. Such kind of things, both merry and serious, were said 
and done in the tent. At last, having performed the third 
libation, 1 and prayed to the gods for blessings, they separated 
and went to rest. 

2. The next day, Cyrus assembled all the soldiers, and 
spoke to them to this effect : " Friends, the conflict is at 
hand ; for the enemies are approaching ; the prizes of victory, 
if we conquer, (for this we ought to say and suppose, 2 ) are 
evidently our enemies themselves, and their possessions ; and 
so, on the other hand, if we are conquered, the property of the 
conquered stands exposed as the reward of the conquerors. 
3. Thus then," said he, " you must consider that, if when men 
are united as associates in war, they have each this feeling in 
their breasts, that nothing will be as it ought to be, unless 
each individually act with resolution, they readily accomplish 
many honourable achievements ; for nothing that ought to be 
done is then neglected. But when every one imagines that 
there will be another to act and fight, though he himself be 
remiss, be assured," said he, " that on such men all kinds of 
difficulties fall at once. 4. The gods themselves have so or- 
dered the course of things ; to those who will not impose 
upon themselves the task of labouring for their own ad- 
vantage, they give other task-masters. Now, therefore," said 
he, " let some one stand up, and give his opinion on this 
point ; whether he think that virtue will be the better prac- 
tised amongst us, if he, who will voluntarily meet the greatest 

1 Xenophon seems to have in his mind the custom -of the Greeks, 
who, at their banquets, used to make libations to their deities, the 
first being offered, at the commencement of the feast, to Olympian 
Jupiter, the second to the heroes, and the third, at the close of the 
entertainment, to Jupiter the Preserver, or to Mercury the bestower 
of sleep. See Hesychius sub Σωτήρος Διός and τρίτος κρατήρ : Alex, 
ab Alex. v. 22. Fischer, 

2 Ύοντο yap και λέγειν και 7roulv δεϊ.] I follow Hutchinson and 
Bornemann in giving ποιεϊν the sense of ponere. Zeune makes it 
equivalent to " endeavour to do," i. e. endeavour to gain victory. 



60 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. II. 

toils and dangers, obtain the greatest reward, or if we all see 
that the worthless man lies under no disadvantage, as we are 
all to have an equal share ? " 

5. Here Chrysantas, one of the Equals-in-honour, a man 
neither tall nor strong in appearance, but of excellent under- 
standing, rose up and spoke : " I cannot but think, Cyrus," said 
he, " that you do not propose this subject for our debate, as 
intending that the worthless should have equal advantages 
with the deserving, but as desiring to ascertain whether there 
be a man amongst us that will venture to declare himself 
of opinion, that though he perform nothing honourable or 
serviceable, he ought to have an equal share of what is gained 
by the bravery of others. 6. I am myself," said he, " neither 
swift of foot nor strong of arm ; and, from what I can per- 
form in my own person, I am sure that I cannot be judged to 
be the first man, nor yet the second, and I suppose not the 
thousandth, perhaps not the ten thousandth ; but of this I am 
certain, that if those who are men of strength set themselves 
vigorously to work, I shall have such a share in some ad- 
vantage or other, as is justly due to me ; but if worthless men 
shall do nothing, and men of bravery and vigour shall be quite 
out of heart, I am afraid that I shall have a greater share 
than I desire of something else rather than advantage." 7. 
Thus spoke Chrysantas. 

After him stood up Pheraulas, a Persian, one of the com- 
mon people ; a man intimately known to Cyrus, and greatly 
in his favour whilst they were yet in Persia, one who was not 
uncomely in person, and in mind not at all like a man of low 
birth ; and he spoke to this effect : 8. " Ο Cyrus," said he, 
"and all ye Persians here present, I consider that we are all 
now proceeding to contend with each other in merit on an 
equal footing ; for I see that we all exercise our bodies on like 
food ; that we are all deemed worthy of like society ; and that 
the same honours are set before all of us ; for obedience to our 
commanders is enjoined upon us in common, and I observe 
that whoever is found sincerely to practise it, obtains honour 
at the hands of Cyrus ; while to act with bravery against the 
enemy is not a thing belonging to one, and not to another, 
but stands recommended as most honourable to us all. 9. A 
mode of fighting, 1 too, is now plainly taught us, which I see 

1 Namely, of defending ourselves, and assailing our enemies, 



CH. 3.] SPEECH OF PHERAULAS. 61 

indeed that all men naturally know ; as all other animals know 
some method of fight, and without having learned it from any- 
thing else but nature ; as the bull to attack with his horn, the 
horse with his hoof, the dog with his mouth, the boar with 
his tooth ; and all of them know," continued he, " from what 
animals it is most necessary for them to defend themselves, 
although they have never had recourse to any teacher. 10. I 
understood, even from my childhood, how to hold out some- 
thing before that part of my body on which I thought that I 
should be struck ; and, if I had nothing else, I endeavoured, 
as well as I was able, by holding out my hands, to obstruct 
the person that sought to strike me ; and this I did not only 
without being taught, but even though I were beaten for 
holding out anything before me. When I was a child, wherever 
I saw a sword, I presently seized it ; nor was I taught how 
to take hold of it by anything else than by nature. This, 
therefore, I did, not only untaught, but even when hindered ; 
as there are many other things which, though checked in 
them both by my father and mother, I was necessarily 
prompted by nature to do. Then, by Jove, I hacked with 
my sword whatever I could hack secretly ; for it was not only 
natural to me, like walking and running, but, besides its being 
natural, I thought it a pleasure to do it. 11. Since, therefore," 
added he, " this kind of fighting l is now assigned us, in which 
there is employment for courage rather than art, how can we 
contend otherwise than with pleasure against these noble per- 
sons the Equals-in-honour, when the rewards of merit lie 
equally before us, and when we do not go to the trial with equal 
risk ? For they have at stake a life of honour, which is the 
only truly pleasant life ; we only a laborious and ignoble one, 
which, I think, is one of unhappiness. 12. It greatly animates 
me, too, my friends, to enter the lists against these men, that 
Cyrus is to be our judge ; a man who judges not partially and 
invidiously ; but I aver, and swear by the gods, that Cyrus 
certainly seems to me to love those that he finds deserving 
not less than he loves himself. Accordingly, I observe that 
he bestows what he has upon such men, with more pleasure 
than he takes in keeping it himself. 13. However," continued 

with those weapons which are put into our hands, as bulls use their 
horns, &c. 
1 See note on sect. 9. 



62 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [β. Π. 

he, " I observe that these men are greatly elevated with hav- 
ing been disciplined to bear hunger, thirst, and cold ; not 
knowing that we have been disciplined to endure the same 
things, under a much abler teacher than they have been ; for 
there is no more effectual teacher of such matters than neces- 
sity, which has taught us to understand them fully. 14. They 
have exercised themselves in the labour of bearing arms, which 
have been so contrived by all men as to be borne with the 
greatest ease ; but we," added he, " have been obliged, by 
necessity, to walk and run under heavy burdens ; so that the 
weight of the arms which we now bear seems to me rather 
like the lightness of wings than a burden. 15. Consider, there- 
fore," said he, " Ο Cyrus, that I shall both heartily engage in 
this struggle, and that I shall think it sufficient, whatever 
character I may acquire, if you reward me according to my 
merit. And I exhort you, my friends of the people, to exert 
yourselves in this military contention, against these men of dis- 
cipline ; for they are now involved in this popular dispute." 
16. Thus spoke Pheraulas ; and many others stood up to sup- 
port them both in their opinion. It was thought fit, there- 
fore, that every one should be rewarded according to his 
desert, and that Cyrus should be the judge. Thus were these 
matters brought to a decision. 

17. Cyrus, on one occasion, invited an entire company, to- 
gether with their centurion, to sup with him. This invitation 
he gave him, from having seen him forming half the men of 
his company against the other half, 1 in order to attack each 
other ; both parties having their corslets on, and their shields 
in their left hands ; but to one half he had given thick sticks 
in their right hands, and the others he had ordered to pick up 
clods of earth to throw. is. When they stood thus ready 
prepared, he gave them a signal to engage ; when some of 
those who threw the clods hit the corslets or shields of the 
opposite party, others their thighs or legs ; but when they 
came to close quarters, they who had the sticks applied their 
blows to the thighs of some, the hands and legs of others, and 
the necks and backs of such as were stooping for clods ; and, 
at last, those that had the sticks put the others to the rout, and 
pursued them, laying on their blows with much laughter and 

1 Εκατέρωθεν.'] " On each side," placing one half on one side, 
and the other half on the other, face to face. 



CH. 3.] EXERCISES OF THE SOLDIERS. 63 

diversion. Then the others, in their turn, taking the sticks, 
assailed in the same manner their opponents, who took their 
turn in throwing the clods. 19. Cyrus was much struck with 
these proceedings, with the contrivance of the officer, and the 
obedience of the men, and was glad that they were at the 
same time both exercised and diverted, an<J that those men 
gained the victory who were armed in a manner like that 
of the Persians. Being delighted, therefore, at their ex- 
ercise, he invited them to supper ; and observing some of 
them with their shins and some with their hands tied up, he 
asked them what had happened to them. 20. They replied 
that they had been struck with the clods of earth. He then 
asked them again, whether they were hit when they were 
close together, or while they were at a distance. They said, 
while they were at a distance ; but those who had the sticks 
said that, when they closed, it was the finest sport imaginable ; 
while those who had been wounded by the sticks cried out that 
it seemed no sport to them to be thrashed in such close en- 
counter. They Showed the blows at the same time that they 
had received from the sticks, both upon their hands and 
necks, and some in their faces ; and then, as was natural, they 
laughed at one another. The next day, the whole field was 
full of soldiers imitating this company ; and, whenever they 
had nothing more serious to do, they applied themselves to 
this diversion. 

21. Cyrus, observing another centurion, on a certain occa- 
sion, leading his men from the river, one by one, away to the 
left ; and, when he thought proper, ordering the last twenty- 
five to advance to the front, then the third, and then the 
fourth ; and, when the captains of twenty-five were all in 
front, ordering each twenty-five to double their files, upon 
whic^ the captains of tens advanced in front ; and also, when 
he thought proper, ordering each twenty-five to form four 
deep, when the captains of uyq advanced to the head of the 
men four deep ; and, when they arrived at the door of the 
tent, ordering them to enter, one by one, he first led in the 
first company, directing the second to follow in their rear, and 
the third and fourth in like manner, and so led them all in ; 
and introducing them in this manner, he made them all 
sit down to dinner in the order in which they entered ; he so 
much admired the mildness of the man's discipline and his 



64 THE INSTITUTION OF GYRUS. [b. II. 

care, that he invited the whole company, together with the 
centurion, to sup with him. 22. But another captain, who 
was present at the dinner, said, " My company, Cyrus, you do 
not invite to your tent ; yet, when they go to dinner, they 
perform all these manoeuvres ; and, when the business in the 
tent is over, the rear leader of the last twenty-five leads out 
that twenty-five, keeping those in the rear who are ranged 
in front when in order of battle ; then the rear leader of 
the next twenty-five follows after these ; and the third and 
fourth in the same manner ; in order that, when it is proper 
to lead off from the enemy, they may know how to re- 
treat. And when we draw up in the course where we exer- 
cise, when we march to the east, I lead the way, and the first 
twenty-five moves first, the second in order, and the third and 
fourth, and the tens and fives of the several companies, until 
I give orders to the contrary ; but," said he, "when we march 
to the west, the rear leader, and the last men, lead the way in 
front, and yet obey me who march in the rear, so that they 
may be accustomed both to follow and to lead with equal 
obedience." 23. " And do you always do thus ? " said Cyrus. 
66 As often," said he, " as we take our meals." " I will invite 
you, then," said he, " because you practise your exercise 
both in advancing and retiring, both by day and by night, 
and both exercise your bodies by marching, and benefit your 
minds by the discipline. And since you do in everything 
twice as much as others, it is but just that I should give you 
double entertainment." 24. " By Jove," said the centurion, 
" not in one day, unless you also give us double stomachs." 
Thus they made an end of that conversation in the tent. The 
next day Cyrus invited this company, as he had said that 
he would, and also on the day following. The rest of the 
soldiers, perceiving this, all imitated that company for the 
future. 



CH. 4.] EMBASSY FROM THE INDIANS. 65 



CHAPTER IV. 

Ail embassy to Cyaxares from the Indians. The answer given to it. Cy- 
rus persuades Cyaxares to oblige the king of Armenia, who had revolted, 
to return to his allegiance. Cyrus proceeds with a body of troops to make ' 
an attack on him, under the disguise of a hunting expedition. 

i. As Cyrus, upon a certain occasion, was making a ge- 
neral review and muster of his men under arms, there came a 
messenger from Cyaxares, acquainting him, that an embassy 
from the Indians x had arrived. " Cyaxares, therefore," said 
the messenger, " desires that you would come as soon as pos- 
sible, and I bring you from him a beautiful robe ; for he 
wishes that you should present your men in the handsomest 
and most splendid dress, as the Indians will see how you make 
your approach," 2. Cyrus, hearing this, gave command to 
the centurion who stood first in order, to place himself in 
front, bringing up his men in single file behind him, and keep- 
ing himself on the right. He ordered him to deliver 
the same directions to the second, and thus to transmit them 
along through the whole number. The officers, in obedience 
to Cyrus, soon communicated the orders, and soon put them 
in execution. In a very little time, they formed a front of 
three hundred, for that was the number of the centurions, and 
the men were a hundred in depth. 3. When they had placed 
themselves thus, he commanded them to follow as he should 
lead them, and immediately led them on at a quick pace. 
But when he found that the avenue, which led to the palace, 
was too narrow to allow all those in front to move on as they 
were, he commanded the first thousand to follow in their pre- 
sent order, and the next thousand to follow in their rear, and 
so throughout the whole, and he himself led on without stop- 

1 Many commentators, and among them Hutchinson, have thought 
that these Indians dwelt in a part of Colchis, which the ^Ethiopians, 
oftener called Indians, inhabited. But the manners and wealth, 
which Xenophon attributes to them, leave us little room to doubt 
that he meant that people who, in the age of Darius, were either 
subject to the Persians, or at least attached to them by some bond 
of alliance, and who inhabited the northern parts of India bordering 
on the Bactrians; a people whom Alexander, at a later period, at- 
tempted to subdue. See Heeren, Ideen, T. i. P. i. p. 337, seqq. ; Sainte 
Croix, Nouvell. Obs. p. 666, apud Schneid. ; and Bahr ad Ctes. Re- 
liq. p. 52, 262, 344. Bornemann. 
VOL. 11. f 



66 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. II. 

ping, while the other thousands followed, each in the rear of 
that which went before. 4. He sent also two officers to the 
opening of the avenue, in order that, if any should be at a loss, 
they might tell them what they were to do. When they came 
to the gate of Cyaxares, he commanded the first centurion to 
form his company twelve in depth, and to range the captains 
of twelve in front around the palace ; he directed him likewise 
to transmit these orders to the second, and so throughout the 
whole army. 5. These manoeuvres the soldiers executed ; 
and he himself went in to Cyaxares, in a Persian robe, void 
of all ostentation. Cyaxares, when he saw him, showed 
pleasure at his expedition, but testified dissatisfaction at the 
plainness of his dress, and said, " Why is this, Cyrus ? what 
have you done in appearing thus before the Indians ? I wished 
you," said he, " to appear as splendid as possible ; for it would 
have been an honour to me, for you, who are my sister's son, 
to have appeared with the utmost magnificence." 6. To this 
remark Cyrus replied, "In which way, Cyaxares, should I 
have honoured you most, whether if, clothing myself with a 
purple robe, putting on bracelets, and encircling my neck with 
a collar, I had obeyed you but slowly, or whether when I now 
obey you with such despatch, at the head of so numerous and 
efficient a force, and distinguish myself, for the purpose of 
honouring you, by such exertion and haste on my own part, 
and exhibit others so ready to obey you ?" 

Thus spoke Cyrus. Cyaxares, judging that he spoke rea- 
sonably, gave orders to introduce the Indians. 7. The In- 
dians, having come in, said, " That the king of the Indians 
had sent them, and had commanded them to ask, from what 
cause the war had arisen between the Medes and Assyrians ? 
and he has desired us," added they, "when we have heard your 
answer, to go to the Assyrian king and ask him the same 
question ; and, in the end, to tell you both, that the king of 
the Indians declares, that, after having ascertained what is 
right, he will take the side of the injured party." 8. Cyax- 
ares to this said, " Hear then, from me, that, we do no injury 
to the king of the Assyrians ; and now go and inquire of him 
what he says." Cyrus, who stood by, asked Cyaxares, u May 
I," said he, "say what I think?" Cyaxares bid him do so. 
" Give the king of the Indians this message, then," said he, 
(unless Cyaxares disapprove,) that, if the Assyrian say he has 



CH. 4.] CYRUS MEDITATES AN ATTACK ON ARMENIA. 67 

been in any way injured by us, we declare that we choose 
the king of the Indians himself to be arbitrator between us." 
The ambassadors, on hearing this, went their way. 

9. When the Indians were gone, Cyrus commenced an 
address to Cyaxares, to this effect : "I came from home, Cy- 
axares, without having much money of my own ; and, what- 
ever I had, I have but very little of it left ; for I have spent 
it," said he, "upon the soldiers. Perhaps you wonder how 
I have spent it on them, when it is you that maintain them. But 
be assured," said he, " that I have employed it in nothing else 
but in bestowing rewards and gratuities whenever I have been 
pleased with any of the soldiers. 10. For it appears to me," 
said he, "much more agreeable to incite all those whom 
a man wishes to make serviceable co-operators in any busi- 
ness, of whatever kind it be, by using fair words, and 
doing them good, than by trying severe treatment and force. 
But those that a person would render zealous fellow -labourers 
in the business of war, I think that he must absolutely 
court to it both by words and deeds ; for such as are to be 
sincere fellow-combatants, who shall neither envy the good 
fortune of their commander, nor betray him in adversity, ought 
to be friends, and not enemies. 11. Having determined thus 
with myself on these points, I think myself in want of money. 
Yet to look to you upon every occasion, whom I see already 
involved in great expenses, appears to me unreasonable. But 
I think that you and I should consider jointly by what means 
money may be prevented from failing you ; for, if you have 
plenty, I know that I may take it whenever I have need ; 
especially if I take for such a purpose as, when the money is 
spent upon it, will be for your advantage. 12. I remember, 
therefore, having lately heard you say, that the king of Armenia 
now contemns you, because he hears that the enemy is coming 
upon us, and neither sends you forces, nor renders you the 
tribute that he ought to pay." "Indeed, Cyrus," said he, 
" he is acting thus, so that I am in doubt whether it would 
be better for me to make war upon him, and force him to 
compliance, or whether it would be for our interest to let him 
alone for the present, lest we add him to the number of our 
enemies." Cyrus then asked, 13. "Are his habitations in 
places of strength, or in such as are accessible with ease?" 
Cyaxares replied, " Their habitations are in places that are 

f 2 



68 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. II. 

not very strong, for I have not been inattentive in that par- 
ticular ; l but there are mountains to which he may retire, 
and be in safety for a time, so that neither he, nor any- 
thing that he may carry off thither, may fall into our hands, 
unless we sit down and besiege him there, as my father once 
did." 14. Cyrus then said, "But, if you will send me, as- 
signing me such a number of horse as may appear sufficient, 
I think that, with the assistance of the gods, I can make him 
send you forces, and pay you the tribute. Besides, I have 
hopes that he will be made more our friend than he is at pre- 
sent." 15. " And I have hopes," said Cyaxares, "that they 
will sooner come to you than to me ; for I have heard, that 
some of his children were your companions in hunting ; so 
that, perhaps, they may join you again ; and if they once fall 
into our power, everything may be settled as we wish." " Do 
you not think then," said Cyrus, " that it will be for our ad- 
vantage to keep it secret that we are forming any such plan ? " 
" Yes," said Cyaxares, " for by this means some or other of 
them may come into our hands ; or if any force should fall 
upon them, they may be taken unprepared." 16. "Listen then," 
said Cyrus, " whether what I am going to say be of any mo- 
ment : I have often hunted upon the borders of your territory 
and that of the Armenians, with all those that were of my com- 
pany ; and I used to go thither also with several horsemen from 
among my companions here." " By acting in a similar man- 
ner now, therefore," said Cyaxares, " you may escape sus- 
picion ; but if the force should appear much greater than that 
with which you used to hunt, it would soon give rise to sus- 
picion." 17. " But it is possible," said Cyrus, " to frame a very 
plausible pretence among ourselves ; and if somebody should 
carry a report thither, that I intend to undertake a great hunt- 
ing match, then," added he, " I might openly request of you a 
body of horse." " You say very well," said Cyaxares, " but I 
shall consent to give you but a very moderate number, as I in- 
tend to march myself to our garrisons that lie towards Assyria ; 
and indeed," added he, " I want to go thither, to make them as 
strong as possible. But when you have gone before with the 
force which you will have, and have hunted for about two 
days, I can send you a sufficient reinforcement, both of horse 

1 That is, I did not allow them to build strong fortresses. See 
iii. 1. 10. 



CH. 4.] HUNTING ON THE BORDERS OF ARMENIA. 69 

and foot, out of those that have been assembled under me ; 
with this you may at once set forward, and I, with the other 
forces, will endeavour to keep not far from you, that, if there 
be occasion, I may make my appearance." 

is. Cyaxares accordingly soon collected horse and foot for 
the garrisons, and sent on waggons with provisions by 
the road that led to them. Cyrus offered a sacrifice with 
reference to the march ; and, at the same time, sent to Cyax- 
ares, and asked him for some of the younger horse-soldiers. 
Cyaxares, though there were multitudes that would have at- 
tended Cyrus, granted him but a small number. After 
Cyaxares had set forward, with a force of infantry and cavalry, 
on the road towards the garrisons, the omens proved favour- 
able to Cyrus for marching against the Armenian ; and he 
accordingly set out prepared as for a hunting expedition. 19. 
As he was pursuing his journey, a hare started in the very 
first field, and an eagle of favourable omen, 1 fiying towards 
them, caught sight of the hare as it ran, and, bearing down 
upon it, struck it, snatched it up, and carried it into the air, 
and taking it away to an eminence not far off, did there what 
it thought fit with its prize. Cyrus, therefore, on seeing this 
omen, was delighted, and paid his adoration to Jupiter, sove- 
reign of the gods, saying to those that were with him, 
" Friends, our hunt, if the gods please, will be a noble one ! '' 

20. When he came to the borders, he immediately pro- 
ceeded to hunt after his usual manner. The greater number 
of his infantry and cavalry went in a line before him, in order 
to rouse the beasts as they came upon them. But the best of 
his men, both horse and foot, stood here and there dispersed, 
awaited the beasts as they were roused, and pursued them. 
They took a large number both of boars, stags, antelopes, and 
wild asses ; for there are abundance of wild asses in those 
parts even to this day. 21. When he had left off hunting, he 
went close up to the Armenian borders, and took supper there. 
The next day he hunted again, advancing to those mountains 
of which he desired to get possession. When he had again 
ended his sport, he went to supper ; but, as he found that 
the forces from Cyaxares were advancing, he sent privately to 
them, and desired them to take their supper about the distance 

1 Αΐσως, i. e. δεξιός. Compare ii. 1. 1. 



70 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. [b. II. 

of two parasangs from him, foreseeing that this would con- 
tribute to the concealment of his design. When they had 
supped, he told their commander to join him. After supper, 
he summoned the centurions to him, and, as soon as they were 
come, spoke to them thus : 

22. " Friends, the Armenian has been hitherto both an ally 
and subject of Cyaxares ; but now, as he finds that enemies are 
coming upon him, he contemns him, and neither sends him 
forces nor pays him tribute. It is he, therefore, that we are 
come to hunt, if we can. We must accordingly, as it appears 
to me, proceed in the following manner. You, Chrysantas, 
when you have slept a sufficient time, take half the Persians 
that are with us, pursue your way up the hill, and secure 
those mountains, to which, they say, the Armenian flees when 
he fears any danger ; and I will give you guides. 23. They 
say these mountains are covered with wood, so that it is to be 
hoped you will not be observed. However, if you send, be- 
fore the rest of your force, some active men, who, both by 
their number and equipments, may look like marauders, 
they, if they meet with any of the Armenians, may prevent 
such as they can take from carrying intelligence ; and, fright- 
ening away such as they cannot take, may hinder them from 
seeing the whole army, and make them take measures only 
as against a band of robbers. 24. You, then," said he, " do 
thus : I, at break of day, with half the foot, and all the horse, ■ 
will proceed through the plain straight to the palace. If he 
oppose us, it is plain that we must fight ; but if he retire from 
the plain, it is evident that we must hasten in pursuit of him. 
If he flee to the mountains, it must then," said he, " be your 
care to allow none of those that come towards you to escape 
you ; but to consider, as in hunting, that we are the finders, 
and that you are the person standing at the nets. 25. Re- 
member, therefore, that the passages must be stopped before 
the prey is roused ; and that those who are stationed at the 
outlets must conceal themselves, if they do not wish to turn 
back the animals coming towards them. 26. Do not however 
act," said he, " Chrysantas, as you have sometimes acted from 
your fondness for hunting ; for you sometimes occupy yourself 
the whole night without sleeping ; but you must now allow 
your men to take a moderate portion of rest, that they may be 
able to resist drowsiness. 27. And do not, because you used 



CH. 4.] ARRANGEMENTS OF CYRUS. 71 

to wander through the mountains without taking men for 
your guides, but pursued wherever the beasts led the way, 
march now through such difficult places, but bid your guides 
lead you the easiest way, unless there be one that is much 
shorter ; for, to an army, the easiest way is the most expe- 
ditious. 28. Nor, because you can run over the mountains, 
lead on now at full speed ; but proceed only at a moderate 
pace, so that the army may be able to follow you. 29. It 
will be expedient, too, that some of the most vigorous and 
spirited should halt sometimes, and encourage the rest ; and 
when the whole wing has passed, it animates them all to speed, 
to see the others running by them as they themselves move on 
at a walking pace." 

30. Chrysantas, hearing this, and being proud of the orders 
that Cyrus had given him, took his guides, and went his way ; 
and then, having given the proper directions to those that 
were to attend him in his march, betook himself to rest. When 
they had slept as long as he thought sufficient, he proceeded 
towards the mountains. 

31. Cyrus, as soon as it was day, despatched an envoy to 
the Armenian, ordering him to deliver this message : "Prince 
of Armenia, Cyrus desires you to order matters so that you 
may come and bring, as soon as possible, the tribute and the 
forces." " If he asks you," added he, " where I am, tell him 
the truth, that I am upon the borders. If he ask whether I 
am advancing towards him, tell him the truth on this point 
also, that you do not know. If he inquire how many we are, 
bid him send somebody back with you to ascertain." 32. 
After giving the messenger these orders, he sent him off, 
thinking it more friendly to act thus than to march upon 
him without previous notice. Having then arranged his 
men in the best order, both for speedily accomplishing the 
march, and for fighting, if it should be necessary, he pro- 
ceeded on his way. He also gave orders to his men to injure 
no one ; and, if any of them met with an Armenian, to bid 
him be of good cheer ; and to tell every one, that had a mind, 
to bring them provisions for sale, wherever they might be, 
whether he desired to sell meat or drink. 



BOOK III. 



CHAPTER I. 

The Armenian king and his family are made prisoners. Cyrus brings him 
to trial, for his breach of faith, in the presence of his officers. He is par- 
tially defended by his son Tigranes. As the king confesses his guilt, and 
makes unconditional submission, Cyrus restores to him his family, and re- 
ceives him into favour. The generosity and magnanimity of Cyrus 
highly extolled by the Armenians. 

i. Cyrus attended to these arrangements. The Armenian, 
as soon as he heard from the envoy the message from Cyrus, 
was alarmed at it, being conscious that he had acted unjustly, 
both in failing to pay the tribute, and in not sending the 
troops. But he dreaded most of all that he should be dis- 
covered to have begun fortifying his place of residence, so as to 
be able to offer resistance. 2. Being in perplexity on all these 
accounts, he sent round to assemble his forces, and despatched, 
at the same time, his younger son Sabaris, his own wife, his 
son's wife, and his daughters, to the mountains, sending with 
them all his most valuable apparel and furniture, and appoint- 
ing a force to conduct them. He also sent out scouts to dis- 
cover what Cyrus was doing, and mustered such of the 
Armenians as he had with him. Soon after there arrived 
others, who told him that Cyrus in person .was close at hand ; 
when he no longer felt bold enough to come to an engagement, 
but retreated. 

3. The Armenians, when they saw him act in this manner, 
ran every one to their own homes, with intent to put all their 
property out of the way. Cyrus, seeing the whole plain before 
him full of people, hurrying hither and thither, and driving off 
their cattle, sent messengers to assure them that he would be 
an enemy to none that remained at home, but declared that if 
he caught any one trying to escape, he would treat him as an 
enemy. The greater part accordingly remained ; some, how- 
ever, retreated with the king. 

4. But when those who were going forward with the women 
fell in with those who were on the mountains, they immedi- 



CH. 1.] THE KING OF ARMENIA MADE PRISONER. 73 

ately raised a cry, and many of them, betaking themselves to 
flight, were captured. At last the son of the Armenian king, 
his wives, and daughters, were likewise taken, as well as 
all the property that was being carried off with them. The 
king, when he perceived what had happened, being at a loss 
which way to turn himself, fled to an eminence, 1 5. Cyrus, 
seeing this, surrounded the eminence with the force that was 
with him, and sending to Chrysantas, ordered him to leave 
a guard upon the mountains, and to come and join him. The 
troops then assembled under Cyrus ; who, sending a herald 
to the Armenian, put the following question to him : " Tell 
me," said he, " Armenian prince, whether you choose to stay 
there, and combat with hunger and thirst, or to come down 
and fight us upon equal ground ? " The Armenian answered, 
" That he did not choose to combat with either." 2 6. Cyrus 
sent again to him, and asked him, 4i Why do you then sit 
there, and not come down ? " "Because I am at a loss," said 
he, " what I ought to do." " But you ought not to be at a 
loss," replied Cyrus, " for you are at liberty to come down and 
submit to be tried." " And who," said he, " shall be the 
judge ? " " He, without doubt," said Cyrus, " to whom the 
gods have given power to treat you as he nleases without a 
trial." The Armenian, in consequence, seeing the necessity, 
came down ; and Cyrus, taking him, and all that belonged to 
him, into the midst of his troops, encamped, keeping his 
whole force together. 

7. Just at this time, Tigranes, the eldest son of the Arme- 
nian king, returned from a journey which he had taken ; he 
who had formerly been Cyrus's companion in hunting. When 
he heard what had happened, he went directly, just as he was, 
to Cyrus, and when he saw his father and mother, his brother, 
and his own wife, prisoners, he wept, as was natural ; 8. and 
Cyrus, on seeing him, gave him no other token of friendship, 
except saying to him, " You are come opportunely, that you 
may be present and hear the trial of your father." He then 
summoned all the officers of the Persians and Medes, and in- 
vited such of the Armenians of rank as were there ; the 

1 Presignified by the flight of the eagle to the hill, ii. 4. 19. 

2 Ονδετεροις βονλοιτο μάχεσΰαι.] Ουδετεροις refers as well to hunger 
and thirst as to Cyrus and his army. Fischer. 



74 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. III. 

women, too, who were present in their chariots, he did not 
send away, but allowed them to listen. 

9. When everything was arranged, he began by saying, 
" King of Armenia, I advise you, in the first place, to speak 
truth on your trial ; so that one fault at least, the most hate- 
ful of all, may not be laid to your charge ; for be assured, that 
to be found false is the greatest obstacle that can lie in men's 
way to obtaining pardon. Besides," continued he, " your chil- 
dren and wives here, and all the Armenians present, are 
aware of all that you have done ; and if they find that you 
say what is at variance with facts, they will think that, if I 
discover the truth, you condemn yourself to the severest pun- 
ishment." " Ask, me," said he, " Cyrus, whatever you please, 
as I am resolved to tell you truth, whatever may happen in 
consequence of it." 10. " Tell me then," said he, " did you 
ever make war with Astyages, my mother's father, and with 
the rest of the Medes ? " "I did," said he. " And when you 
were conquered by him, did you agree to pay him tribute, to 
attend him to the field whithersoever he should desire you, and 
to have no fortified places ? " " It was so." " And why then 
have you now neither brought him tribute, nor sent him 
troops, and have built fortifications ?" He replied, "I was de- 
sirous of liberty ; for it appeared to me a noble privilege, both 
to be free myself, and to leave liberty to my children." 11. 
" It is indeed noble," said Cyrus, " to fight, in order not to be 
made a slave ; but if a man be conquered in war, or by other 
means be reduced to servitude, and be found attempting to 
withdraw himself from the power of his masters, tell me 
first whether you reward and honour such a one as an 
honest man, and one that acts nobly, or punish him, if 
you take him, as one that does wrong ? " " I punish him," 
said he ; " for you do not suffer me to speak falsely." 12. 
" Answer me, then, plainly," said Cyrus, "as to each of the 
following particulars : if a man be a governor under you, and 
transgress, do you suffer him to continue in his government, 
or do you appoint another in his stead ? " ' "I appoint an- 
other," said he. " If he is master of great riches, do you 
suffer him to continue rich, or do you make him poor ? " " I 
take from him," said he, " all that he has." " If you find 
him revolting to the enemy, what do you do ? " "I put him 



CH. 1.] TIGRANES PLEADS FOU HIS FATHER. 75 

to death," said he ; " for why should I die convicted of false- 
hood, rather than telling the truth ? " 

13. His son, 1 when he heard these words, pulled off his 
turban, and rent his clothes. The women raised a lamentable 
cry, and began to tear their flesh, as if their father were 
dead, and themselves utterly undone. Cyrus bid them be 
silent, and again spoke. "Be it so, Armenian ; your answers 
are just ; and what do you advise us to do in accordance with 
them ? " The Armenian was silent, being at a loss whether 
he should counsel Cyrus to put him to death, or desire him 
to do the contrary to what he had said that he would do 
himself. 

u. His son Tigranes then asked Cyrus, saying, " Tell me, 
Cyrus, since my father seems to be at a loss, whether I shall 
advise you concerning him what I think best for you ? " 
Cyrus, having observed that when Tigranes used to hunt with 
him, there was a philosopher associating with him and much 
admired by him, was very desirous to hear what he would 
say, and boldly bid him say what he thought. 15. " Then," 
said Tigranes, " if you approve the measures which my father 
has concerted, and what he has done, I advise you, by all 
means, to imitate him ; but if you are of opinion, that he has 
done wrong in everything, my advice is, that you should not 
imitate him." " By doing what is just, then," said Cyrus, 
" 1 shall be as far as possible from imitating him who does 
wrong." " It is so," said he. " According to your own 
reasoning, then, I should punish your father, if it be just to 
punish one who does wrong." " But whether do you think it 
best, Cyrus, to inflict punishments for your advantage, or to 
your prejudice?" "By acting in the latter way," said he, 
"I should punish myself." 16. " But you would indeed be 
severely punished," said Tigranes, " if you put to death those 
that belonged to you, at a time when they would be of the 
greatest service to you if saved?" "But how," said Cyrus, 
" can men be of the greatest service, when they are proved 
to have done wrong ? " " They would be of service," replied 
Tigranes, " if they should then become discreet ; for this, 
Cyrus, seems to me to be the case, that there is no profit in 
any virtue without discretion ; for," continued he, " to what 

1 His younger son, Sabaris ; for the elder, Tigranes, appears, from 
what Xenophon relates, to have been of a firmer mind. Fischer. 



76 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. III. 

purpose could a person use a man of great strength or bravery, 
but destitute of discretion ? or one skilled in horsemanship, or 
one abounding in riches, or a man of power in his country ? 
But, with discretion, every friend is useful, and every servant 
valuable." 17. " Do you then intimate," said he, " that your 
father, from being indiscreet, is become discreet, in this one 
day's time ? " "I do, indeed," said he. " You say then that 
discretion is a passion of the mind, as grief is, and not a matter 
of knowledge ? For, if it be necessary that he, who is to be dis- 
creet, should be knowing, he cannot be turned from indiscretion 
to discretion in a moment. 18. But, Cyrus," added he, " did 
you never observe a man, from folly, attempt to fight with 
another more powerful than himself, and, when conquered, 
presently cease from his folly in regard to that man ? Or, have 
you never seen one city engaged in war with another, and, 
when conquered, immediately become willing to obey the other 
instead of continuing the war?" 19. " And to what conquest 
over your father," asked Cyrus, " do you allude, that you so 
strongly intimate that he has been rendered discreet?" 
"That," replied he, "by which he has grown conscious to 
himself, that, by coveting liberty, he has become yet more a 
slave than he was before ; and that, of the things which 
he thought to have effected, by secrecy, by surprise, or by 
force, he has not been able to effect one ; while he has seen 
you, when you wished to deceive him, deceive him as effectu- 
ally as a person mighf deceive the blind, or the deaf, or men 
of no understanding at all; and in matters in which you 
thought it necessary to use concealment, he has seen you using 
such concealment, that you have unawares rendered those 
places prisons to him which he thought were set apart as 
places of defence ; and you have so far exceeded him in 
despatch, that you have come upon him from a distance with 
a large force before he had assembled his troops that were 
just at hand." 20. " Does such a defeat, then," said Cyrus, 
" such an obligation to acknowledge other men better than 
themselves, appear to you to be sufficient to render men dis- 
creet?" " Much more," said Tigranes, "than when a man is 
conquered in battle ; for he who is subdued by force, some- 
times thinks that, by exercising himself, he may be enabled to 
renew the combat ; and cities, that have been taken, imagine 
that, by gaining allies, they may renew the war ; but to those 



CH. 1.] TIGRANES PLEADS FOR HIS FATHER. 77 

whom men think better than themselves, they are often will- 
ing to submit, though without necessity." 21. "You seem," 
said Cyrus, " not to think that the insolent can suppose that 
there are others more discreet than themselves ; or thieves, 
that there are men who are not thieves ; or liars, that there 
are men who speak truth ; or unjust men, that there are men 
who act with justice. Do not you know," continued he, 
" that your father has, at this time, dealt falsely, and not ad- 
hered to his agreements with us, though he knew very well 
that we violate nothing of what Astyages stipulated ?" 22. 
" But I do not say," replied Tigranes, " that merely to know 
that there are 'others better than ourselves, makes men dis- 
creet, unless they suffer punishment at the hands of their 
betters, as my father now suffers." " But your father," said 
Cyrus, "has as yet suffered not the least harm; though I 
know very well, indeed, that he is afraid of suffering the 
severest punishment." 23. "Do you think then," said Ti- 
granes, " that anything humbles men more than violent fear ? 
Do not you know that those who are oppressed by the sword, 
which is reckoned the severest instrument of correction, will 
nevertheless fight again with the same enemy ; but that men 
are unable to look at those whom they thoroughly dread, even 
when they utter words of consolation to them?" " Do you 
say then," said Cyrus, " that fear is a heavier punishment 
upon men than real suffering ? " 24. " You know yourself," 
said he, " that what I say is true ; you know, that they who 
are in fear of being banished from their country, or that are 
in dread of being beaten when about to fight, are in a most 
dejected condition. Those who are at sea, and dread ship- 
wreck, and those who fear servitude and chains, are neither 
able to take food or sleep through terror ; but they who are 
already under banishment, who are already conquered and al- 
ready slaves, are sometimes in a condition to eat and sleep 
better than the fortunate themselves. 25. How great a burden 
fear is, is yet more evident from these considerations, that 
some, dreading lest they should be taken captive and put to 
death, have killed themselves beforehand from the oppression 
of that dread ; some throwing themselves headlong from pre- 
cipices, some hanging themselves, and some dying by the 
sword ; so that, of all things terrible, fear produces the most 
violent effect on the mind. And in what state of mind, 



78 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. III. 

then," added he, " do you consider my father to be, who is in 
fear not only for his own liberty, but for mine, for that of his 
wife, and that of all his children ? " 26. Cyrus replied, " It 
does not appear at all improbable to me, that your father is, at 
this time, affected as you intimate ; but it may be the part, I 
think, of the same man to be insolent in prosperity, and, when 
reduced in fortune, to become soon servilely afraid ; and yet, 
when freed from apprehension, to become insolent again, and 
again to give trouble." 27. " Indeed, Cyrus," said he, " our 
delinquencies give you cause to distrust us ; but you are at 
liberty to build fortresses in our country, to keep possession of 
our places of strength, and to require from us whatever other 
pledge you please ; and yet," said he, " you will not find us 
very uneasy under these circumstances ; for we shall remem- 
ber that we ourselves were the cause of them. But if you 
give up our government to any of those who are free from 
guilt, and then appear distrustful of them ; take care, lest, at 
the same time that you become a benefactor to them, they may 
think you no friend to them ; and if again, through anxiety 
not to incur their enmity, you forbear to impose upon them a 
yoke to prevent them from being rebellious, consider whether 
it may not hereafter be more necessary for you to bring them 
to their senses than it has been for you now to bring us to 
ours." 28. " But by the gods," said Cyrus, " I seem to myself 
to have no pleasure in using such servants as I know to serve 
me from necessity ; but such as I consider to perform their 
duties from friendship and good-will for me, I can more 
easily endure when they transgress, than such as hate me, and 
yet, from compulsion, fulfil their duty to the utmost." To 
these remarks Tigranes replied, " And from whom could you 
ever secure so strong a feeling of friendship as you may now 
gain from us ? " " From those, I should think, who have 
never been at enmity with me, if I should but benefit them, 
as you now desire me to benefit you." 29. " And could you 
possibly find, Cyrus," said he, " at this time, any one to whom 
you could grant such favours as you may grant to my father ? 
For example," continued he, " if you grant life to one of 
those who never did you any injury, what gratitude will he 
feel towards you for it, think you ? Or what man, if you do 
not deprive him of his wife and children, will love you more, 
on that account, than he who thinks that he deserves to be 



CH. 1.] THE KING OF ARMENIA SPARED. 79 

deprived of them ? Or do you know any one, who, if he shall 
not have the kingdom of Armenia, will grieve more than our- 
selves ? Accordingly, it is evident that he who will grieve 
most if he is not king, will feel most gratitude to you if he 
receives from you kingly power. 30. And if," added he, 
" you are at all desirous to leave everything here, when 
you quit us, in the least possible disorder, consider whether 
you can expect the country to be more quiet under the com- 
mencement of a new government, than if the accustomed 
government continue. If it be at all an object to you, to draw 
from hence the greatest possible number of forces, who, do 
you think, will muster them better, than he who has often 
made use of them ? And if you should want money, who, do 
you think, will supply you better than he who knows and 
commands all the resources of the kingdom ? Good Cyrus," 
said he, 4i be careful, lest, by setting us aside, you do yourself 
more mischief than my father has been able to do you." To 
this effect he spoke. 

31. Cyrus was extremely pleased to hear him, for he 
thought that he should be able to effect all that he had pro- 
mised Cyaxares to do ; as he remembered to have told him, 
that he thought he should make the Armenian more his 
friend than before. Soon after, therefore, he asked the Ar- 
menian king, " If I trust you in these matters, tell me," said 
he, tt what force will you send with me, and what money will 
you contribute to the war?" 32. To this question the Ar- 
menian answered, " I have no offer to make, Cyrus, more 
straightforward or more just, than that I should exhibit to 
you all the forces that I have, and that you, on seeing the 
whole, should take with you whatever you will, and leave the 
rest for the protection of the country. In like manner, with 
respect to our riches, it is just that I should discover to you 
all that I have, that, taking account of all, you may carry off 
what you please of it, and leave what you please." 33. " Pro- 
ceed, then," said Cyrus, " and show me what forces you have, 
and tell me what your treasures are." The Armenian replied, 
" The cavalry of the Armenians amount to eight thousand, 
and the infantry to forty thousand. Our riches, including the 
treasure my father left, reckoned in silver, amount to more 
than three thousand talents." l 34. Cyrus then made no hesita- 
1 About £731,250. See Anab. i. 1. 9. 



80 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. III. 

tion, but said, " Since the Chaldeans, that border upon you, 
are at war with you, send me half of your forces ; and of your 
treasure, instead of fifty talents, which was the tribute you 
used to pay, give Cyaxares double that sum, for your failure 
in paying ; and lend me," added he, "a hundred more, and I 
promise you, that, if the gods prosper me, I will, in return for 
what you lend me, either do you such services as shall be 
of greater value, or, if I am able, will pay you back the 
money again : if I am not able to do it, I may then be con- 
sidered unable ; but unjust I cannot deservedly be accounted." 
35. " I beseech you, by the gods, Cyrus," said the Armenian, 
" do not talk in that manner ; if you do, you will put me out 
of heart ; but consider," said he, " that what you leave be- 
hind is not less yours than what you take away with you." 
" Be it so," said Cyrus ; " but, to have your wife again, how 
much money will you give me ? " "As much as I can," said he, 
" How much for your children ?" " For them, too," said he, 
" as much as I can." " That, then," said Cyrus, " is already 
as much again as you have. 1 36. And you, Tigranes," said 
he, " at what price would you purchase the recovery of your 
wife?" Tigranes happened to be but recently married, 
and to be very fond of his wife. " Cyrus," said he, " to save 
her from servitude, I would ransom her at the expense of 
my life." 37. " Take, then, your own," said he : " for I can- 
not consider that she has been taken captive, since you never 
fled from us. And do you, king of Armenia, take your wife 
and children without paying anything for them, that they 
may know they come free to you. And now," said he, " pray 
dine with us ; and when dinner is over, depart whithersoever 
you please." They accordingly stayed. 

38. While they were together after dinner in the tent, Cy- 
rus asked this question : " Tell me," said he, " Tigranes, where 
is that man 2 who used to hunt with us, and whom you seemed 
to me greatly to admire ?* " He is no more," said Tigranes, 

1 As much again as the three thousand talents which he said that 
he had, sect. 33. He had first said that he would give as much as 
he could for his wife, and, afterwards, as much as he could for his 
children ; and Cyrus, jesting, tells him that he has now promised 
to give twice as much as he has. Fischer, 

2 The man to whom allusion is made in sect. 14. Weiske sup- 
poses that Xenophon, in representing the character and fate of this 
sophist, had Socrates in his mind. 



OH. 1.] PRAISES OF CYRUS. 81 

"for has not my father here put him to death?" "What 
crime, then, did he find him committing?" "He said that 
he corrupted me: and yet, Cyrus, so noble and excellent a 
man was he, that, when he was going to die, he sent for me, 
and told me, ' Tigranes,' said he, ' do not bear the least ill-will 
to your father for putting me to death ; for he does it not out 
of malice, but out of ignorance. And whatever faults men 
commit through ignorance, I consider them all involuntary/ " 
39. Cyrus, upon this, exclaimed, " Alas ! for the man !" The 
Armenian king then said, " They, Cyrus, who find strangers 
engaged in familiar conversation with their wives, do not put 
them to death on the charge of endeavouring to make their 
wives less sensible, but on the conviction that they alienate 
from them their wives' affection, for which reason they treat 
them as enemies. And I," continued he, "bore ill-will to this 
man because he appeared to me to make my son regard him 
more than myself." 40. Cyrus then said, " By the gods, king 
of Armenia, I think you have committed a fault incident to 
human nature ; and you, Tigranes, must forgive your father." 
Having held this discourse on the occasion, and having treated 
each other with kindness, as is natural upon a reconciliation, 
the Armenians mounted their chariots in company with the 
women, and drove away in good spirits. 

41. When they came home, one talked of Cyrus's wisdom, 
another of his resolution, another of his mildness ; and some 
spoke of his beauty, and the tallness of his person ; when 
Tigranes asked his wife, "And does Cyrus appear to you, too, 
Armenian princess, to be a handsome man ?" "Indeed," said 
she, "I did not look at him." "At whom, then, did you 
look?" said Tigranes. "At him who said that he would pay 
the price of his own life to save me from slavery." After 
some conversation of this kind, as was usual, they went to- 
gether to rest. 

42. Next day the Armenian king sent presents of friend- 
ship to Cyrus, and to the whole army ; he despatched orders 
also to such of his troops as were to serve in this expedition, 
to attend on the third day ; and he sent in payment double the 
sum of money that Cyrus had specified. Cyrus, accepting 
the sum that he had named, sent the rest back, and asked, 
" Which of them would command the army, whether his son 
or himself ?" They both answered together, the father thus : 



82 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. III. 

" Either of us that you shall order : " the son thus : " I will 
not leave you, Cyrus, even if I should have to attend you as a 
baggage-carrier." 43, Cyrus, laughing, rejoined, " And for 
how much would you consent that your wife should hear that 
you are a baggage-bearer ? " " There will be no need," said 
he, " that she should hear, for I will bring her with me ; so 
that she shall be able to see what I do." "It is then time 
for you," said he, " to prepare everything for joining us." " Be 
assured," returned Tigranes, " that we shall join you at the 
time, prepared with everything that my father affords us." 
The troops were then entertained, and went to rest. 



CHAPTER II. 



The Armenians join their troops with those of Cyrus. The united force 
attacks and defeats the Chaldeans, of whose high grounds Cyrus retains 
possession, and builds a fortress on them. Peace established between the 
Armenians and Chaldeans. Cyrus sends ambassadors to the king of the 
Indians for a supply of money. 

i. The next day Cyrus, taking Tigranes with him, and 
the best of the Median horse, together with as many of his 
own friends as he thought proper, rode round and surveyed 
the country, examining where he should build a fortress. 
Going up to a certain eminence, he asked Tigranes what sort 
of mountains they were from which the Chaldeans came down 
to plunder the country? Tigranes pointed them out to him. 
He then inquired again, " And are these mountains now en- 
tirely deserted ? " " No, indeed," said he ; " but there are al- 
ways scouts of the Chaldeans there, who give notice to the rest 
of whatever they observe." " And how do they act," said he, 
"when they receive this notice?" "They hasten with aid 
to the eminences, just as each can." 2. Cyrus gave attention 
to this account ; and, looking round, observed a great part of 
the Armenian territory lying desert and uncultivated, in con- 
sequence of the war. They then retired to the camp ; and, 
after taking supper, went to rest. 

3. The next day Tigranes presented himself with every- 
thing ready; and with cavalry to the number of four 
thousand, archers to the number of ten thousand, and as 



CH. 2.] ATTACK ON THE CHALDEANS. 83 

many peltasts. Cyrus, while they were assembling, offered 
a sacrifice. When the victims appeared favourable, he sum- 
moned the leaders of the Persians and Medes ; and, when 
they came together, spoke to them to this effect: 4. " Friends, 
those mountains that we see belong to the Chaldeans ; if we 
can secure them, and a fortress of ours could be erected upon 
the summit, there would be a necessity for both the Armenians 
and Chaldeans to act with discretion towards us. Our sacri- 
fice is propitious ; and, for the execution of such designs, no- 
thing favours the inclinations of men so much as expedition ; for 
if we anticipate the enemy, by ascending the mountains before 
they assemble, we may either secure the summit entirely with- 
out a blow, or have to deal with only a few and weak enemies. 
5. Of all labours, therefore, there is none more easy or free 
from danger, than resolutely to bear the fatigue of despatch. 
Hasten, then, to arms ! and you, Medes, march upon our left ; 
you, Armenians, march half of you on our right, and the other 
half in front ; and you, cavalry, follow in the rear, exhorting 
us, and pushing us up before you ; and, if any one is disposed 
to relax his efforts, by no means allow him to do so." 

6. Cyrus, having said this, led on, disposing the several 
companies in files. The Chaldeans, as soon as they perceived 
that the movement was directed towards the heights, immedi- 
ately made a signal to their people, and shouted to each other, 
and ran together. Cyrus then exhorted his troops, saying, 
" Men of Persia, they make a signal for us to hasten ; if we 
reach the heights before them; the efforts of the enemy will 
be of no avail." 

7. The Chaldeans had each a shield, and two javelins ; they 
are said to be the most warlike of all people in that part of 
the world. They serve as mercenaries, if any one requires 
their services, being a warlike people, and poor ; for their 
country is mountainous, and but little of it yields anything 
profitable. 8. As Cyrus's men approached the heights, 
Tigranes, who was riding on with Cyrus, said, " Cyrus, 
are you aware that we ourselves must very soon come to 
action, as the Armenians will not stand the attack of the 
enemy ? " Cyrus, telling him that he knew it, immediately 
gave orders to the Persians to hold themselves in readi- 
ness, as they would have immediately to press forward, 

g 2 



84 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [β. III. 

as soon as the flying Armenians drew the enemy down l so as 
to be near them. 9. The Armenians accordingly led on ; and 
such of the Chaldeans as were on the spot when the Ar- 
menians approached, raised a shout, and, according to their 
custom, ran upon them ; and the Armenians, according to their 
custom, did not stand their charge. 10. When the Chaldeans, 
pursuing, saw swordsmen fronting them, and pressing up the 
hill, some of them, coming up close to the enemy, were at once 
killed ; some fled, and some were taken ; and the heights were 
immediately gained. As soon as Cyrus's men were in occupa- 
tion of the summit, they looked down on the habitations of the 
Chaldeans, and perceived them fleeing from the nearest houses. 
11. Cyrus, as soon as the troops were all assembled, ordered 
them to take their dinner. When they had dined, Cyrus, 
learning that the spot where the scouts of the Chaldeans had 
been posted, was strong and well supplied with water, pro- 
ceeded at once to erect a fortress there. He ordered Tigranes 
to send to his father, and bid him come with as many car- 
penters and builders as could be procured. The messenger 
went off to the Armenian ; and Cyrus applied himself to the 
building with all the workmen that were with him. 

12. Meanwhile they brought Cyrus the prisoners, some 
bound, and some wounded. As soon as he saw them, he gave 
orders to loose those that were bound ; and, sending for the 
surgeons, desired them to take care of the wounded. He 
then told the Chaldeans, that he was not come either with a 
desire to destroy them, or with an inclination to make war 
upon them ; but with a wish to make peace between the Ar- 
menians and Chaldeans. " Before your mountains were oc- 
cupied," said he, " I know that you had no desire for peace : 
your own possessions were in safety ; those of the Armenians 
you plundered and ravaged. But now you see in what con- 
dition you are placed. 13. Those of you, therefore, that have 
been taken, I dismiss to your homes, and allow you, together 
with the rest of the Chaldeans, to consult amongst yourselves, 
whether you are inclined to make war with us, or to be our 
friends : if war be your choice, come no more hither without 
arms, if you are wise ; if you resolve to prefer peace, come 

1 Cyrus disguises from his soldiers the want of courage in the 
Armenians, by representing that they would flee designedly. 



CH. 2.] THE CHALDEANS SUBMIT. 85 

without arms. And, if you become our friends, it shall be 
my care, that your affairs be established upon the best footing." 
14. The Chaldeans hearing these assurances, and bestowing 
many praises upon Cyrus, and giving him many pledges of 
friendship, went home. 

The Armenian king, as soon as he heard of the summons of 
Cyrus, and his achievement, took carpenters with him, and 
whatever else he thought necessary, and came to Cyrus with 
all possible despatch. 15. As soon as he saw Cyrus, he said 
to him, " Ο Cyrus, how do we men, able to see so little with 
regard to the future, attempt to accomplish numberless pro- 
jects ! I, endeavouring upon this occasion to obtain liberty, 
became more a slave than ever; and, being made captives, 
and thinking our destruction certain, we now again appear to 
be in greater safety than ever. For the Chaldeans never 
ceased doing us all manner of mischief; and I now see 
them just in the condition in which I wished them to be. 16. 
And be assured of this," said he, " Cyrus, that to have so 
driven the Chaldeans from these heights, I would have given 
many times the money that you have now received from me ; 
and the services which you promised to do us, when you took 
the money, have been so fully performed, that we appear to be 
brought under new obligations to you, which, if we are not 
unworthy men, we shall be ashamed not to discharge ; and 
though we attempt to discharge them, we shall not, even thus, 
be found to have done anything worthy of regard towards such 
a benefactor." Thus spoke the Armenian. 

17. The Chaldeans came back, begging of 'Cyrus to make 
peace with them. Cyrus asked them, " Chaldeans," said he, 
" is it not on this consideration that you desire peace, that 
you think you will live with more security in peace than 
if you continue the war, since we are in possession of these 
heights?" The Chaldeans said that it was so. 18. "And 
what," said he, " if there should be still other advantages that 
may arise to you from peace ? " " We should be still the more 
pleased," said they. " Do you not think, therefore," said he, 
that you are now a needy people, through being in want of 
good land?" They agreed with him in this. " Well, then," 
said Cyrus, " would you wish to be at liberty to cultivate as 
much of the Armenian land as you pleased, paying the same 
for it that the Armenians pay?" " Yes," said they, "if we 



86 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [β. III. 

could be sure that we should not be injured." 19. "Would 
you then, king of Armenia," said he, " be willing that your 
waste land should be cultivated on condition that the culti- 
vators of it pay you the usual rent ?" The Armenian said, 
that he would give much to have it so ; for his revenue would 
be greatly improved by it. 20. " And you," said he, " Chal- 
deans, since you have mountains that are serviceable, would 
you consent that the Armenians should use them for pasturage, 
on condition that the herdsmen pay what is reasonable ? " 
The Chaldeans said that they would, as they would thus be 
greatly benefited without any labour. " And would you, 
king of Armenia," said he, " be willing to make use of the 
pastures of these men, if by allowing a small profit to the 
Chaldeans, you might make a much greater profit by it your- 
self ? " " Readily," said he, " if I thought I could use the 
pastures securely." " And you, Armenians, might use them 
securely," said he, "if you have the heights to protect you." 
The Armenian expressed his assent. 21. "But, assuredly," 
said the Chaldeans, " we should not be able to cultivate in 
security, either the lands of these people, or our own, if they 
are in possession of the summits." " But suppose," said Cyrus, 
" that the heights be for defences to you, Chaldeans ? n 
" Thus, indeed," said they, " things might be very well for 
us." " But, certainly," said the Armenian, " things will not 
be well for us, if these men come to be again possessed of the 
summits ; especially when they are fortified." 22. " I will 
therefore settle matters in this way," replied Cyrus; "I will 
give up the heights to neither of you, but we will garrison 
them ourselves, and, whichsoever of you shall injure the 
other, we will take part with the injured." 23. When both 
parties heard this proposal, they gave their applause, and said 
that thus only could the peace be stable. Upon this under- 
standing they gave and received, mutually, assurances of friend- 
ship, and agreed that both nations should be independent of 
each other ; that there should be liberty of intermarriage, and 
of tillage and pasturage on each other's lands, and if any one 
should harm them, a defensive alliance between them. 24. 
Thus were these matters settled on the occasion, and the com- 
pacts, then made between the Chaldeans and the possessor of 
Armenia, subsist to this day. When the agreement was 
made, they both immediately applied themselves, with zeal, to 



ch. 2J] ctrus's message to the Indian king. 87 

the erection of the fortresses, as a common security; and 
jointly brought provisions into them. 

25. When evening came on, he took both parties to sup with 
him, as being now friends. As they were at supper, one of 
the Chaldeans said, that these things were such as all the 
rest of them desired; but that there were some of the Chal- 
deans who lived by spoil, and who neither knew how to 
apply themselves to work, nor were able to do it, being accus- 
tomed to live by war ; as they were always engaged in plun- 
dering, or serving as mercenaries, frequently with the king of 
the Indians, (" for he is a man," said they, " abounding in 
gold,") and frequently with Astyages. 26. Cyrus then said, 
" And why do they not now, then, engage themselves as mer- 
cenaries to me ? for I will give them as much as any other 
person has ever given them." The Chaldeans approved of 
this suggestion, and said, that there would be a great many 
that would willingly engage in his service. 27. These matters 
were accordingly arranged. 

Cyrus, when he heard that the Chaldeans frequently went 
to serve under the Indian king, and remembered that there 
were certain persons that came from him to the Medes, to 
acquaint themselves with the Median aifairs, and went thence 
to the enemy, to get an insight likewise into their affairs, was 
desirous that the Indian should be informed of what he had 
done. 28. He therefore began to speak to this effect: "Tell 
me," said he, " king of Armenia, and you, Chaldeans, if I 
should send one of my people to the Indian king, would you 
send with him some of yours, who should direct him on his 
way, and act in concert with him, so that what I desire of the 
Indian may be obtained from him ? for I would wish some 
further addition to be made to my treasure, that I may have 
the means of giving pay in abundance to such as require it, 
and to honour and reward such of my soldiers as are deserv- 
ing. For these purposes I would have plenty of money, 
knowing that I want it ; and to spare your funds would be a 
pleasure to me ; for I now regard you as friends ; but from 
the Indian I would gladly obtain something, if he would give 
it me. 29. The messenger, therefore, to whom I desire you 
to give guides and to support, shall speak, when he arrives 
there, to this purport : * King of India, Cyrus has sent me to 
you ; he says that he is in want of money, expecting another 



88 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUSi [b. III. 

army from Persia ; ' (for indeed I do expect one, said he;) 
'if you send him, therefore, as much as you caia conve- 
niently spare, he engages, if the gods give a happy issue 
to his undertakings, to endeavour to make you. think that 
you have decided well in doing him this favour.' 30. This 
my messenger shall say. You, on the other hand, desire 
your messengers to say whatever may appear for your ad- 
vantage. And if we obtain anything from him," added he, 
" we shall have more abundant resources ; if we get nothing, 
we shall have the consciousness that we owe him no thanks, 
but that we shall be at liberty, as far as he is concerned, to re- 
gulate all our affairs with reference only to our own interests." 
31. Thus spoke Cyrus, not doubting that those of the Arme- 
nians and Chaldeans that went upon this message, would say 
such things of him, as he himself desired that all men should 
say and hear concerning him. Then, when the proper time 
was come, they broke up the assembly, and went to rest. 



CHAPTER III. 



Honours paid to Cyrus by the Armenians and Chaldeans. He declines the 
gifts of the Armenian princess. He persuades Cyaxares to lead his forces 
into the enemy's country. They approach the army of the Assyrians ; the 
different modes in which the two nations pitch their camps. The two 
armies prepare for battle ; the addresses of the king of Assyria and Cyrue 
to their men. The engagement ; the Assyrians are driven back into their 
camp with great loss. 

i. The next day Cyrus sent off his messenger, charging 
him with all that he had before expressed. The Armenian, 
king and the Chaldeans sent with him such men as they 
judged most proper to act in concert with him, and to say 
what was proper concerning Cyrus. 

Soon after, Cyrus, having furnished the fortress with a 
sufficient garrison, and with all things necessary, and left as 
governor of it a certain Mede, one that he judged would be 
most acceptable to Cyaxares, departed, taking with him both 
the force with which he came, and that which he had received 
from the Armenians, as well as the troops that came from the 
Chaldeans, who amounted to about four thousand, and thought 
themselves superior to all the rest. 



CH. 3.] CYRUS QUITS ARMENIA. 89 

2. When he came down into the inhabited country, not one 
of the Armenians, either man or woman, stayed within doors, 
but all went out to meet him, being overjoyed at the peace, 
and bringing out and presenting to him whatever they had 
worthy of his acceptance. The Armenian was not at all dis- 
pleased at this conduct, thinking that Cyrus, on receiving such 
honour from all, would be the better pleased. At last, also, 
the wife of the Armenian king met him, having her daughters 
with her, and her younger son; 1 and, together with other 
presents, she brought the gold which Cyrus had before refused 
to take. 3. Cyrus, when he saw her, said, u You shall not 
make me go about doing services for money ; but go, madam, 
and take with you the treasure that you offer me, and do not 
give it to the king of Armenia again to bury, 2 but equip your 
son with it in the handsomest possible manner, and send him 
to join the army ; and, out of the remainder, procure for your- 
self, your husband, daughters, and sons, those things with 
which, possessing and being adorned with them, you will pass 
your days in increased elegance and pleasure ; let it suffice for 
us, when each of us dies, to lay our bodies in the earth." 
4. Having said this, he rode on ; and the Armenian king 
attended upon him, as did all the rest, calling him, aloud, u their 
benefactor, that excellent man ! " Thus they did till he had 
quitted their territory. The Armenian sent a still greater 
force with him, as he had now peace at home. 3 5. Thus Cyrus 
departed, not only enriched with the treasure he had actually 
received, but having laid up for himself, through his conduct, 
a much greater store, so that he could supply himself when- 
ever he wanted. He then encamped upon the borders ; and 
the next day he sent the army and treasure to Cyaxares, who 
was at hand, as he had said that he would be. He himself, 
with Tigranes, and the principal Persians, hunted wherever 
they met with game, and diverted themselves. 

6. When he came into Media, he distributed money among 
his centurions, whatever he thought sufficient for each of them, 
that they might have the means of rewarding such of those 

1 Sabaris, iii. 1. 1. 

2 It is not previously intimated that the money was buried. 

1 He had already furnished Cyrus with a certain number of men, 
iii. 2. 3 ; 3. 1 ; and being now at peace with the Chaldeans, he sends 
an additional force. 



90 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. III. 

under them as they might think worthy ; for he thought that, 
if every one rendered his own part of the army praiseworthy, 
the whole would be in excellent condition for him. He him- 
self, wherever he saw anything that might contribute to the 
beauty of the army, procured it, and distributed it, from time 
to time, among the most deserving ; considering that, what- 
ever his men had that was beautiful and serviceable, he him- 
self received distinction from it all. 

7. When he had distributed among them a portion of what 
he had received, he spoke, in an assembly of centurions, cap- 
tains, and all such as he particularly esteemed, to this effect : 
" Friends, a particular pleasure seems now to attend us, both 
because some supplies have fallen to us, and because we have 
resources from which we may reward those whom we wish, 
and from which you may be distinguished as each may be de- 
serving. 8. But let us by all means remember what sort of 
actions were the cause of these advantages, for upon examin- 
ation, you will find that they were watching when it was re- 
quired, labouring, being active, and not giving way to the 
enemy. Thus therefore it behoves us to be brave men for the 
future ; knowing that obedience and resolution, labours and 
hazards, on proper occasions, produce great beneίits. ,, 

9. Cyrus, contemplating in how excellent a condition his 
men were, corporeally, for sustaining military labours, and 
how well they were disposed in mind to look with contempt 
on the enemy, seeing how skilful, too, they were in their pro- 
per exercises, each in his own kind of arms, and how well 
disposed they all were to obey their officers, was eager, from 
these considerations, to make some attempt on the enemy, 
knowing that by delay, some part or other of excellent mili- 
tary preparations often comes to nothing in the hands of the 
commanders, ίο. Observing also that many of the soldiers, 
from desire of distinction in the exercises in which they con- 
tended, had contracted feelings of envy towards one another ; 
he was, on this account, desirous to lead them out, as soon as 
possible, into the enemy's country; knowing that common 
dangers make fellow-combatants conceive a friendly disposi- 
tion one towards another ; and that, in such circumstances, 
they neither envy those that are finely armed, nor those that 
are ambitious of glory, but that such men rather applaud and 
esteem others that are like themselves, regarding them as fellow- 



CH. 3.] PROPOSALS OF CYRUS TO CYAXARES. 91 

labourers in the public service. 11. Accordingly, in the first 
place, he completely armed his whole force, and formed it into 
the best and most beautiful order that was possible. He then 
summoned the commanders of ten thousands, the commanders 
of thousands, the centurions, and captains ; (for these were 
exempt from being reckoned in the numbers of the divisions ; 
a^nd when they had to execute any orders from the com- 
mander-in-chief, or to communicate any particular directions 
to others, there was yet no part left without control, but all 
the other men were kept in order by the commanders of twelves 
and sixes ;) 1 12. and when all these officers were assembled, he 
took them round with him, and showed them that all was in 
proper order, and taught them in what point each of the allies 
were peculiarly strong. After he had rendered these men 
also desirous to attempt something soon, he bid them go to 
their several divisions, teach them what he had taught them- 
selves, and endeavour to inspire them all with a desire of 
taking the field, that they might set forth with all possible 
ardour. He told them also to be in attendance in the morn- 
ing at the gate of Cyaxares. 13. They then retired, and did 
as they were directed. 

The next morning, as soon as it was day, the officers at- 
tended at the gate ; and Cyrus, going in with them to Cyax- 
ares, proceeded to speak to this effect. " I know, Cyaxares, 5 ' 
said he, " that what I am going to say has been for some time 
not less your opinion than it is our own, but perhaps you 
shrink from expressing it, lest you should seem to be think- 
ing of our departure, as being uneasy at having to maintain 
us. 14. Since, therefore, you are silent, I will speak both fox 
you and for ourselves ; for it appears to all of us, that, since we 
are prepared, we should not then proceed to fight after the 
enemy have entered your country, or sit down and wait here 
in the territory of our friends, but should march, with all 
possible despatch, into the enemy's country. 15. For now, 
being here in your territory, we do harm against our will to 
much of what belongs to you ; but, if we march into the 
enemy's country, we shall with pleasure do mischief to what 
belongs to them. 16. It is you that now maintain us, and at 
a great expense ; but if we carry the war abroad, we shall 
maintain ourselves from the enemy's country. 17. If indeed 

1 The same that are elsewhere called captains of tens and fives. 



92 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. III. 

greater danger would await us there than here, perhaps the 
safer alternative should be chosen ; but the enemy will be the 
same men, whether we wait for them here, or march into their 
own country and meet them ; and we shall be the same in 
the field, whether we receive them here, as they come upon 
us, or march up to them and attack them. 18. We, however, 
shall have the minds of our men in better condition, and more 
resolute, if we march against the enemy, and seem not to 
come in sight of them against our will ; and they will have a 
much greater terror of us, when they shall hear, that we do 
not, as men in dread, sit at home, and shrink from them ; but 
that, as soon as we perceive them advancing, we march to 
meet them, in order that we may close with them as soon as 
possible ; and that we do not wait till our own country is 
ravaged by them, but that we anticipate them by laying 
waste their lands. 19. And," added he, "if we render them 
more timid, and ourselves more bold, I think that it will be a 
great advantage to us ; and consider that the danger will thus 
be rendered much less to us, and much greater to the enemy. 
My father, too, always says, you yourself say, and all others 
agree, that battles are decided rather by courage than by 
strength of body." 20. Thus spoke Cyrus, and Cyaxares re- 
plied, "Do not imagine, Cyrus, and you other Persians, that I 
am at all discontented at maintaining you. To march into the 
enemy's country, however, appears also to me to be now in 
every respect the better course." " Since, then," said Cyrus, 
" we agree in opinion, let us get all things ready, and as soon 
as our sacrifices to the gods express assent, 1 let us set out 
without delay." 

21. Accordingly they gave" orders to the soldiers to have 
their baggage in readiness. Cyrus then sacrificed, first to 
Jupiter the king, and afterwards to the other deities ; and 
prayed, that they would be propitious and benevolent, good 
guides, supporters, and allies, to the army, and counsellors in 
whatever was good. He invoked likewise the heroes, who 
dwelt in and protected the land of Media. 22. When he 
found the sacrifices favourable, and his army was assem- 
bled upon the borders, he at once, meeting with propitious 
omens, advanced into the enemy's country. As soon as he 
had passed the borders, he performed propitiatory rites to the 
1 Simul ac res divinae nobis annuere incipiant. Bornemann. 



CH. 3.] MARCH TOWARDS THE ENEMY. 93 

Earth with libations, and sought the favour of the gods and 
heroes that dwell in Assyria with sacrifices. Having done 
this, he sacrificed again to Jupiter Patrius ; and whatever 
other deity occurred to him, he did not neglect. 

23. When these things were duly performed, they immedi- 
ately led the infantry a short distance forward, and en- 
camped ; and then, making excursions with the horse, they 
captured much booty of every kind. For some time after, 
too, they continued, while changing their encampments, get- 
ting abundance of provisions, and laying waste the country, 
to wait the approach of the enemy. 24. When they were said 
to be advancing, and not to be more than ten days' march 
distant, Cyrus isaid, "Now, Cyaxares, is the time for us to 
march and meet them, and not to appear, either to the enemy 
or to our own people, afraid of advancing against them ; but 
let us make it evident, that we do not come to battle with 
them against our will." 25. As this suggestion was ap- 
proved by Cyaxares, they advanced in order, each day as far 
as they thought proper; they took their supper always by 
day-light, and kindled no fires in their camp at night ; in the 
front of the camp, however, they did kindle some, that, by 
means of them, they might see if any people approached in 
the night, and might not be seen themselves by those ap- 
proaching ; they also frequently made fires behind the camp, 
in order to deceive the enemy, so that the enemy's scouts 
sometimes fell in with the outposts, thinking themselves to be 
still at a distance from the camp, because the fires were behind. 

26. The Assyrians, then, and those that were with them, as 
soon as the armies drew near each other, surrounded them- 
selves with a trench; a practice which the Barbarian kings 
observe to this day. Wherever they encamp, they throw a 
trench round them with ease by means of the multitude of 
their hands ; for they know that an army of cavalry, espe- 
cially of Barbarian cavalry, is confused and unwieldy ; 27. for 
they have their horses tied by the feet at their mangers, and, 
if an enemy comes upon them, it is a trouble in the darkness 
to loose the horses, a trouble to bridle them, a trouble to put 
on their housings, and a trouble to fasten their breastplates ; 
and, when they have mounted their horses, it is absolutely 
impossible for them to ride them through the camp. 1 On all 
1 Compare Anab. iii. 4. 35. 



94 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. III. 

these accounts, other Barbarians as well as they surround 
themselves with a trench ; and they also imagine, that to be 
within an intrenchment gives them the power of fighting 
only when they please. Observing these precautions, they 
approached each other. 

28. When they had come so near, that they were distant 
only about a parasang, the Assyrians encamped in the man- 
ner before mentioned, in a post intrenched, but open to 
view; Cyrus, in a place as much concealed as possible, 
keeping villages and rising grounds before him, consider- 
ing that all things in war that discover themselves on a sud- 
den, are the more alarming to the enemy. And both parties, 
posting advanced guards, as was proper, went to rest for 
that night. 

29. The next day, the Assyrian king, and Croesus, and the 
other leaders, gave their armies rest in their fortified camp. 
Cyrus and Cyaxares waited in order of battle, as intending to 
fight, if the enemy advanced. But as it appeared that the 
enemy would not stir qut of their intrenchment, nor come to 
an engagement that day, Cyaxares summoned Cyrus and the 
ofiicers of the other troops to him, and spoke to this effect : 
30. " It is my opinion, friends," said he, " that we should ad- 
vance, in the order in which we are, up to the intrenchment 
of these men, and show them that we are ready to come to a 
battle ; for, by this means," said he, " if they do not come out 
against us, our men will return with an accession of courage, 
and the enemy, observing our boldness, will be the more 
alarmed." 31. This was the opinion of Cyaxares ; but Cyrus 
said, " By the gods, Cyaxares, let us by no means act thus ; 
for if we now discover ourselves, and march forward as you 
desire, the enemy will see us advance without fear, knowing 
themselves to be in a situation secure from danger ; and, when 
we retire without attempting anything, they, seeing our num- 
bers much inferior to theirs, will conceive a contempt for us, 
and will march but against us to-morrow with greater reso- 
lution. 32. But now," said he, " while they know we are at 
hand, and do not yet see us, be assured that they do not contemn 
us, but are solicitous to know what our intention is ; and are, 
I know very well, incessantly occupied in talking about us. 
But when they come forth, then must we, at once, make our 
appearance, and come to close quarters with them, taking 



CH. 3.] CYRUS EXHORTS HIS TROOPS. 95 

them at the advantage which we have long desired." 33. 
When Cyrus had spoken thus, his suggestion was approved 
both by Cyaxares and the other officers. Then, having taken 
their suppers, placed their guards, and kindled several fires in 
front of the sentinels, they went to rest. 

34. The next day, early in the morning, Cyrus, with a 
crown upon his head, made a sacrifice ; and ordered the rest 
of the officers, Equals-in-honour, to attend the sacred rites 
with crowns. When the sacrifice was over, Cyrus called them 
together, and said, "The gods, friends, as the diviners say, 
and as I myself think, foretell that there will be a battle ; 
they grant us victory, and promise us safety by the victims. 
35. I should be ashamed to exhort you what sort of men you 
ought to prove yourselves on such an occasion ; for I know 
that you understand, and have practised and learned, and are 
continually learning, the same things as myself ; so that you 
may justly instruct others in them. But if you have not 
taken into consideration the following particulars, pray listen 
to me. 36. Those men that we have, lately received as our 
fellow-combatants, and are endeavouring to make similar to 
ourselves, it is your part to remind for what object we are all 
maintained by Cyaxares ; what exercises we learned, to what 
exertions we invited them, and in what point they said that 
they would joyfully be our rivals. 37. Put them in mind, 
likewise, that this day will show of what every one is deserv- 
ing ; for, in things in which men have been late learners, it 
is no wonder if some of them have need of a monitor ; and it 
is satisfactory if they can show themselves deserving characters 
even with admonition. 38. In doing this, too, you will make 
trial of yourselves ; for he that, upon such an occasion, is able 
to make others better men, may justly feel conscious of being 
himself perfectly good ; but he who, in such duties, can ad- 
monish himself only, and rests satisfied with doing so, should, 
in justice, account himself but half perfect. 39. The reason 
why I do not address these men myself, but bid you speak to 
them, is, that they may endeavour to please you ; for you are 
immediately conversant with them, each of you, in his par- 
ticular division. And be assured," added he, " that, if you 
show yourselves to them to be courageous, you will teach 
them courage, and many more, 1 not by word, but by deed." 

1 The Medes, Armenians, and Chaldeans. 



96 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. {Β. III. 

40. In conclusion, he bid them go, crowned as they were, to 
take their breakfast, and after making libations, to come 
crowned to their posts. 

When these were gone, he summoned the captains in the 
rear to him, and gave them an exhortation to this effect : 41. 
" You, likewise, men of Persia, have been admitted among 
the Equals-in -honour, and have been chosen 1 to command the 
rear, as men who appear to be equal, in other respects, to the 
bravest, and, by your age, to excel others in discretion. You 
have, accordingly, a station assigned you, which is not less 
honourable than that of the commanders in front; for, being 
placed in the rear, and observing such as are brave, and en- 
couraging them, you make them still better men ; and, if any 
one is remiss, you do not suffer him to continue so. 42. Vic- 
tory, if it be of advantage to any, is advantageous to you, both 
by reason of your age, and the weight of your military equip- 
ments. If they, therefore, who are in front, call to you, and 
exhort you to follow, obey them ; and that you may not be 
outdone by them in this respect, exhort them, in return, to 
lead with still more despatch against the enemy. Go, then," 
said he, u and when you have taken your breakfast, come, 
crowned with the rest, to your posts." 43. Thus did Cyrus 
and his men occupy themselves. 

The Assyrians, when they had breakfasted, marched boldly 
forth, and ranged themselves with great spirit. The king him- 
self appointed them their places, driving round in his chariot ; 
and addressed to them an exhortation to this purpose : 44. "Men 
of Assyria, it is now incumbent on you to be brave men, for you 
have now to fight for your lives, for the land in which you 
were born, for the houses in which you were brought up, for 
your wives and children, and for everything valuable that you 
possess. If you conquer, you will remain masters of all these 
as before ; if you are defeated, be assured you give them all 
up to the enemy. 45. As you desire victory, therefore, stand 
firm, and fight ; for it is folly for those that desire conquest, 
to turn the blind, unarmed, and handless parts of their 
bodies towards the enemy by flight. ' He is a fool, who, de- 
siring to live, should attempt to flee, when he knows that the 
conquerors save their lives, and that runaways meet their 

1 Έ'πιλ t λεγμένοι εστε.] Εό pertinet quod lecti erant ουραγοί. 
Fischer. 



CH. 3.] ADVICE OF CYAXARES: REPLY OF CYRUS. 97 

death more certainly than they who stand their ground. He 
also is a fool, who, desiring gain, incurs a defeat ; for who does 
not know that conquerors save all that belongs to themselves, 
and acquire, in addition, all that belongs to the defeated 
enemy, but that they who are conquered, throw both them- 
selves and all that belongs to them away ? " 46. In such a 
manner was the Assyrian monarch employed. 

But Cyaxares, sending to Cyrus, told him, that now was 
the time for leading on against the. enemy ; " for, if there 
are yet but few," said he, " advanced beyond the intrench- 
ment, by the time we arrive there will be great numbers of 
them ; let us not, therefore, wait till they are more numerous 
than ourselves ; but let us march, whilst we think we may 
still easily master them." 47. But Cyrus replied, "Unless 
those, Cyaxares, that we shall defeat, amount to above half 
the number of the enemy, be assured they will say that Ave, 
from being afraid of their numbers, attacked but a few of 
them ; while they will not consider themselves defeated, but 
you will be obliged to fight another battle, in which, perhaps, 
they may contrive better than they have now contrived, 
when they give themselves up to us to portion them out, so as 
to engage with as many of them as we please." 48. The mes- 
sengers, on hearing this, went their way. 

At this time Chrysantas the Persian came up, and others 
of the Equals-in-honour, bringing with them some deserters. 
Cyrus, as was to be expected, put some questions to these 
deserters as to the state of affairs among the enemy. They 
told him, that they were already marching out under arms ; 
that the king was come out and was ranging them ; and that, 
as they passed in succession, he addressed to them many 
warm and earnest exhortations, as those who had heard him, 
they said, reported. 49. Chrysantas then said, " What if you too, 
Cyrus, should call the soldiers together, and exhort them, while 
you have yet time, if, indeed, you may thus make them at all 
better men?" 50. Cyrus replied, "O Chrysantas, let not the 
exhortations of the Assyrian king disturb you ; for no exhort- 
ation, however excellent, can on the instant make the hearers 
of it brave, who were not brave before ; nor can it make those 
archers, who have not before practised archery, or javelin- 
throwers, or horsemen ; nor can it make those capable of bodily 
labour, who have not been previously inured to it." 51. " But 



98 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. III. 

it is enough/' rejoined Chrysantas, " if you can make their 
minds better by an exhortation." " And can a single word," re- 
plied Cyrus, " spoken on the instant, inspire the minds of the 
hearers with a feeling of self-respect, or hinder them from 
doing things mean and base, or influence them to undergo, as 
they ought, all labours, and to run all hazards, for the sake of 
praise, or establish firmly in their minds the sentiment, that 
to die fighting is preferable to saving their lives by flight ? 
52. If such sentiments," said he, " are to be instilled into men, 
and to be made enduring, must there not, in the first place, 
be laws established, by which a life of honour and liberty will 
be provided for the brave, and an abject, painful, and value- 
less existence will be allotted to the worthless ? 53. Be- 
sides, me thinks, there must be teachers and governors for 
these purposes, who may direct men aright, and teach and 
accustom them to practise such a course of conduct, until it 
becomes inherent in them to think that the brave and hon- 
ourable are in reality the happiest of men, and to believe that 
the vicious and infamous are of all men the most miserable ; 
for thus ought those to stand affected, who are to prove their 
discipline superior to the fear of the enemy. 54. But if, at the 
very time when men are going in arms to the field of battle, 
and when many are even deprived of the power of using 
their former acquirements, a man could then, by putting to- 
gether a set form of words, make men soldiers at -once, it 
would thus be the easiest thing in the world both to learn 
and to teach the greatest of the virtues that belong to men. 
55. I could not feel certain that the men whom we now have, 
and whom we have trained under ourselves, would stand 
firm, unless I saw you here present with them, who will be 
examples to them, to show them what sort of characters they 
ought to be, and will be able to remind them, if they forget 
anything that they have learned. . I should wonder indeed," 
said he, " Chrysantas, if a speech, however finely spoken, 
should avail with men wholly undisciplined in virtue, to lead 
them to honourable exertion, any more than a song, however 
well sung, could profit such as were wholly ignorant of music, 
so as to make them understand music." 

56. They were engaged in this discourse, when Cyaxares 
again sent word to Cyrus, that he was wrong to waste time, 
and not to march immediately against the enemy. Cyrus 



CII. 3.] CYRUS ATTACKS THE ENEMY. 99 

made answer to the messengers, " Let him be assured," said 
he, " that as many of them are not yet come out as is desir- 
able; and tell him this, openly, before all; but, since he 
thinks it proper, I will lead forward this instant." 57. Hav- 
ing said this, and made supplications to the gods, he drew out 
the army. As soon as he began to put forward with more 
despatch, he led the way, and the men followed, keeping good 
order, because they had been taught and trained to march 
with regularity ; inspired with great resolution, because they 
were emulous of each other, because their bodies had been 
inured to labour, and because all their officers were at the head 
of them ; and animated with pleasure, because they under- 
stood what they were going about ; for they knew, and had 
long since learned, that it was their safest and easiest course 
to close at once with the enemy, especially when the enemy 
consisted of archers, javelin-throwers, and cavalry. 58. While 
they were yet beyond reach of the enemy's weapons, Cyrus 
gave out the watch-word, " Jupiter our ally and leader." 
When the word came round to him again, 1 he commenced the 
usual pcean ; and all the soldiers devoutly accompanied him 
with a loud voice ; for in such circumstances they who fear 
the gods are the less in fear of men. 59. When the hymn 
was over, the Equals-in-honour, marching with alacrity and 
good discipline, and looking round on each other, calling by 
name those that were on each side of them, and those that 
were behind, and frequently crying out, " Come on, friends ! 
come on, brave men ! " exhorted one another to follow ; while 
they that were in the rear, hearing this, exhorted the fore- 
most, in their turn, to lead on with resolution. Cyrus had 
thus an army full of spirit, eagerness for honour, vigour, 
boldness, mutual exhortation, discretion, and obedience ; a 
state of things which I think most formidable to an enemy. 

60. Of the Assyrians, those who fought from chariots in 
front, as soon as the body of the Persians drew near, mounted 
their chariots, and retired to their own body; while their 
archers, javelin-men, and slingers, discharged their weapons, 
long before they could reach the enemy. 61. As soon as the 
Persians came upon these weapons, thus discharged, Cyrus 
cried aloud, " Now, my brave men, let each of you press on 
and distinguish himself, and pass this word to the rest." 

1 Anab. i. 8. 16. 
η 2 



100 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. [b. III. 

They accordingly passed it ; and some, from zeal and ardour, 
and eagerness to close with the enemy, began to run. 62. 
The whole body then followed, running ; and Cyrus him- 
self, forgetting his slower pace, led them on running, and 
cried out, at the same time, 63. " Who will follow ? who is 
brave ? who will first strike down his man ?" The men, 
hearing this, cried out in the same manner ; and the word 
ran, as he first uttered it, through them all, "Who will fol- 
low ? who is brave ? " In such a spirit did the Persians close 
with the enemy. 

The enemy were unable to stand their charge, but turned, 
and fled to the intrenchment. 64. The Persians, following 
them to the entrance, struck down many of them, as they 
were pushing against each other, and, leaping in after such as 
fell into the trench, killed men and horses together ; for some 
of the chariots, in their flight, could not avoid falling into the 
trench. 65. The Median cavalry, observing this state of 
things, charged the enemy's cavalry, which gave way before 
them. Then followed a pursuit of both horses and men, and 
a great slaughter of both. 66. Those who were within the 
Assyrian intrenchment, and were posted at the head of it, 1 had, 
by reason of the dreadful spectacle before them, and of their 
own terror, neither skill nor ability to do execution with their 
arrows and javelins, upon those that were making destruction 
of their people. Learning, too, soon after, that some of the 
Persians had cut their way through at the entrances of the 
intrenchment, they turned away, and fled from the higher 
parts of it. 67. The Assyrian women, and those of their 
allies, both such as had children, and such as were of the 
younger sort, seeing that flight had begun even in the camp, 
raised a cry and ran up and down in consternation, rending 
their clothes and tearing themselves, and begging of every one 
they met, not to flee and abandon them, but to stand by 
them, their children, and each other. 68. The princes them- 
selves, with their most faithful adherents, standing at the 
entrances of the intrenchment, and mounting on the higher 
parts, 2 fought themselves, and encouraged the rest. 69. 
Cyrus, as soon as he saw how things stood, being afraid lest, 

1 'Επί της κεφαλής της τάφρον.~\ In summo aggere ejus fossae, 
quae evat ad introitum. Bomemann. 

2 Έπι τάς κεφα\άς.~\ See § 66. 






CH. 3.] WHAT FOLLOWED THE VICTORY. 101 

as they were but few, they should incur some harm from the 
great multitude of the enemy, if they forced their way in, gave 
orders to retreat slowly out of the reach of the enemy's wea- 
pons, and required prompt obedience in so doing. 70. Here a 
spectator might distinguish the Equals-in-honour, who had 
been properly disciplined ; for they instantly obeyed, and in- 
stantly communicated the order to the rest. When they were 
beyond reach of the enemy's weapons, they drew them- 
selves up in their places, much more regularly than a set of 
dancers ; knowing exactly where each ought to be. 



BOOK IV. 



CHAPTER I. 

Cyrus returns thanks to the gods, congratulates Cyaxares, and rewards his 
deserving soldiers, especially Chrysantas, on account of the victory which 
he obtained. He thinks of pursuing the enemy, but is retarded by the 
envy and inactivity of Cyaxares, who at last, however, gives him leave to 
undertake the pursuit with as many troops as would willingly follow him. 

i. Cyrus, having waited there a considerable time with the 
army, and having shown that they were ready to fight, if any 
force would come out against them, led back his troops, as no 
one came forth to attack him, to such a distance as he thought 
proper, and encamped. 

Having then placed sentinels, and sent out scouts, he took 
his stand in the midst of the camp, and, calling his soldiers 
around him, spoke to this effect : 2. " Men of Persia, I give 
in the first place all possible praise to the gods ; and I believe 
that you do the same ; for we have obtained victory and 
safety. For these benefits, therefore, it is our duty to make 
thank-offerings to the gods from whatever we may have in 
our possession. I now praise you all generally ; for the 
achievement that has been performed was the honourable 
work of you all ; and when I have ascertained from the proper 
persons what each man deserves, I will endeavour, both in 
word and deed, to give every one his due. 3. With respect 



102 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. [b. IV. 

to Chrysantas, indeed, who was the centurion nearest to me, 
I have no need to inquire of others, for I myself know how 
he conducted himself; for he did whatever else I believe you 
all did ; and when I gave orders to retreat, calling upon him 
by name, he at once, though he had his sword lifted up, with 
intent to strike an enemy, obeyed me, and, desisting from 
what he was proceeding to do, executed my directions ; for 
he retreated himself, and transmitted the order, with the 
greatest despatch, to others ; so that he brought his century 
beyond the reach of the missiles before the enemy perceived 
that we were retreating, or could bend their bows, or throw 
their javelins; and thus he was himself unhurt, and kept his 
men unhurt through his obedience. 4. But there are others," 
added he, u that I see wounded ; concerning whom, when I 
have ascertained at what time it was that they were wounded, 
I will then declare my opinion. Chrysantas, as a man active 
in the duties of the field, prudent, and fitted both to obey and 
command, I now reward with the captaincy of a thousand ; 
and whenever the gods grant us any further advantage, I will 
not then forget him. 5. I am desirous too," continued he, 
" to give you a word of admonition. What you have now 
seen in this battle, never cease to bear in mind ; that you 
may always decide for yourselves, whether it is flight or 
valour that saves men's lives ; whether they who are willing 
to engage come off the better, or those who are unwilling ; 
and what sort of pleasure it is that victory affords. You may 
now the better form a judgment of these things, as you have 
had experience of them, and as the affair has so recently 
taken place. 6. By keeping these considerations always pre- 
sent to your minds, you will become the better soldiers. Now, 
like men who are favoured of heaven, arid who are brave and 
prudent, take your suppers, make libations to the gods, com- 
mence the paean, and await the word of command." 

7. Having spoken thus, he mounted his horse and rode off, 
and joined Cyaxares. When he had congratulated him, as was 
proper, and had seen how things stood there, and inquired 
whether Cyaxares had any further need of him, he rode back 
to his own army. Cyrus's men, having taken their suppers 
and placed the necessary sentinels, went to rest. 

8. The Assyrians, as their prince l was killed, and almost 

1 Neriglissar. i. 4. 16. 



CH. 1.] CYRYS INCLINED TO PURSUE. 103 

all the bravest of their men with him, were all in dejection, 
and many of them fled from the camp in the night. Croesus, 
and their other allies, on beholding this state of things, lost 
all courage, for everything around them was full of difficul- 
ties. What caused the greatest despondency among them all, 
was, that the principal nation 1 in the army were alto- 
gether unsettled in their opinions. They in consequence 
quitted the camp, and went off in the night. 

9. As soon as it was day, and the camp of the enemy 
seemed entirely abandoned, Cyrus immediately led the Per- 
sians into it first. Great numbers of sheep and oxen had 
been left there by the enemy ; and many waggons full of 
abundance of valuable things. Soon after, all the Medes, 
with Cyaxares, marched in, and there took their dinners, 
ίο. When they had dined, Cyrus called his centurions to- 
gether, and spoke to them to this effect : " What advantages, 
and what excellent opportunities, my friends, do we appear 
to throw away, when the gods offer them to us ! You your- 
selves now see that the enemy have fled from us ; and how 
can any one imagine that they who, when possessed of an in- 
trenched post, quitted it and fled, will stand and look us in 
the face on equal ground ? How will they, who did not 
stand while they were as yet unacquainted with us, stand 
now, after they have been beaten by us, and suffered so much 
damage at our hands ? How should the worst of those resolve 
to iight with us, of whom the best have been destroyed ?" 
li. Some one then exclaimed, " Why do we not immediately 
pursue, when the advantages of pursuit are so evident?" 
Cyrus replied, " Because we want horses ; for the best of the 
enemy's men, and such as it is most for our purpose to cap- 
ture or kill, are gone off on horseback ; whom we, with the 
help of the gods, are able to put to flight, but are not able to 
overtake in pursuit." 12. " Why then," said they, " do not 
you go to Cyaxares, and tell him this?" Cyrus rejoined, 
" Come, then, all of you, along with me ; that he may see 
that we are all of the same mind." They accordingly all 
followed him, and said what they thought calculated to obtain 
that which they had in view. 

13. Cyaxares felt in some degree envious, as it were, be- 
cause they had begun the discourse upon the subject, and 
1 The Assyrians. 



104 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. IV. 

thought it perhaps, at the same time, not desirable to hazard 
another battle, (for he was indulging himself in pleasure, and 
knew that many of the Medes were following his example,) 
and he in consequence replied to this effect : 14. "I am con- 
vinced, Cyrus, both from what I see and what I hear, that 
you Persians are anxious, more than any other men, not to 
give yourselves up insatiably to any one kind of pleasure ; 
but I am of opinion, that it is by much the most advantageous 
thing to be master of one's self in the greatest pleasure of all. 
And what gives men greater pleasure than good fortune, 
such as has now befallen us ? 15. If then, when we are in pros- 
perity, we take care to preserve it with discretion, perhaps 
we may, without hazard, reach old age in happiness ; but if 
we pursue it intemperately, and endeavour to secure one 
piece of good fortune after another, take care lest we suffer 
the same fate that they say many people incur at sea, who, 
from having been once fortunate, are unwilling to cease re- 
peating their voyages, and are lost ; and many, they say, 
having obtained one victory, and aiming at more, have lost 
the benefit of the first. 16. If, indeed, the enemy, who have 
iled, were fewer than we, perhaps we might pursue a smaller 
number with safety ; but consider with how small a part of 
them it was that our whole number fought, and conquered ; 
the rest were out of the action, who, unless we force them to 
fight, will go off in ignorance and cowardice, without know- 
ing our strength or their own. But if they shall find that 
they are not less in danger in retreating than in standing 
their ground, take care lest we force them, even against 
their will, to act bravely ; 17. for be assured, that you are not 
more desirous to seize their wives and children, than they are 
to preserve them ; and reflect that even swine, when they are 
discovered, betake themselves, though in great numbers, to 
flight, together with their young ; but that, if a man pursue 
one of their little ones, the sow, though she be single, does 
not continue her flight, but attacks the pursuer that attempts 
to seize it. 18. And these men, upon this recent occasion, 
having shut themselves up in an intrenchment, let themselves 
be parcelled out by us in such a manner, that we might engage 
with as many of them as we pleased at a time. But if we 
march up to them in an open country, and they shall learn, by 
dividing themselves, to oppose us partly in front, as at pre- 



CH. 1.] VOLUNTEERS FOLLOW CYRUS. 105 

sent, partly on the flanks, and partly on the rear, take care 
lest every one of us may stand in need of many hands and eyes. 
Besides," said he, "as I see the Medes enjoying themselves, I 
should not now be willing to rouse them and compel them to 
run again into danger." 

19. Cyrus, in reply, said, " Compel no one then, but merely 
allow those to follow me that are willing to do so. Perhaps 
we may come back, and bring you, and each of these friends 
of yours, something with which you may all be pleased. We 
will not pursue the main body of the enemy : for how could 
we even overtake them ? But if we meet with any stragglers 
from the rest of the army^ or anything left behind, we will 
come and bring it you. 20. Consider too," said he, "that 
when you wanted us, we came a long way to gratify you ; 
you ought justly therefore to gratify us in return, that we 
may go home possessed of something, and, besides, may not 
all of us look to your treasury." 21. Cyaxares then said, 
"If any, indeed, would attend you voluntarily, I should feel 
obliged to you." " Send with me then one of these trust- 
worthy persons here, who may communicate what you may 
desire." " Take with you, then," said he, " which of them 
you please." 22. The person happened to be present who had 
said that he was his relation, and who had been kissed by 
him ; Cyrus, therefore, immediately said, " This man is suffi- 
cient for me." " Let him, then," said he, " attend you ; and 
do you," said he to him, " announce that any one, who is 
willing, may go with Cyrus." 23. Taking this man with him, 
therefore, Cyrus went out. As soon as he had come forth, 
Cyrus said to him, " You will now show whether you spoke 
truth, when you said that you were delighted with the sight 
of me." " I will not abandon you," said the Mede, " if that is 
what you mean." l " And will you then exert yourself," said 
Cyrus, " to bring out others with you likewise ? " The Mede 
with an oath said, " By Jove, I will ; until I make you look 
upon me with delight." 24. This messenger of Cyaxares, ac- 
cordingly, delivered his message faithfully, in other respects, 
to the Medes, and added this of himself, " That, for his 
part, he would not desert this most honourable and excellent 

1 Εί τούτο λέγείς.] If you intimate that you would wish me to 
declare that I will never leave you, and will thus prove that to look 
on you is a pleasure to me. Fischer. See i. 4. 28. 



106 THE INSTITUTION OP CYRUS. [b. IV. 

of men ; and, what was more than all, a descendant of the 
gods ! " 



CHAPTER II. 



Messengers arrive from the Hyrcanians, who signify that they are going to 
revolt from the Assyrians ; Cyrus receives them as allies. He pursues the 
enemy, and obtains a victory. His care for his troops and allies, and re- 
gulations as to the division of the spoil. 

1. While Cyrus was engaged in these affairs, there arrived, 
providentially as it were, messengers from the Hyrcanians. 
The Hyrcanians border upon the Assyrians ; they are not a 
numerous nation, and in consequence are subject to the 
Assyrians. At that time they appear to have been good 
horsemen, and seem now to bear the same character ; hence 
the Assyrians used them as the Lacedsemonians use the peo- 
ple of Sciros, 1 sparing them neither in labour nor in dangers ; 
and they had commanded them on this occasion, being about 
a thousand horse, to form the rear- guard, that in case any 
danger threatened them behind, the Hyrcanians might meet 
it before it reached themselves. 2. These Hyrcanians, as 
being to march behind all, had their waggons in the rear, as 
well as their domestics ; for most of the inhabitants of Asia, 
when they go on military expeditions, are attended by those 
with whom they live at home ; and the Hyrcanians had now 
taken the field with this train of attendants. 3. But as they 
reflected with themselves what they suffered under the Assy- 
rians ; that the king of the Assyrians was now dead, and them- 
selves defeated ; that great terror pervaded the army, and 
that their allies were desponding and deserting ; it appeared 
to them, on these considerations, to be a favourable opportunity 
for revolting, if Cyrus's party would but fall upon the enemy in 
conjunction with them. With this view they sent messengers 
to Cyrus, for, since the battle, his fame had risen to the great- 
est height. 

4. The men that were sent told Cyrus, " That they had a 

1 The people of Sciros, a city in Arcadia, served the Lacedaemo- 
nians for hire; they were not mixed with the Spartans, but kept 
apart, and required to support the Spartans in the field wherever 
they were hard pressed. Diod. Sic. xv. 32. 



CH. 2.] THE HYRCANIANS SEND TO CYRUS. 107 

just hatred to the Assyrians ; and that, if he would now march 
against them, they themselves would be his supporters, and 
put him in the way." They gave him likewise an account 
of the state of affairs among the enemy, being extremely 
desirous to incite him to the expedition. 5. Cyrus then 
asked*them, " Do you think that we can overtake them be- 
fore they shelter themselves in their fortresses ? For," added 
he, " we think it a great misfortune, that they stole away 
from us." This he said with an intention to raise in them 
as high an opinion as possible of himself and his people. 6. 
They replied, " That if the Persians were to set out early in 
the morning, and march with expedition, they might over- 
take them the next day ; as, by reason of their multitude, and 
the number of their carriages, they marched very slowly ; and 
besides," added they, " having had no rest the night before, 
they advanced but a little way, and are now encamped." 7. 
Cyrus said, " Have you any pledge-, then, to give us of what 
you say, to convince us that you speak truth ? " " We are 
ready," said they, "to ride off this instant, and bring you 
hostages to-night ; only do you pledge your faith to us by the 
gods, and give us your right hand, that what we ourselves 
thus receive from you, we may communicate to the rest of our 
people." 8. He accordingly gave them assurances, that if they 
performed what they said, he would treat them as friends and 
faithful adherents, so that they should not be of less consider- 
ation with him, than the Persians or Medes. And even to 
this day we may see the Hyrcanians trusted, and holding posts 
of government, like those of the Persians and Medes that ap- 
pear worthy of them. 

9. When they had dined, he led out the army, while it was 
yet day, desiring the Hyrcanians to stay, that they might go 
with him. All the Persians, as might be expected, were al- 
ready out, as well as Tigranes, with his forces. 10. Of the 
Medes, some marched out, because, when they were boys, 
they had been friends to Cyrus while yet a boy ; some, be- 
cause, when associating with him in his hunting expeditions, 
they had been much struck with his demeanour ; some from 
gratitude, because he was thought to have freed them from 
great terror ; some from having hopes, that, as he already ap- 
peared to be a man of worth, he would hereafter prove ex- 
tremely fortunate and great ; and some, because they were de- 



108 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. IT. 

sirous to make a return for whatever service he had done 
them while he was brought up among the Medes ; (and, from 
good-nature, he had obtained a great many favours for many 
of them from his grandfather ;) but most of them went forth 
with a view to getting spoil, because they saw the Hyrcanians 
going, and because a report was spread abroad that they were 
to lead the way to abundance of plunder, it. Thus almost 
all the Medes marched out, except those that were in the tent 
with Cyaxares ; these remained, and the men that were under 
their command. The rest hastened forth with pleasure and 
zeal, as not going by constraint, but voluntarily, and with a 
wish to oblige. 12. When they were out, he went first to 
the Medes, and commended them, and prayed especially that 
the gods, being propitious both to them, to himself, and to his 
people, would vouchsafe to conduct them, and also that he 
himself might be enabled to make them a grateful return for 
their zeal. He told them, that the foot should lead the way, 
and bid them follow with their horse ; desiring that, wherever 
they rested or suspended their march, some of their people 
should ride up to him, so that they might ascertain from time 
to time how it was proper to proceed. 13. Soon after, he 
ordered the Hyrcanians l to lead on ; when they asked him, 
" What ! will you not wait till we bring our hostages, that 
you may march with the pledges of our fidelity in your hands ? " 
To this question it is said that he replied, " I consider that 
we have pledges of your fidelity in our own hearts and 
hands ; for we think ourselves so well provided, that, if you 
prove to have spoken truth, we are in a condition to do you 
service ; while, if you deceive us, we suppose ourselves 
sufficiently strong not to be in your power, but rather think, 
if the gods please, that you will be in ours ; and since," said 
he, " Hyrcanians, you say that your people march in the 
rear, give us, as soon as you see them, a signal that they are 
yours, in order that we may spare them." 14. The Hyrca- 
nians, on hearing these words, led the way as he ordered; 
they admired his firmness of mind, and no longer dread- 
ed either the Assyrians, the Lydians, or their allies, but only 
lest Cyrus should think it of little moment whether they were 
present or absent. 

15. When they were on the march, and night was come on, 

1 The two Hyrcanian envoys. 



CH. 2.] CYRUS JOINED BY THE IIYRCANIANS. 109 

a clear light from heaven is said to have appeared to Cyrus, 
and to the army ; so that dread fell upon them all at the 
divine manifestation, while courage was excited in them 
against the enemy. As they marched without encumbrance 
and with despatch, they cleared, as was to be expected, a 
great portion of ground, and at the dawn of day drew near 
the Hyrcanian army. 16. As soon as the messengers came in 
sight of them, they told Cyrus that these were their people ; 
for they said that they knew them from being the hindmost, 
and from the number of fires. 17. He accordingly sent one 
of the two messengers to them, ordering him to tell them that 
if they were friends, they were at once to come to meet him, 
holding up their right hands. He sent also one of his own 
people with them, and bid him tell the Hyrcanians, that, when 
he and his people saw them advancing, they themselves would 
do the same thing. Thus one of the messengers stayed with 
Cyrus ; and the other rode off to the Hyrcanians. 18. While 
Cyrus was waiting to see what the Hyrcanians would do, he 
made the army halt ; and the chiefs of the Medes, with Ti- 
granes, rode up to him, and asked him what they were to 
do. He told them in reply, " This body of troops, which 
is nearest us, is that of the Hyrcanians ; one of their messen- 
gers is gone to them, and one of our people with him, to tell 
them, if they are friends, to meet us all with their right hands 
held up ; if, therefore, they do so, hold out your right hands 
to them, in your several places, 1 and encourage them ; but if 
they take to their arms, or attempt to flee, you must at once 
endeavour to let none of these that we first meet with escape." 

19. He gave them this charge ; and the Hyrcanians, on hear- 
ing the report of the messengers, were in great joy, and leap- 
ing on their horses, came up, as had been told them, holding 
out their right hands. The Medes and Persians, on their 
side, held out their right hands to them, and encouraged them. 

20. Soon after, Cyrus said, " Hyrcanians, we now trust you ; 
and it is your part to feel similarly towards us ; but, in the 
first place," said he, " tell us how far from hence is the place 
where the enemy's officers are, and their main body ? " They 
replied that it was little more than a parasang. 

21. Cyrus immediately exclaimed, "Come on then, Per- 

1 Καθ' ov av y έκαστος.'] " Over against whomsoever each may 
be." 



110 THE INSTITUTION OF CYKUS. [b. IV. 

sians, Medes, and you, Hyrcanians ; (for I now speak to you 
as confederates and associates ;) you must be well aware that 
we are in such circumstances, that we must incur the greatest 
severities of fortune if we act remissly ; for the enemy know 
for what purpose we come ; but if we march upon them with 
vigour and spirit, charging them with our whole force, you 
will soon see them, like slaves that have run away and are dis- 
covered, some supplicating for mercy, some flying, and some 
without presence of mind enough to do either ; since, beaten 
as they have already been, they see us coming upon them a 
second time, and, not having thought of the possibility of our 
approach, will be surprised in disorder, and unprepared to 
fight. 22. If, therefore, we desire, henceforward, to take our 
food, to pass our nights, and to spend the rest of our lives, with 
pleasure, let us not give them leisure to contrive or execute 
anything for their own defence, or to know even that we are 
men ; but let them fancy that all that comes upon them is 
shields, swords, scymetars, and blows. 23. And you, Hyrca- 
nians," said he, " extending your line before us, march on in 
front, in order that, while your arms are seen, we may con- 
ceal ourselves as long as possible. When I have come up 
with the enemy's army, leave with me, each of you, a troop 
of horse, that I may make use of them, if I should require 
them for any purpose, whilst I remain in the camp. 24. 
You, commanders, and men of experience, march together, if 
you are wise, in close order, that you may not be repulsed, if 
you fall in with a compact body of the enemy ; and send out 
your younger men to pursue ; and let them kill all that they 
can ; for it is our safest course, at present, to leave as few of 
them alive as possible. 25. But if we defeat them,' , he added, 
" we must beware of turning our attention to plunder ; an 
error which has ι changed the fortune of many when they had 
victory in their hands ; for he that does so is no longer a man, 
but a baggage-bearer, and he that will, may use him as a 
slave. 26. You ought to be sensible that there is nothing 
more gainful than victory ; for the victor possesses himself of 
everything at once, men, women, treasure, and the whole 
country. Keep yourselves intent, therefore, only on securing 
victory, for even the plunderer himself is in the power of the 
conqueror. 1 Remember too, when you are pursuing, to re- 
1 Αυτός 6 άρ-άζων ΐχεται.] In potestate victoris est. Poppo. 



CH. 2.] THE ENEMY SURPRISED. Ill 

turn again to me while it is yet day ; for, after it is dark, we 
shall no longer admit any one into the camp." 

27. Having said this, he dismissed them each to his own 
century, desiring them to go and communicate these or- 
ders each to his captains of tens ; (for the captains of tens 
were all in front, so that they could hear ;) and bidding them 
order the captains of tens to give these directions each to his 
own ten. The Hyrcanians then led the way ; he himself 
marched with the Persians in the centre, and posted the 
horse, as usual, upon each wing. 

28. Among the enemy, as soon as day -light appeared, some 
wondered what was coming to pass ; some soon discovered 
what it was ; some told it ; some raised a shout ; others loosed 
their horses ; others packed up their baggage ; others threw 
off the arms from the beasts of burden : others began to arm 
themselves ; others mounted their horses ; others bridled them ; 
others helped the women into the carriages ; others laid hold 
on what they had of greatest value, to save it ; and others 
were found burying such things ; but most of them betook 
themselves to flight. It may be imagined that they did other 
things of various kinds, but none fought, and they were cut 
to pieces without making any opposition. 29. Croesus, the 
king of the Lydians, as it was summer, had sent forward his 
women in the night, in chariots, that they might travel with 
the more ease in the cool, and he himself, with the cavalry, 
was following. 30. The Phrygian, they say, who was prince 
of that Phrygia that lies upon the Hellespont, had acted in the 
same manner. But when they made inquiries of some that 
were fleeing, and overtook them, and learned what had hap- 
pened, they fled also themselves in the utmost haste. 31. The 
kings of the Cappadocians, and of the Arabians, who were at 
hand, and standing still without their corslets, the Hyrca- 
nians killed. The greatest number, however, of those that 
fell were Assyrians and Arabians ; for, being in their own 
country, they had been most tardy in marching off. 32. The 
Medes and Hyrcanians performed such achievements in the 
pursuit as were to be expected from men that had gained a 
victory. Cyrus ordered the horse, that had been left with 
him, to ride round the camp, and kill all that they saw going 
off with their arms ; and, to those that remained, he ordered 
it to be proclaimed, " That all soldiers of the enemy whatever, 



112 THE INSTITUTION OP CYRUS. [b. IV. 

whether horsemen, peltasts, or archers, should bring their 
arms, bound up together, to him, and leave their horses at 
their tents ; and that whoever should not do so, should imme- 
diately lose his head." 33. Some, with their swords drawn, 
stood round in order, while those who had arms brought 
them, and threw them down upon the place that he appointed, 
and those whom he directed to do so, burnt them. 

34. But Cyrus now began to reflect, that they were come 
without either meat or drink, and that without supplies it was 
impossible to prosecute a war, or do anything else. Considering, 
therefore, how these supplies might be best and soonest procured, 
he came to the conclusion, that for all men who were engaged 
in military service, it was necessary that there should be some 
certain person who should have charge of the tent, and who 
should see that the provisions were ready for the soldiers when 
they came in. 35. He judged, too, that of all people, such were 
the most likely to have been surprised in the camp, because 
they would be employed in collecting the baggage ; he accord- 
ingly ordered proclamation to be made, that all the stewards 
should come to him, and, wherever there was no steward, the 
oldest man of the tent ; and he denounced the severest penal- 
ties to such as should disobey. They all however rendered obe- 
dience instantly, as they had already seen their masters obey. 

36. When they were come, he first ordered all such as had 
provisions in their tents for more than two months to sit down. 

37. When he had taken note of these, he then ordered such as 
had provisions for one month to sit down. Upon this almost 
all of them sat down. When he perceived that such was the 
case, he addressed them thus : " Attend to me, my friends. If 
any of you dislike evil, and desire to obtain any good from us, 
take especial care that in each tent there be prepared double 
the portion of meat and drink that you used to provide, each 
day, for your masters and their domestics ; and have every- 
thing else ready that will furnish a handsome entertainment ; 
the party that conquers, whichsoever it be, will soon be with 
you, and will require to have all things necessary for them 
in abundance. Be assured, therefore, that it may be of ser- 
vice to you to receive them in the most unexceptionable man- 
ner." 38. Having heard this announcement, they executed 
the orders with the greatest diligence ; while Cyrus, calling 
the centurions together, spoke to them to this effect : 



CH. 2.] REOARD PAID TO THE ALLIES. 113 

" We know, friends, that it is now in our power to take 
our dinners before our absent allies dine, and to apply 
the choicest meats and drink to our own use ; but it does not 
appear to me that such a dinner would be of more service 
to us than to appear careful of our allies ; nor would such en- 
tertainment add more to our strength, than we should gain by 
making our confederates zealous for our interest. 1 39. If we 
appear so negligent of those that are pursuing and killing 
our enemies, and fighting any that oppose them, as to be found 
to have dined before we know how they are faring, take care 
lest we appear dishonourable in their sight, and grow weak by 
losing our allies ? But to have regard to those who are en- 
gaged in dangers and toils for us, so that they may have every- 
thing prepared when they come in, is a treat that should more 
delight us, as I conceive, than the present gratification of our 
appetites. 40. Consider also," continued he, " that if we paid 
no respect to our friends, still it is by no means proper for us 
at present to indulge in feasting or drinking ; for what we 
proposed has not yet been accomplished, while everything has 
now reached a point requiring care ; we have enemies in the 
camp many times more numerous than ourselves, and un- 
confined; against whom we must be upon our guard, and 
over whom we must place guards, that we may have people 
to do necessary services for us. Our cavalry are absent, caus- 
ing us some anxiety as to where they may be, whether they 
will come back to us, or whether they will stay away. 41. So 
that, in my opinion, friends, only so much meat and drink ought 
now to be taken by us, as may least tend to overwhelm us 
with sleep and want of thought. 2 42. There are besides great 
treasures in the camp ; of which, as being common to all that 
were concerned in capturing them, I am not ignorant that it is 
in our power to appropriate what we please ; but to take them 
does not seem to me likely to be more profitable to us than to 
appear honest, and by that means to make our allies regard us 
with still more affection than at present. 43. And I am in- 
clined," added he, " to give up the distribution of these trea- 
sures to the Medes, Hyrcanians, and Tigranes, when they 

ι Όυδ' αν αντη ή ευωχία, κ. τ. λ.] " Nor would this entertainment 
make us stronger so much as if we should be able to make our allies 
zealous." 

2 That is, only a moderate quantity of meat and drink. 

vol. π. ι 



114 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. IV. 

come ; -and even to consider it an advantage, if they allot us 
the smaller share ; for, for the sake of such profit, they will 
the more readily remain with us. 44. To gain a present ad- 
vantage might, indeed, afford us short-lived riches, but to re- 
linquish this temporary gain, and acquire those possessions 
from which riches arise, will probably, in my opinion, procure 
much more lasting wealth to ourselves and all belonging to us. 
45. It was for this end, I think, that we practised at home to 
gain a command over our appetites, and refrain from un- 
seasonable gains, that we might be able, if occasion required, 
to exert these qualities for our advantage ; and in what more 
important circumstances than the present we could give a 
proof of our education, I do not see." 

46. Thus spoke Cyrus ; and Hystaspes, a Persian, one of the 
Equals-in-honour, expressed himself in favour of his opinion, in 
the manner following : " It w^ould, indeed, be strange, Cyrus, if, 
in hunting, we should often persevere in abstaining from food, 
in order to get possession of some beast, perhaps of very little 
value, but, when we are in pursuit of all that is valuable in 
the world, should think it not at all dishonourable to us> if we 
should suffer any of those things to be an obstacle to us, which 
have command, indeed, over base men, but are under the con- 
trol of the high-minded." 47. Thus spoke Hystaspes ; and all 
the rest approved his sentiments. Cyrus then said, " Well, 
since we agree on this point, send out five men of each com- 
pany, such as are the most respected ; let these walk round, 
and whomsoever they find employed in providing necessaries, 
let them commend them ; but such as they find negligent, let 
them chastise, even less sparingly than if they were their 
masters." These men did as they were directed. 



CHAPTER III. 



Cyrus acknowledges the superior skill of the Medes and Assyrians in horse- 
manship. His institution of cavalry, and equestrian exercises, among the 
Persians. 

l. Some of the Medes were now bringing up waggons which 
had gone forward from the enemy's camp, (having overtaken 
and turned them back,) laden with things of which the army 



CH. 3.] ACTIVITY OF THE MEDES AND HYRCANIANS. 115 

stood in need. Others brought chariots that they had taken, 
belonging to women of rank, some lawful wives, others con- 
cubines, that were carried about by these people on account of 
their beauty ; 2. for, to this day, all the inhabitants of Asia, 
when they take the field, go to it accompanied with whatever 
they value most ; and say that they fight the better if their 
dearest objects of affection are present with them ; for they de- 
clare that they feel compelled to defend them with ardour. Per- 
haps, indeed, it is so ; but perhaps they observe the custom 
merely to gratify their inclinations. 

3. Cyrus, observing what was done by the Medes and Hyr- 
canians, was almost angry with himself and those that were 
with him, as the others seemed to outshine them at that time, 
and to be continually making some capture or other, while 
they themselves appeared to stand in comparative inaction. 
They that brought the prizes, after showing them to Cyrus, 
rode off again, in pursuit of the rest of the enemy ; for they 
said that they had been ordered to do so by their commanders. 
Cyrus, though annoyed at this, yet ordered the things away 
to proper places. He then called the centurions again toge- 
ther, and, standing in a place where they would easily hear 
him, spoke thus : 4. " I believe, friends, you are all convinced, 
that if we had had the taking of these things that now appear 
before us, great gain would have been got by the Persians in 
general, and the greatest, probably, by us, by whose agency 
this enterprise has been effected. But how we, who are not 
able of ourselves to acquire these possessions, can possibly be- 
come masters of them, I do not yet see, unless the Persians 
provide a body of horse of their own. 5. For you observe," 
continued he, " that we Persians have arms with which we 
can put to flight enemies that close with us, but when we 
have put them to flight, what cavalry, archers, peltasts, or 
javelin -men, can we possibly take or destroy in their flight, 
when we are without horse ? What enemies, too, would fear 
to come up and annoy us, whether archers, javelin-men, or 
cavalry, when they know very well that there is no more 
danger of receiving any hurt from us, than from trees that 
grow fixed in the ground ? 6. If such be the case, it is cer- 
tain that the horsemen, now with us, must consider all things 
that fall into our hands not less theirs than ours, and perhaps, 
by Jupiter, even more so. 7. Upon this footing, therefore, things 

ι 2 



116 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. IV. 

now necessarily stand. But if we should get a body of horse, 
not inferior to them, is it not evident to you all, that we should 
be able, without them, to achieve the same things against the 
enemy that we now achieve with them, and that we shall find 
them more submissively disposed towards us ? for, when they 
feel inclined either to remain or go away, it will be of less con- 
cern to us which course they take, if we are sufficient to our- 
selves without them. 8. But, be this as it may, no one, I be- 
lieve, will be of a contrary opinion to me in this, that for the 
Persians to have a body of horse of their own, will be in the 
highest degree advantageous to them. But perhaps you are 
considering how this object may be effected. If then we 
should resolve upon raising a body of horse, let us examine 
what we have, and what we want. 9. Here are numbers of 
horses that have been taken in the camp of the enemy, and 
bridles with which they are managed, and all other things which 
horses must have when we use them. We have also such 
things as a horseman must use, corslets as defences for the 
person, and lances which we may either use in throwing or 
hold in the hand. What then is wanting? 10. Doubtless 
we shall want men. But these we certainly have, for there is 
nothing so much our own as we ourselves. But, perhaps, some 
will say, that we do not know how to ride ; but, by Jove, none 
of those who do know, knew before they learned. But they 
learned it, somebody may say, when they were boys. 11. 
And whether are boys more intelligent in learning what is told 
them and shown them, or men? which of the two are best 
able to carry into effect, with bodily exertion, what they have 
learned, boys or men? 12. We have leisure, too, for learning 
such as neither boys nor other men have ; for we have neither 
to learn the use of the bow, as boys have, for we know it 
already ; nor to throw the javelin, for we know that too ; 
nor is it with us as with other men, to some of whom agri- 
culture gives occupation, to others various arts, and to others 
domestic affairs; 13. but to us there is not only leisure for 
military exercises, but necessity for them. Nor is this, like 
many other military matters, a thing of difficulty, as well as 
of use ; for is not riding on a journey more pleasant than tra- 
velling on foot ? And is it not a pleasure to reach a friend 
quickly, whenever despatch is required ? Or, if it be necessary 
to pursue a man or a beast, is it not a pleasure to overtake it 



CH. 3.] PROPOSALS TO FORM CAVALRY. 117 

quickly ? And is it not a convenience that, whatever arms 
are necessary to be carried, the horse helps to carry them ; for, 
to have arms and to carry them is the same thing. 1 14. And 
as to what a person may have most reason to fear, that we 
may possibly have to come to action on horseback, before we 
are yet well skilled in the exercise, and accordingly be no longer 
either footmen or able horsemen, even this is not an irremedi- 
able difficulty ; for, whenever we please, we shall at once be 
at liberty to fight on foot, since we shall unlearn nothing of 
our skill as foot-soldiers by learning to ride." 

15. Thus spoke Cyrus ; and Chrysantas expressed himself 
in favour of his proposal as follows : " I am," said he, " so de- 
sirous of learning to ride, that I think, if I were a horseman, 
I should be a flying man. 16. As things now are, I am con- 
tent, if, starting fair in a race with a man, I get before him 
merely by the head, and, when I see a beast running by, if, 
by exerting myself, I can contrive to reach him with my jave- 
lin or arrow, before he is at a great distance from me. But, 
if I become a horseman, I shall be able to overtake a man, 
though as far off as I can see ; and in pursuing beasts, I shall 
be able to come up with some, and strike them down with my 
weapon in my hand, and to reach others with my javelin, as 
well as if they stood still ; for, if the animals are both swift, 
yet, if they be near one another, they will be as if they stood 
still. 17. And as to the sort of animal which I think I most 
envy, the Centaurs, if they ever existed, and were of such 
a nature as to contrive with the forethought of a man, to exe- 
cute what was necessary with their hands, and to exert the 
swiftness and strength of the horse, so as to overtake what- 
ever fled from them and to overthrow whatever opposed them, 
I, assuredly, if I become a horseman, shall confer all these 
advantages on myself ; 18. for I shall be able to contrive every- 
thing with the understanding of a man, I shall carry my arms 
with my hands, I shall pursue with the aid of my horse, and 
shall overthrow whoever opposes me with my horse's force ; 
yet I shall not grow and be united together with him like the 
Centaurs; 19. and this is certainly better than to grow together; 
since I conceive that the Centaurs must have been at a loss how 

1 Foot-soldiers may properly be said to carry or bear arms ; horse- 
soldiers to have arms. Bornemann. The arms of a horse-soldier may 
properly be said to be carried by his horse. 



118 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. IV. 

to profit by many conveniences discovered by men, and bow to 
enjoy many of the pleasures natural to horses. 20. But I, if 
I learn to ride, shall, when I am mounted on horseback, per- 
form, I trust, the part of a Centaur ; and, when I have dis- 
mounted, shall take my meals, dress myself, and take rest, 
as other men do ; so that what else shall I be but a Centaur, 
separated and un it able again ? 21. Besides, I shall have the 
advantage over the Centaur," said he, " in these respects, that 
he saw but with two eyes, and heard but with two ears, but 
I shall discover objects with four eyes, and receive notice of 
them with four ears ; for the horse, they say, warns men l of 
many things, from seeing them previously with his own eyes, 
and gives them notice of many things, from hearing them pre- 
viously with his own ears. Write me down, therefore," con- 
cluded he, " as one of those that are extremely desirous to 
serve on horseback." 22. " And us too, by Jupiter," exclaimed 
>all the others. Cyrus then said, " Since this proposal is so 
strongly approved, what if we should make a law for ourselves, 
that it shall be dishonourable for any amongst us, to whom I 
shall furnish horses, to be seen travelling on foot, whether 
he has a long or short distance to go, that men may imagine 
us to be altogether Centaurs?" 23. He put this question to 
them, and they all expressed their assent ; so that, from that 
time even to this day, the Persians still observe this custom ; 
and no man of rank or honour among them is ever willingly 
seen travelling to any place on foot. With such discourse did 
they occupy their attention. 



CHAPTER IV. 

Cyrus, in order to attach the prisoners to him, sets them free. 

1. When it was past mid-day, the Median and Hyrcanian 
cavalry rode up, bringing with them both horses and men, 
that they had taken ; for such as delivered up their arms they 
had not killed. 2. When they came forward, Cyrus first asked 

1 ' Ανθρώποις— — δηλουν.] Dindorf's text has, in some editions, 
άνθρωπου : a misprint. 



CH. 4.] CYRUS RELEASES HIS PRISONERS. 1 19 

them, whether they had all returned safe ? When they said 
that it was so, he next asked them what they had done ; and 
they related what they had achieved, and gave magnificent 
accounts how manfully they had acted in every particular. 
3. He listened with pleasure to all that they wished to tell 
him, and then commended them thus : "It is evident that you 
have been brave fellows, for you are now taller, more hand- 
some, and more terrible to look upon, than before." 4. He 
then asked them what distance they had gone, and whether 
the country was inhabited. They told him that they had 
gone a great distance, and that the whole country was in- 
habited, and abounded in sheep, goats, oxen, and horses, corn, 
and everything desirable. 5. " There are two things then," said 
he, " that we must consider : how to make ourselves masters of 
the people that possess these things ; and how the people may 
be induced to remain in the country. For a country well in- 
habited is a very valuable acquisition, but if destitute of men, 
becomes destitute of everything that is good. 6. Those that 
offered resistance," added he, " I know that you have killed ; 
and you did right ; for to do so is of the greatest importance 
for preserving a victory. Those that delivered up their arms 
you have made prisoners ; and if we should let them go, we 
should do, I think, the very thing that would be for our ad- 
vantage ; 7. for, in the first place, we shall have to be upon 
our guard against them, or to keep a guard over them, or to 
supply them with provisions ; for, doubtless, we should not let 
them die of starvation. Besides, by releasing them, we shall 
gain a greater number of captives ; 8. for, if we conquer the 
country, all will be our captives that inhabit it ; and the rest, 
when they see these alive, and set at liberty, will the more 
readily remain, and choose rather to submit than to continue at 
war. I, at least, am of this opinion ; but if any other person 
sees anything better, let him speak." 9. But all who were 
listening agreed to do what was proposed. 

Cyrus, accordingly, having called for the prisoners, ad- 
dressed them thus : 10. " Friends," said he, " in consequence 
of your present submission, you have preserved your lives ; 
and for the future, if you conduct yourselves in the same man- 
) ner, no ill whatever shall befall you, unless it be that the same 
person will not govern you that governed you before ; but you 
shall inhabit the same houses, you shall cultivate the same 



120 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [β. IV. 

lands, you shall live with the same wives, and you shall rule 
your children as you do at present ; but you shall not make 
war upon us, or upon any one else ; and whenever any one 
injures you, we will fight for you. 11. And that nobody may 
require you to take the field, bring your arms to us ; to those 
that bring them, there shall be peace ; and what I promise 
shall be honourably performed. But upon such as do not 
bring their arms, we will assuredly make war ourselves. 12. 
If any of you, however, shall appear to come to us in friend- 
ship, and to do anything for our service, or to give us any 
information, we will treat him as a benefactor and a friend, 
not as a slave. Receive these assurances yourselves, and com- 
municate them to the rest. And if, when you wish to act 
thus, there be any that will not comply with your wishes, lead 
us against them, that you may master them, and not be mas- 
tered by them." Thus spoke Cyrus ; and they paid him 
obeisance, and said that they would perform what he enjoined 
them. 



CHAPTER V. 



Vigilance of Cyrus while his troops are taking their supper. He receives 
an angry message from Cyaxares ; his politic conduct towards the mes- 
senger, whom he detains. He solicits a reinforcement from the Persians ; 
his letter to Cyaxares. He causes most of the enemy's arms to be burned ; 
distributes much of the spoil among the allies; and arranges that the horses 
and cavalry equipments may be assigned to his own troops. 

1. When they were gone, Cyrus said, " It is time, Ο Medes 
and Armenians, for all of us to take our suppers. Everything 
necessary has been prepared for you, in the best manner that 
we could. Go then, and send us half the bread that has been 
made ; for enough has been made for us both ; but send us 
neither meat with it, nor anything to drink, for of these we 
have enough with us already provided. 2. And you," said he, 
" Hyrcanians, conduct them to the tents ; the officers to the 
largest, (for you know which they are,) and the others as may 
seem best to you. For yourselves, take your suppers where 
it is most agreeable to you ; for the tents are safe and unin- 
jured, and preparation has been made there for you, as well 
as for the others. 3. But understand this, both of you, that 






CH. 5.] CONDUCT OF CYAXARES. 121 

we shall keep the night-watch without the camp ; look your- 
selves to what passes in the tents, and keep your arms in readi- 
ness ; for they who are in the tents l are not yet our friends." 

4. The Medes, then, and the troops of Tigranes, went to 
bathe, and, having changed their clothes, (for garments had 
been provided for them,) took their suppers ; and their horses 
were supplied with all necessaries. Half their bread they 
sent to the Persians, but sent no meat with it, nor wine ; 
thinking that Cyrus's troops were sufficiently provided, be- 
cause he had said that they had them in plenty. But what 
Cyrus meant was, that their accompaniment to their bread was 
hunger, and that they would have water from the river that 
ran by. 5. Cyrus, therefore, after seeing that the Persians took 
their supper, sent many of them out, as soon as it was dark, 
by fives and tens, and ordered them to go round the camp 
privately; judging that they would be a guard to it, if any 
enemy came upon them from without ; and that if any one 
ran oif with property of any kind, he would be taken. And 
so it happened ; for many ran away, and many were taken. 
6. Cyrus allowed those that made the captures to keep the 
property, but ordered them to kill the men ; so that, after- 
wards, even though a person desired it, he would not easily 
find a man going oif in the night. 7. Thus the Persians em- 
ployed themselves ; but the Medes drank and feasted, enter- 
tained themselves with the music of flutes, and indulged them- 
selves in all kinds of pleasure; for abundance of what was 
subservient to such purposes had been taken ; so that those 
who kept awake were in no want of occupation. 

8. But Cyaxares, king of the Medes, during the night that 
Cyrus went out on this expedition, drank to intoxication, as 
well as those whom he had with him in the tent, as on an 
occasion of success ; and he thought that the rest of the 
Medes, excepting some few, were still remaining in the camp, 
because he heard a great noise ; for the servants of the 
Medes, as their masters were gone, drank without ceasing, 
and were very disorderly ; the more so, as they had taken 
from the Assyrian army great quantities of wine and other 
supplies. 9. But when the day came, and nobody was in at- 
tendance at his gates, except those who had supped with him, 
and when he heard that the camp was deserted by the Medes 
1 The Assyrians. 



122 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. IV. 

and their cavalry, and saw himself, when he went out, that 
such was really the case, he was enraged at both Cyrus and 
the Medes for going away, and leaving him alone ; and, (as 
he is said to have been violent and rash,) he immediately 
commanded one of those about him to take his ow.n body of 
cavalry, and ride with the utmost despatch to Cyrus and his 
troops, and deliver this message : 10. " I should not have 
thought, Cyrus, that you would have taken measures so im- 
prudently for me ; or, if Cyrus had thought fit to do so, I 
should not have expected that you, Medes, would have con- 
sented to leave me thus unguarded. But now, whether 
Cyrus will come or not, return to me with the utmost de- 
spatch." 11. This was the message which he sent ; but he 
that was ordered to go, said, " But how, Ο king, shall I be 
able to find them?" " In the same manner," replied Cyax- 
ares, " as Cyrus and his party found those whom they pur- 
sued." " Because I hear," continued the messenger, " that 
certain Hyrcanians, who had revolted from the enemy, came 
hither, and went off to show him the way." 12. Cyaxares, on 
hearing this, was still more enraged at Cyrus, for not having 
told him of the circumstance, and sent off still more hastily to 
the Medes, that he might draw away his troops from him ; he 
repeated his message of recall with much more vehemence than 
before, and with threats ; and also threatened the messenger with 
his displeasure, if he did not deliver his message with decision. 

13. The officer thus sent, set off with about a hundred of 
his own horse, feeling sorry that he himself had not also gone 
with Cyrus. As they proceeded on their way, they were 
misled l by some beaten track, and did not reach the army of 
their friends, till, meeting with some Assyrians that were 
coming back, they forced them to be their guides ; and, by 
this means, getting sight of their own people's fires, they 
came up with them about midnight. 14. When they rode up 
to the camp, the guards, as had been ordered by Cyrus, 
refused to admit them before day. 

When day appeared, Cyrus, calling to him the Magi, com- 
manded them to select what was usual for the gods on an 
occasion of such success. The Magi employed themselves 

1 Διασχισ3εντες.~\ " Separated "from the right way, appears to be 
the sense in which the word must be taken. But there are various 
readings. 



CH. 5.] MESSAGE OF CYAXARES TO CYRUS. 123 

accordingly. 15. He then summoned the Equals-in-honour, 
and addressed them thus : " My friends, the gods are pleased 
to lay many advantages before us ; but we, Ο Persians, are, 
at present, but few in number, to secure to ourselves the pos- 
session of them ; for if we do not guard what we have gained, 
it will fall again into the power of others ; and, if we leave some 
of our own men as guards over what falls into our power, we 
shall soon be found to have no strength remaining. 16. It 
appears to me, therefore, that some one of you should go, as 
soon as possible, to the Persians, acquaint them with what I 
say, and request them to send an army with the utmost de- 
spatch, if the Persians desire that the dominion and revenues 
of Asia should be theirs. 17. Go then," said he, "you who 
are the oldest, and, when you arrive, deliver this message, 
and add, that whatever soldiers they send, I, when they come 
to me, will provide for their maintenance. You see what ad- 
vantages we have gained ; conceal no part of them. What 
part of the spoil I shall act honourably and legally in sending 
to the Persians, consult my father, at least as to what con- 
cerns the gods ; as to what regards the public, inquire of the 
magistrates. Let them send also inspectors of what we do, 
and counsellors as to what we desire from them. For your 
part," added he, " make yourself ready, and take your com- 
pany to attend you.'' , 

is. Soon after he called the Medes, and with them the 
messenger from Cyaxares presented himself, and, before them 
all, announced the anger of Cyaxares towards Cyrus, and his 
threats to the Medes, and in conclusion said, " That he com- 
manded the Medes to return, even though Cyrus should de- 
sire to stay." 19. The Medes, on hearing the messenger, were 
silent, not knowing how they could disobey the summons of 
Cyaxares, and yet in fear how to obey him while he thus 
threatened them, especially as they knew the violence of his 
character. 20. But Cyrus said, " I do not at all wonder, Ο 
messenger, and you Medes, that Cyaxares, who then saw 
a multitude of enemies, and knew not what we were doing, 
should be under concern both for us and for himself; but 
when he finds that a great many of the enemy are destroyed, 
and that they are all driven oif, he will cease, in the first 
place, to fear, and will next feel convinced, that he is not de- 
serted at this time, when his friends are destroying his ene- 



124 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. IV. 

mies. 21. But how can we deserve blame, when we do 
him service, and not of ourselves merely ? for I did not enter 
on this expedition till I had prevailed on him to allow me to 
go, and to take you with me. It was not you that, from any 
desire of your own for the journey, begged his leave to march, 
and are now come hither ; but it was because orders were 
given by himself to go, to every one of you that was not 
averse to it. This anger of his, therefore, I feel assured, 
will be allayed by our successes, and will pass oiF as his fear 
ceases. 22. You, therefore, messenger, take some rest for the 
present, since you have undergone a great deal of fatigue ; 
and let us, Ο Persians, since we expect the enemy to be with 
us, either to fight or to surrender, keep ourselves in the best 
order ; for, if we are observed to be so, it is probable we shall 
succeed the better in what we desire. You, prince of the 
Hyrcanians," concluded he, " attend here, after you have 
commanded the officers of your men to put them under 
arms." 

23. When the Hyrcanian had done so, and came to him, 
Cyrus said, " I am gratified, Ο Hyrcanian, to see that you 
attend me, not merely as you give us tokens of friendship, but 
as you appear to me to show intelligence. It is now evi- 
dent that the same things are advantageous for us both; for 
the Assyrians are enemies to me, and are now greater ene- 
mies to you than to myself. 24. We must both of us, there- 
fore, take precautions that none of our allies that are at pre- 
sent with us, may fall off, and that we may, if we can, secure 
others. You heard the Mede 1 recalling the cavalry ; but if 
they leave us, we, the infantry, shall be left unsupported. 
25. You and I, therefore, must contrive that this messenger, 
who comes to recall them, may himself consent to stay with 
us. Do you, therefore, find out a tent for him, and give it to 
him, where he may pass his time in the most pleasant man- 
ner, with all things convenient about him. I meanwhile will 
endeavour to give him some commission, which he may have 
more pleasure in executing than in going away. Converse 
with him on the many advantages that are expected to accrue 
to all our friends, if these matters are well managed ; and, 
when you have done so, come again to me." 26. The Hyr- 

1 The messenger sent from Cyaxares. 



CH. 5.] LETTER OF CYRUS TO CYAXARES. 125 

canian accordingly went away, and conducted the Mede to 
a tent. 

He that was going to Persia l then came forward, prepared 
for his journey. Cyrus directed him to tell the Persians what 
has been before mentioned in our narrative, and to deliver 
Cyaxares a letter. But," said he, " I wish to read you what 
I have written in it, that, being apprized of its contents, you 
may speak in accordance with them, if any one question you 
on the subject." What the epistle contained was as follows : 

27. " Cyrus to Cyaxares, greeting. We neither left you 
deserted, (for no man, while he conquers his enemies, can be 
without friends,) nor did we imagine that by quitting you 
we brought you into danger ; but the greater distance we 
withdrew from you, the more security did we consider that 
we procured you ; 28. for it is not those who sit down nearest 
to their friends, that procure their friends most security ; but 
it is those who drive off their enemies to the greatest distance, 
that rather put their friends out of danger. 29. Consider, 
then, after what conduct of mine towards you, and after what 
conduct of yours towards me, you now blame me. I brought 
you allies ; not merely as many as you persuaded me to 
bring, but as many as I was able. You granted me, while I 
was yet upon friendly ground, as many as I could persuade to 
follow me ; and now, when I am in the enemy's territory, ypu 
call away from me not simply every one that is willing to go, 
but the whole body. 30. At that time, accordingly, I thought 
myself indebted both to yourself and them ; but now you 
oblige me to forget you, and to prepare to make my whole 
return of gratitude• to those that followed me. 31. And yet 
I cannot act like you ; but even now, when I am sending to 
the Persians for an army, I give directions that, whatever 
troops come to join me, you, if you should be in want of them 
before they reach us, shall be at liberty to employ them, 
not as they may wish, but as you yourself may desire. 
32. And I advise you, though I am the younger, not to take 
away what you have once given, lest ill-will be due to you, 
instead of thanks ; and do not send for any person, whom 
you would have to come quickly to you, with threats ; 
nor, when you talk of being deserted, threaten a multitude, 
lest you teach them not to regard you. 33. We will prepare 
1 See sect. 16. 



126 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. IV. 

to attend you, as soon as we have effected what we think will 
be, when accomplished, of advantage both to you and us. 
Farewell." 

34. " Deliver him this letter, and whatever he asks you with 
reference to these affairs, answer conformably to what is here 
written ; for indeed, with respect to the Persians, I give you 
such directions as are expressed in the letter." Having 
spoken thus to him, and given him the letter, he dismissed 
him ; enjoining him also to use diligence, as he knew that it 
would be of advantage to him to return speedily. 

35. Soon after, he observed all the Medes and Hyrcanians, 
and the force of Tigranes, in full armour ; the Persians were 
also under arms ; and some of the neighbouring people -were 
now beginning to bring in arms and horses. 36. The javelins 
he ordered them to throw down where he had ordered others 
before to throw theirs ; and those, whose business it was, 
burned such of them as they did not want. The horses he 
ordered those who brought them to stay and watch, until some 
further directions should be given them. Then, calling to 
him the officers of the cavalry, and those of the Jlyrcanians, 
he addressed them thus : 37. " My friends and allies, do not 
wonder that I frequently call you together ; for, as our pre- 
sent circumstances are new to us, many things are yet in dis- 
order ; and things that are in disorder, must of necessity give 
trouble, until they are assigned their proper places. 38. We 
have now in our possession much captured property, and 
many prisoners with it ; and, from our uncertainty what pro- 
portion of the property belongs to each of us, and from the 
prisoners not knowing who is master over each of them, we 
do not see very many of them performing their proper duties, 
but perceive almost all of them at a loss what they ought to 
do. 39. That things, therefore, may not continue thus, dis- 
tribute the spoil ; and whoever is assigned a tent containing 
plenty of meat and drink, with people to act as attendants, and 
with carpets, apparel, and all other things with which a mili- 
tary tent is properly furnished, there is nothing further in- 
cumbent on him but to understand that the possessor of 
such property must take care of it as his own. But whoever 
is fixed in quarters deficient in any of these points, you must 
look to his case, and supply what is wanting ; 40. for I know 
that of many things there will be more than enough, as the 



CH. 5.] DISTRIBUTION OF SPOIL. 127 

enemy was possessed of everything more than proportionate 
to our numbers. Besides, there have been with me certain 
stewards, both of the Assyrian king and of other great men, 
who told me, that they had with them sums of coined gold, 
arising, they said, from certain tributary payments. 41. Make 
proclamation, therefore, for the people to bring all these 
things to you wherever you may fix your quarters ; and strike 
terror into him who shall not execute your commands. Re- 
ceive what they bring, and distribute it : to a horseman, a 
double portion ; to a foot-soldier, a single one ; so that, if you 
want anything, you may have money with which to buy it. 

42. Let proclamation be made, too," added he, "that nobody 
injure the market in the camp ; but that the sutlers sell what- 
ever each of them has for sale ; and that when they have dis- 
posed, of these articles, they must fetch more in order that our 
camp may be supplied." 

They immediately caused these things to be proclaimed. 

43. But the Medes and Hyrcanians said, " And how can we 
distribute these things, without you and your people?" 44. 
Cyrus to this question replied, " Do you think then, friends, 
that whatever is to be done, we must all attend to everything ? 
Shall not I be sufficient to do what may be required for you, 
or you for us ? By what other means could we create for our- 
selves more trouble, or do less business, than by acting thus ? 
45. But consider for yourselves," added he ; " we have guarded 
these things for you ; and you have relied on us that they 
were well guarded ; do you, on the other hand, distribute 
these things, and we will rely on you that you have distributed 
them well. 46. We again, on some other occasion, will en- 
deavour to exert ourselves for the public service. 

" Observe, at present," continued he, " in the first place, 
how many horses we have with us, while others are continu- 
ally brought in ; if we leave these without riders, they will be 
of no use to us, and will give us trouble to take care of them ; 
but, if we set horsemen upon them, we shall free ourselves 
from the trouble, and shall add to our strength. 47. If, then, 
you have other men to whom you would give them, and with 
whom you would share danger in the field, if it should be 
necessary, more willingly than with us, assign the horses to 
them ; but, if you would rather have us for supporters, give 
them to us ; 48* for, when you rode on without us, in the late 



128 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [fl. IV. 

enterprise, and hurried to meet danger, you caused us great 
apprehension, lest you should incur some misfortune ; and 
you made us greatly ashamed, that we were not with you 
wherever you were. 49. But if we are assigned horses, we 
will follow you ; and if we appear to be of more service while 
engaging on horseback with you, we shall, in that case, not bo 
deficient in zeal ; but, if we seem more likely to support you 
properly on foot, it will be easy for us to dismount, 1 and we 
shall at once be with you as foot- soldiers, and will contrive to 
find people to whom we may intrust our horses." 

50. Thus spoke Cyrus ; and they replied, " We, Ο Cyrus, 
have neither men to mount upon these horses, nor, if we had, 
would we, when you make these suggestions, take any course 
contrary to them. Take, then," they added, " the horses, and 
do as you think best." 51. "I receive them," said he, " and 
may we become horsemen, and you divide the public property, 
with good fortune ! First, however," said he, " select for the 
gods whatever the Magi shall direct ; and then choose such 
things for Cyaxares, as you may think most likely to please 
him." 52. They laughed, and said, that they must then choose 
women. " Choose women, then," said he, " and whatever 
else you think proper : and when you have chosen for him, 
you Hyrcanians, render, as far as you can, all those that have 
voluntarily followed me, perfectly satisfied. 53. You too, Ο 
Medes, reward these, who first became our allies, in such a 
manner that they may think they decided well in becoming 
our friends. Out of the whole, also, give a share to the mes- 
senger that is come from Cyaxares, both for himself and the 
men that are with him, and exhort him to stay with us, on 
the understanding that I approve of his stay ; so that, by 
acquiring additional information on every point, he• may re- 
port to Cyaxares the true state of things. 54. For the Per- 
sians that are with me," continued he, "whatever remains 
over and above, after you are all well provided for, will be 
sufficient ; for," said he, "we have by no means been brought 
up delicately, but in a frugal manner ; so that you would 
laugh at us, perhaps, if anything magnificent should be 
left for us ; as I know very well," added he, " that we shall 

1 To re κατα£ήναι iv μ*σψ.~] Fischer takes kv μίσψ in the sense of 
in promptu erit, "it will be easy." I see no better method, the text 
remaining unaltered. 



y 



CH. 6.] GOBRYAS COMES TO CYRUS. 129 

afford you a great deal of laughter, when we are seated on 
horseback, and, I doubt not, when we tumble on the ground." 
55. They then went off to the distribution, laughing heartily 
about the horsemen. But Cyrus, calling the centurions to 
him, ordered them to take the horses, the horse -furniture, and 
the men that were to have the care of them, and count them ; 
and then to assign by lot an equal number for each century. 
56. Next he ordered them to make proclamation, that what- 
ever slave there might be, whether of the Medes, Persians, 
Bactrians, Carians, Cilicians, or Greeks, or from any other 
country, forced to serve in the army, either of the Assyrians, 
Syrians, or Arabians, he should appear. 57. These men, 
hearing the proclamation, presented themselves joyfully before 
him, in great numbers ; and he, having chosen from among 
them the best-looking men, told them that they should now 
become free, and carry such arms as he should give them. 
58. That they should have everything necessary, he said, 
should be his care ; and, bringing them immediately to the 
centurions, he put them under their charge, and bade them give 
them shields and light swords, that, being thus equipped, they 
might follow the cavalry ; and he told them to take provisions 
for these men, as well as for the Persians that were with him. 
He also directed that the centurions themselves should always 
march on horseback, with corslets and lances, a practice which 
he began himself; and that, over the infantry of the Equals- 
in-honour, each of them should, out of the number of the 
Equals-in-honour, appoint a commander in his own stead. In 
such affairs did Cyrus and his troops employ themselves. 



CHAPTER VI. 



Gobryas, incensed at the king of Assyria, comes to join Cyrus ; his speech, 
and reception. The Medes give an account of the division of the spoil. 

i. Meanwhile Gobryas, an Assyrian, a man in years, came 
up on horseback, attended by a retinue of cavalry, all pro- 
vided with arms proper for equestrian service. Those who 
had been appointed to receive the arms, bade them deliver 
their lances, that they might burn them, as they had burned 



130 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. IV. 

the rest ; but Gobryas said that he desired first to see Cyrus. 
The officers then left the other horsemen there, and conducted 
Gobryas himself to Cyrus. 2. As soon as he saw Cyrus, he 
addressed him thus : " My lord, I am, by birth, an Assyrian ; 
I hold a strong fortress, and have the command of a large 
territory ; I have two thousand three hundred cavalry, which 
I used to furnish to the king of Assyria, and was very much 
his friend ; but since he, who was an excellent man, has lost 
his life in the war with you, and his son, who is my greatest 
enemy, now possesses the government, I come to you, and 
throw myself at your feet as a suppliant, offering myself to 
you as a servant and assistant in the war, and entreating you 
to be my avenger. 3. I make you my son, as far as is possi- 
ble ; as, with respect to male issue, I am childless ; for he, Ο 
sovereign, that was my only one, a noble and excellent youth, 
who loved and honoured me as much as a son could do to make a 
father happy, 1 — the present king, (the late king, the father of 
the present, having sent for my son, as intending to give 
him his daughter, when I let him go, proud, indeed, that I 
should see my son the husband of a king's daughter,) the pre- 
sent king, I say, invited him to hunt with him, and permitted 
him to exert himself in the chase to the utmost, as he thought 
that he himself was a much better horseman than my son, 
who accordingly hunted with him as a friend ; and, upon a 
bear appearing in view, they both pursued, and the present 
king, throwing his javelin, missed his aim, (would that he had 
never done so !) and my son hurling his, (as he should not 
have done,) brought the bear to the ground. 4. The king 
was then enraged, but kept his envy concealed. Afterwards 
however, when, on a lion coming in their way, he missed a 
second time, (doing nothing, I conceive, at all wonderful,) and 
my son, again hitting his mark, brought down the lion, and 
exclaimed, 'I have hurled twice in succession, and struck 
down a beast each time,' the impious prince could no longer 
restrain his malice, but snatching a lance from one of his 
attendants, struck it into his breast, and took away the life 
of my only and beloved son ! 5. Thus I, miserable man ! 
brought him away a corpse, instead of a bridegroom ; and 
I, who am of these years, buried him, my excellent and 

1 It has been observed that the loose structure of this sentence 
is suitable to the agitation of mind in the speaker. 



CH. 6.] RECEPTION OF GOBRYAS. 131 

dear son, a youth but just bearded. He who slew him, as if 
he had destroyed an enemy, has never yet shown any re- 
morse ; nor has he, as some amends for the atrocious act, dis- 
tinguished with any honour him who is under ground. 6. His 
father, indeed, felt compassion, and plainly appeared to sym- 
pathize with me at my misfortune; and I therefore, had he 
been alive, should never have applied to you to his prejudice ; 
for I had received many instances of friendship from him, and 
had done him some service. But since the government has 
fallen to the murderer of my son, I should never be able to 
bear him the least good- will ; nor could he, I know very well, 
ever regard me as a friend ; for he knows how I stand affect- 
ed towards him ; and how, having lived with pleasure before, 
I am now reduced to this condition, childless and wearing out 
my old age in sorrow. 7. If you receive me, therefore, and I 
have hopes of obtaining, by your means, revenge for my dear 
son, I shall think that I rise to new life ; I shall no longer be 
ashamed to live, nor do I think that, when I die, I shall end 
my days with sorrow." 

8. Thus spoke Gobryas. Cyrus replied, "If you show, 
Gobryas, that you really are disposed towards us as you 
express, I receive you as a suppliant, and, with the help of 
the gods, I promise to take vengeance for you on the mur- 
derer of your son. But tell me," said he, "if we do this 
for you, and allow you to hold your fortress, your territory, 
and the power that you had before, will you do us any service 
in return for these things ?" 9. He answered, "I will give you 
my fortress for a home, whenever you come to me ; I will pay 
you the same tribute from my lands that I used to pay to him ; 
and wherever you shall make war, I will attend you in the 
field, with the forces from my territory : Besides," said he, 
"I have a maiden daughter, whom I tenderly love, just of an 
age for marriage ; whom I once thought that I was bringing 
up as a wife for the person now reigning ; but she herself has 
now entreated me, with many tears, not to give her to the 
murderer of her brother ; and I have myself similar feelings ; 
and I here give you leave to act with regard to her, as I ap- 
pear to act by you." 10. Cyrus then said, " On the understand- 
ing that what you say is true, I give you my right hand, and 
take yours ; let the gods be witnesses between us." When 
these things had passed, he bid Gobryas go, and keep his 

κ 2 



132 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. V. 

arms ; and asked him what distance it was to his residence, 
signifying that he would go thither. Gobryas replied, " If 
you set out to-morrow morning, you may quarter with us the 
next day." 11. He then went away, leaving a guide. 

The Medes now came up, after having delivered to the 
Magi such things as they had directed them to choose for the 
gods. They had chosen for Cyrus a most beautiful tent ; a 
Susian woman, that was said to be the most beautiful woman 
in Asia ; and two other women, that were excellent singers. 
For Cyaxares, in the next place, they had chosen such as 
were next in merit. They had fully supplied themselves with 
all such things as they wanted, that they might take the 
field deficient in nothing ; for there was everything in great 
abundance. 12. The Hyrcanians took likewise whatever they 
wanted ; and they made Cyaxares's messenger an equal sharer 
with them. Whatever tents were not wanted, they gave to 
Cyrus, that the Persians might have them ; the money, they 
said, they would divide as soon as it was collected ; and they 
divided it accordingly. 



BOOK V. 



CHAPTER I. 

Cyrus makes presents to others from his share of the spoil. Panthea, a wo- 
man of great beauty and merit, is intrusted to Araspes, who converses 
with Cyrus on love, and boasts himself invulnerable to it, but is at last 
captivated by the charms of Panthea. Cyrus takes the sense of the Medes 
and allies as to the prosecution of the war, who all exhort him to continue 
it, and" promise not to desert him. 

1. Such things they did and said. Cyrus next directed such 
as he knew to be the greatest friends of Cyaxares, to take 
each a portion of what had been selected for Cyaxares, and to 
keep it for him. " And whatever portions you give me," 
added he, " I accept with pleasure ; but whoever of you is 
most in want, shall always have the use of them." Upon 
this, a certain Mede, a lover of music, said, "In the even- 






CH. 1.] PANTHEA AND ARASPES. 133 

ing, Cyrus, I heard those female singers that you now 
have, and heard them with delight ; and if you were to give 
me one of them, I think I should go to the war with more 
pleasure than I should stay at home. Cyrus replied, " I give 
her to you, and I think myself more obliged to you for asking 
her of me, than you are to me for taking her ; so very desirous 
am I to please you all." Accordingly he that asked for her, 
received her. 

2. Cyrus then calling to him Araspes the Mede, (him that 
had been his companion from a boy, to whom he gave the 
Median robe, 1 that he took off when he left Asty ages to go to 
Persia,) desired him to keep the woman and tent for him. 2 
3. This woman was wife of Abradates, of Susa ; and when 
the camp of the Assyrians was taken, her husband happened 
not to be in it, but was gone upon an embassy to the king of 
the Bactrians. The Assyrian king had sent him to treat of 
an alliance between them ; for he happened to be a guest- 
friend to the king of the Bactrians. This woman Cyrus di- 
rected Araspes to keep, till he should take her himself. 4. 
But Araspes, on receiving this order, asked him this question : 

" Have you seen," said he, Η Cyrus, the woman that you 
bid me keep ? " " Assuredly," said he, " I have not." "But 
I saw her," said he, " when we chose her for you. When we 
first went into her tent, we could not, to say the truth, dis- 
tinguish her from the others ; for she was sitting upon the 
ground, with all her women-servants round her, and had in- 
deed a dress like that of her servants ; but when we looked 
round on them all, desiring to know which was the mistress, 
she at once was seen to excel all the others, though she was 
sitting with a veil over her, and looking down upon the ground. 
5. When we asked her to rise, all the servants round her 
stood up with her ; and she was then distinguishable above 
them all, not only in stature, but in beauty and grace, though 
she was standing with a dejected air, and tears were seen fall- 
ing from her eyes, some upon her clothes, and some at her 
feet. 6. But when the eldest of us said to her, ' Take courage, 
lady ; we have heard that your husband is, indeed, an hon- 
ourable and excellent man, but we now select you for a man 
that, be assured, is not inferior to him in person, or possessed 
of less understanding, or power ; for, as we think, if there be 

1 i. 4. 26. 2 iv. 6. 11. 



134 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. V. 

a man in the world that deserves admiration, it is Cyrus, to 
whom you shall henceforth belong ; ' the woman, on hearing 
these words, tore down the upper part of her robe, and utter- 
ed a lamentable cry ; and her servants cried out at the same 
time with her ; while the greater part of her face discovered 
itself, and her neck and hands were also visible ; 7. and be- 
lieve me, Cyrus," continued he, " it was thought by me, and 
all the rest that saw her, that never was yet produced, or born 
of mortals, such a woman, throughout all Asia. But by all 
means," said he, " go yourself to see her." 

8. "Certainly not," rejoined Cyrus, "much less if she be 
such a one as you say." "Why so?" said the young man. 
" Because," said Cyrus, " if, on now hearing from you that she 
is handsome, I should be persuaded to go and see her, at a 
time that I have not much leisure, I am afraid that she will 
much more easily persuade me to come and see her again ; 
and, in consequence, perhaps I might neglect what I ought to 
do, and sit gazing at her." 9. The young man then laughed, 
and said, "And do you think, Cyrus, that the beauty of a 
human being can necessitate a person, against his will, to act 
contrary to what is best ? If this were naturally the case," 
added he, "it would necessitate all men alike. io. You see 
how fire burns all people indiscriminately ; for such is the order 
of nature; but of beautiful objects, people love some, and 
not others ; and one loves one, and another another ; for it is 
voluntary, and every one loves those that he pleases. For 
example, a brother does not fall in love with a sister, but some- 
body else falls in love with her ; a father does not fall in love 
with his daughter, but some other person falls in love with 
her; for fear and the law are sufficient to prevent love. n. 
If indeed," continued he, " the law should enjoin, that those 
who did not eat should not be hungry, and that those who did 
not drink should not be thirsty ; that men should not be cold 
in the winter, or hot in the summer ; no law could make men 
obey such injunctions, for men are formed by nature to be 
subject to these things. But to love is a voluntary matter ; and 
every one loves that which suits him, as he loves his clothes or his 
shoes." i2. "But if to love be voluntary," said Cyrus, " how is 
it that a person cannot desist from loving when he pleases ? For 
I have seen persons," continued he, "in tears from grief, in con- 
sequence of love ; slaves to those with whom they were in love, 



CH. 1.] CONVERSATION OF CYRUS AND ARASPES. 135 

though they thought slavery a very great evil before they were 
in love ; giving away many things with which they had better 
not have parted ; wishing to be rid of love, as they would of 
any other distemper, and yet not able to rid themselves of it, 
but bound to it by a stronger necessity than if they had been 
bound with iron chains ! They give themselves up therefore 
to those they love, to serve them in many unaccountable ways ; 
yet, with such troubles, they never attempt to escape, but keep 
continual watch upon the objects of their affection, lest they 
should escape from them." 

13. The young man, in reply, said, " There are people, in- 
deed, who act thus, but such persons are miserable ; and this, 
I believe, is the reason why they are always wishing them- 
selves dead, as being unhappy ; but, though there are ten 
thousand ways of ridding themselves of life, they yet do not 
rid themselves of it. Just such wretches as these, are they 
that attempt thefts, and will not abstain from what belongs to 
others ; but when they have seized or stolen anything, you 
see," said he, " that you are the first to accuse the thieves and 
plunderers, not considering theft to be a matter of necessity ; 
and you do not pardon, but punish them. 14. So persons that 
are beautiful do not necessitate others to love them, nor to covet 
what they ought not ; but weak and unhappy men are power- 
less, I know, over all their passions, and then they lay the 
blame upon love. But honourable and worthy men, though 
they may feel a desire for gold, or fine horses, or beautiful 
women, can yet with ease abstain from any of them, so as not 
to touch them contrary to what is right ; 15. I, at least," said 
he, " though I have seen this woman, and though she appears 
very beautiful to me, am yet here attendant on you, and ride 
my horse, and discharge my duty in other respects." 

16. "But, by Jove," said Cyrus, "you, perhaps, retired be- 
fore the time that love naturally lays hold of a man. It is 
possible that a person touching fire, may not immediately be 
burned ; and wood does not immediately blaze up ; yet I do 
not willingly touch fire, or gaze on beautiful persons ; and I 
advise you, Araspes, not to let your eyes dwell long upon 
beautiful persons; for as fire burns those that touch it, beautiful 
persons inflame those that look at them even from a distance, 
so that they are set on fire with love." it. " Have no fear," 
said he, " Cyrus ; though I look at her without ceasing, I shall 



136 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [β. V. 

not be so overcome, as to do anything that I ought not to do." 
" You speak," said he, " extremely well ; guard her, therefore," 
added he, " as I tell you, and be careful of her ; for perhaps this 
woman may be of great service to us upon some occasion or 
other." After conversing in this manner they separated. 

18. This young man, however, partly from seeing the woman 
to be extremely beautiful, and observing her worth and good- 
ness, partly from waiting upon her and thinking that he pleased 
her, and partly from finding her not ungrateful in return, but 
taking care, by means of her servants, that everything neces- 
sary should be provided for him when he came in, and that he 
should want nothing if he happened to be ill, was by all these 
means made her captive in love ; and perhaps incurred no- 
thing wonderful. Such was the course of this matter. 

19. But Cyrus, wishing that both the Medes and allies 
should stay with him of their own accord, called together all 
the chief officers, and, when they were met, spoke to them to this 
effect : 20. " Medes, and all you that are here present, I know 
very well that you came with me, not from any desire to get 
money, nor with the thought of thus serving Cyaxares, but 
that you were willing to oblige me in the matter, and, in hon- 
our to me, consented to march by night, and to face danger 
with me. 21. For such conduct I must feel grateful to you, 
unless I have lost all sense of justice ; but to make you a due 
return for it, I do not think that I have yet the power ; and 
this I am not ashamed to say. But to say, ' I will make you a 
return, if you will stay with me,' I should, I assure you, feel 
ashamed ; for I should think that I should seem to say this only 
that you might be more willing to stay with me. Instead of 
saying so, therefore, I say this : ζ Even if you now go away in 
obedience to Cyaxares, I will jet endeavour, if I meet with 
any success, to act towards you in such a manner as that you 
may commend me.' 22. For my own part, I shall not go ; but 
shall adhere to the promises and engagements which I made 
to the Hyrcanians, and shall not be found betraying them ; 
and to Gobryas also, who delivers up to us his .fortresses, his 
territory, and his whole power, I will endeavour to act in such 
a manner, that he shall not repent his journey to me ; 23. and, 
what is more than all, when the gods so evidently offer ad- 
vantages to us, I ought to reverence them, and be ashamed to 
make a causeless retreat and abandon all. Thus, then," con- 



CH. 1.] ATTACHMENT SHOWN TO CYRUS. 137 

eluded he, " shall I act ; you must do as you think proper, and 
tell me what your inclination is." Thus spoke Cyrus. 

24. He who had previously said that he was related to Cy- 
rus was the first to reply : " For my own part," said he, " Ο 
king ! (for 1 you seem to me to be a king by nature, not less 
than the chief of the bees in a hive is naturally a queen ; for 
the bees always willingly obey her ; where she remains, not 
one departs thence ; and if she goes out, not one of them stays 
behind ; so strong a desire to be governed by her is innate in 
them ; and men seem to me to be similarly disposed towards 
you ; 25. for when you left us to go to Persia, what Mede, 
either young or old, stayed behind, and did not follow you, 
till Astyages caused us to return? and when you set out from 
Persia to our assistance, we again saw almost all your friends 
voluntarily following you ; when you were desirous to under- 
take the expedition hither, all the Medes willingly attended 
you ; 26. and we now feel so disposed, that, with you, though 
we are in an enemy's country, we are full of courage, but with- 
out you we should even be afraid to go home ;) the rest, there- 
fore, shall say for themselves how they will act, but I myself, 
Cyrus, and those whom I command, will remain with you, and 
will bear to look upon you, 2 and endure to receive benefits from 
you." 

27. Tigranes next said, " Do not at all wonder, Ο Cyrus, if 
I am silent ; for my mind," added he, " is not prepared to ad- 
vise you, but to do what you command." 

28. The Hyrcanian then said, " For my part, Ο Medes, if 
you were now to go away, I should say that it was the ma- 
licious design of some deity, not to suffer you to be in the 
highest degree happy ; for who, with ordinary human pru- 
dence, would turn back when the enemy are fleeing, or would 
not take their arms when they deliver them up, or would re- 
fuse to receive their persons and their possessions when they 
surrender them, especially when we have such a leader as 
seems to me, I swear to you by all the gods, to be more pleased 

1 Artabazus, after calling Cyrus king, might have thrown in his 
reasons for doing so in a very few words, but, being carried away 
by his admiration of him, he runs into a parenthesis of extravagant 
length, and does not conclude what he was going to say till sect. 
26, εγώ dk f ώ Κνρε, και ων Ιγώ κρατώ, &c. Weiske. 

3 Alluding to i. 4. 27. Bornemann. 



138 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. V. 

with doing us good, than with enriching himself ? " 29. Upon 
this the Medes exclaimed, " You, Ο Cyrus, have led us out, 
and when you think it time to return, lead us back again with 
you." Cyrus, hearing this exclamation, offered the following 
prayer : " Ο supreme Jove, grant me, I entreat thee, to sur- 
pass in good offices those that pay me such honour ! " 

30. He then ordered the rest to place their guards, and at- 
tend to their comforts ; but the Persians he directed to dis- 
tribute the tents, assigning to the horse-soldiers such as were 
proper for them, and to the foot such as were sufficient for the 
foot ; and desired them so to regulate matters, that they who 
were in the tents, despatching the business there, should bring 
all necessaries to the Persians at their stations, and present 
them their horses in proper condition, that the Persians might 
have nothing to do but to attend to matters of war. Thus 
they passed this day. 



CHAPTER II. 



Cyrus goes to see Gobryas, who surrenders into his hands himself and all his 
possessions. Gobryas invited to sup with the Persians ; his admiration of 
their manners and conversation. Cyrus ascertains from Gobryas and the 
Hyrcanian what additional allies he may procure ; inquires about the 
road to Babylon, and decides on marching thither. 

1. The next morning, as soon as they arose, they set out 
to visit Gobryas. Cyrus went on horseback with the Persian 
cavalry, who were in number about two thousand. They who 
carried their shields and swords l followed them, being equal 
to them in number ; and the rest of the army marched in re- 
gular order. He directed them each to tell their new serv- 
ants, that whoever of them should either be seen behind the 
rear-guard, or should advance before the front, or should be 
found on the outside of those that were in their rank upon 
either wing, should be punished. 

2. On the second day, towards the evening, they arrived at 
the dwelling of Gobryas. They saw that it was an exceed- 
ingly strong fortress, atfd that all things were provided on the 

1 From what is said in iv. 3. 13, it would hardly be supposed that 
the cavalry needed any men to carry their arms. 



CH. 2.] CYRUS VISITS GOBRYAS. 139 

walls, to enable him to make a vigorous defence ; and they 
observed abundance of oxen and sheep driven up close under 
the fortifications. 3. Gobryas, sending to Cyrus, asked him 
to ride round, and see where the access was most easy, and to 
send in to him some of those in whom he confided, who, hav- 
ing seen how things stood within, might give him an account 
of them. 4. Cyrus accordingly, desiring in reality to see 
whether the fortress might be taken on any side, should Go- 
bryas be found false, rode round the whole, but saw every 
part too strong to be assailed. Those whom Cyrus sent in to 
Gobryas brought him an account, that there was such a store 
of provisions within, as could not, they thought, even in a 
generation of men, fail the people that were there. 5. Cyrus 
was somewhat concerned as to what might be the object of 
such preparation ; when Gobryas himself came out to him, and 
brought out all his men, some carrying wine, barley-meal, or 
flour, and others driving oxen, goats, sheep, and swine ; and 
they brought abundance of everything that was eatable, so 
that the whole army of Cyrus might take their supper. 6. 
Those who were appointed for this service, 1 distributed ail 
these provisions, and prepared supper. 

Gobryas, when all his men were come out, invited Cyrus to 
enter, as he might think most safe. Cyrus, therefore, sending 
in some of his officers to see the state of things, and a force 
with them, went in, after this precaution, himself. 7. When 
he had entered, keeping the gates open, he summoned all his 
friends and the commanders of the troops with him ; and, 
when they were come in, Gobryas, producing cups of gold, 
pitchers, and urns, all manner of furniture, a vast number of 
darics, 2 and magnificent things of every kind, and, at last, 
bringing out his daughter, a person of admirable beauty and 
stature, but in affliction for the death of her brother, spoke 
thus: 

" I give you, Cyrus, all these treasures, and intrust to you 
this my daughter, to dispose of her as you think fit ; and we 
are both your suppliants : I, as before, that you would be the 
avenger of my son ; and she, now, that you would be the 
avenger of her brother." 

8. Cyrus, in reply, said, " I promised you then, that, if you 

1 These, as Fischer thinks, were the tent-stewards. See iv. 2. 34. 

2 Anab. i. 1. 9. 



140 THE INSTITUTION OF cthus [b. v. 

told me no falsehood, I would avenge you to the utmost of my 
power ; and now, when I find that you speak truth, I am 
bound to perform my promise ; and I promise your daughter, 
with the help of the gods, to do exactly as I said. These 
treasures," continued he, " I accept, but give them to this 
your daughter, and to the man that shall marry her. But I 
shall go away with one present from you, in exchange for 
which, though I could have the riches of Babylon, extremely 
great as they are, or even those of the world, instead of that 
which you have given me, I should not go away with more 
pleasure," 9. Gobryas, wondering what this could be, and sus- 
pecting that he might mean his daughter, put the question to 
him, and said, " Cyrus, what is it?" Cyrus replied, " It is 
this, Gobryas. I believe that there may be numbers of men 
that would not be guilty either of impiety or injustice, or be 
voluntarily false ; but, because nobody has thought proper to 
throw either great treasures, or power, or strong fortresses, or 
lovely children, into their hands, die before they could show 
what kind of persons they were ; io. but you, by having now 
put into my hands both strong fortresses, and wealth of all 
kinds, your whole army, and your daughter, a most valuable 
possession, have made it manifest to all men with regard to 
me, that I would neither be guilty of impiety towards friends 
that entertain me, nor of injustice for the sake of riches, nor 
be willingly faithless to compacts, n. This, therefore, be as- 
sured I will never forget as long as I am a just man, and as 
long as I am praised by men for being thought to be such ; 
but I will endeavour to distinguish you in return with every 
honour. 12. And do not be afraid of wanting a husband for 
your daughter worthy of her ; for I have many excellent friends, 
of whom some one shall marry her. Whether however he 
will have as much treasure as you give, or many times more, 
I cannot say ; but be assured, that there are some of them, 
who, for all the treasures you give, do not esteem you at all 
the more ; but they now emulate me> and supplicate all the 
gods, that they may at some time be able to show that they 
are not less faithful to their friends than I am, and that, while 
alive, they will never yield to their enemies, unless some god 
render them powerless ; and be certain that, in exchange for 
virtue and good reputation, they would not accept of all the 
treasures of the Syrians and Assyrians added to your own. 



CH. 2.] GOBRYAS SUPS WITH CYRUS. 141 

Such men, believe me, are sitting here." 13. Gobryas, with 
a smile, said, " By the gods, Cyrus, show me where these men 
are, that I may beg of you one of them to be my son." " It 
wili not be at all necessary for you," rejoined Cyrus, " to ask 
that question of me ; for if you will but attend us, you your- 
self will be able to show every one of them to anybody else." 

14. Having said this, he took Gobryas by the right hand, rose, 
went out, and led out all that were with him ; and though 
Gobryas repeatedly invited him to sup within, he would not 
do so, but supped in the camp, and took Gobryas to sup with 
him. 15. After he had stretched himself on a mat, he put 
this question to him : " Tell me," said he, " Gobryas, whether 
do you think that you, or we here, have the greatest plenty of 
furniture for couches?" "By Jove," replied he, "I know 
very well that you have more furniture of this kind, and more 
couches too ; and your dwelling is much larger than mine ; 
for you have the earth and the heaven for a habitation, and 
couches as many as there are spots upon the ground to lie on ; 
and for their furniture, you do not think that you have as 
much merely as sheep produce of wool, but as much as the 
mountains and plains produce of brushwood." 

16. Gobryas, on supping with him for the first time, and 
observing the plainness of the meats set before them, thought 
that he and his people lived in a much nobler manner than the 
Persians. n. But when he noticed the temperance of those 
who sat at meat with him ; for no Persian, among the well- 
educated, would ever indicate that he was struck with any 
sort of meat or drink, either by his looks, or by eagerness to 
help himself, or by abstraction of mind, so as not to notice 
such other matters as he would notice, if he were not at his 
meal; but, as good horsemen, from being undisturbed on 
horseback, are able, at the same time that they ride, to see, 
hear, and speak what is requisite ; so the Persians, at their 
meals, think that they ought to appear discreet and temperate ; 
and to be much moved with any sort of meat or drink, they 
consider to be rude and offensive ; is. and when he contem- 
plated, likewise, their manner of conversation, how they 
asked each other such questions as were more agreeable to be 
asked than not ; how they rallied each other on points on 
which it was more agreeable to be rallied than not ; and how 
the jests which they uttered were far from being offensive, 



142 THE INSTITUTION OP CYRUS. [b. V. 

and far from giving rise to anything unbecoming, or from 
rendering them irritated at one another ; he was constrained 
to alter his opinion, and to acknowledge that the Persian mode 
of living was preferable to his own. 1 19. But what seemed to 
him most extraordinary of all, was, that when they were en- 
gaged in military service, they did not think that greater 
plenty should be set before themselves than before any one of 
those entering into the same dangers with them ; but thought 
it the noblest of feasts to put those that were to be their 
fellow-combatants into the best possible condition. 20. And 
when Gobryas rose up to go home, he is reported to have said, 
"I no longer wonder, Cyrus, that though we possess fine vessels, 
rich habits, and gold, in greater abundance than you do, we 
are men of less worth than you are ; for we endeavour to ob- 
tain as many of these things as we can, but you seem to study 
how you may become most excellent men." 21. Thus he 
spoke ; and Cyrus added, " See that you attend in the morn- 
ing, Gobryas, with your cavalry fully equipped ; that we may 
see your force, and that you may conduct us, at the same time, 
through your territory, that we may know what we are to re- 
gard as belonging to our friends, and what to our enemies." 
22. After holding this conversation, they went each to his own 
abode. 

When it was day, Gobryas came with his cavalry, and con- 
ducted them. Cyrus, as became a commander, was not only 
attentive to his present route, but, as he advanced, tried to 
ascertain whether it would be in his power, by any means, to 
render the enemy weaker, and his own party stronger. 23. 
Calling, therefore, the Hyrcanian and Gobryas to him, (for he 
thought that they understood best what he deemed it neces- 
sary for him to learn,) he said, " My friends, I think that I 
shall not be in the wrong, if I consult with you upon the sub- 
ject of this war, as with trustworthy persons ; for I find that 
it is more your business than mine, to take care that the As- 
syrian may not get the better of us ; for to me, if I fail in my 
undertaking here, there may possibly be some- other resource ; 
but, as to you, if he gain the mastery, I see that all is lost. 

1 He was constrained preferable to his own.] These words 

are inserted, to complete the sense, agreeably to the notion of 
Poppo and Hutchinson. Lange and Zeune regard all as paren- 
thetical from των σνσσίτυ^ν in sect. 17, to einelv λέγεται in sect. 20. 



CH. 2.] UNPOPULARITY OF THE ASSYRIAN KING. 143 

24. For to me he is an enemy, not because he hates me, but 
because he thinks it disadvantageous to himself that we should 
be powerful, and for this reason he makes war upon us ; but 
you he hates, as supposing that he has been injured by you." 
To this they both answered similarly, " That he should pro- 
ceed to say what he meant, 1 as they knew his views, and were 
greatly concerned in what the course of affairs might result. 

25. Cyrus then began thus : " Tell me," said he, " does the 
Assyrian think that you are the only people at enmity with 
him, or do you know anybody else that is his enemy?" "Yes, 
by Jove," said the Hyrcanian, " the Cadusians are his ene- 
mies in the highest degree, and are a strong and numerous 
people ; the Sacians too, that are our borderers, and who 
have suffered many hardships at the hand of the Assyrian, for 
he endeavoured to subdue them as well as us." 26. " Do you 
not think, therefore," said he, " that they would both gladly 
fall upon the Assyrian, in conjunction with us?" "Most 
gladly," said they, " if they could by any means join us." 
" What is there then between," said he, " to hinder them from 
joining us?" " The Assyrians," replied they; " the very na- 
tion through which you are now marching." 

27. After Cyrus had heard this, " Do you not then, Go- 
bryas," said he, " charge this young man, that is now placed 
on the throne, with great insolence of disposition ? " " Yes," 
said Gobryas, " for such is the treatment that I have expe- 
rienced from him." "And has he," said Cyrus, "shown 
himself such only towards you, or to others besides ? " 28. 
" By Jove," said Gobryas, " to others as well. But why need 
I mention the wrongs that he has done to the weak ? For he 
took the son of a man far more powerful than myself, when 
he was his companion, as mine was, and was drinking with 
him at his own table, and emasculated him ; because, &s some 
say, a mistress of his had commended him as a handsome man, 
and declared that woman happy that was to be his wife. But, 
as the king himself now says, it was because he had attempted 
to seduce his mistress. This man is now a eunuch, and since 
the death of his father, holds his father's government." 29. 
"Do you not think, then," said he, " that this man would see 

1 ΤΙεραίνειν ο, τι μέλλει.] There has been much dispute about the 
sense of ττεραίνειν in this passage ; I follow the interpretation of 
Bornemann. 



144 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. V. 

us with pleasure, if he thought that we would support him ?" 
" I know it very well," said Gobryas : " but to come at the 
sight of him, Cyrus, is a difficult matter." " How so ? " said 
Cyrus. "Because whoever would join him, must pass by 
Babylon itself." 30. "And why should that be difficult?" 
" Because, by Jove," said Gobryas, " I know the forces sent 
out from Babylon alone, are much greater than those which 
you have at present with you ; and be assured, that the Assy- 
rians are now less forward than before to bring you arms and 
horses, for this very reason, that your force appears to be but 
small to those that have had a view of it ; and a rumour to 
this effect has been already widely spread abroad ; and it 
seems better to me," added he, " that we should march with 
great caution." 

31. Cyrus, after listening to this intimation from Gobryas, 
answered him as follows : " You appear to advise us well," 
Gobryas, "when you admonish us to pursue our march with the 
utmost caution ; and, upon consideration, I cannot think of any 
route safer for us to pursue than that to Babylon itself, if the 
principal strength of the enemy lies there ; for, as you say, 
they are numerous ; and, if they have courage, they will 
also, I think, show themselves l to us. 32. By not seeing us, 
however, but imagining that we remain out of their sight from 
fear of them, be assured," continued he, " that they will be 
relieved from the dread that has fallen upon them, and cour- 
age will spring up in its stead ; a courage which will be so 
much the greater, the longer they are without seeing us. But 
if we march upon them at once, we shall find many of them 
still lamenting for those that have been killed by us, many 
with the wounds bound up which they have received from 
our people, and all yet remembering the courage of this army 
as well as their own flight and loss. 33. And believe me, 
Gobryas, that you may feel assured of this, 2 that a multitude, 
when they are in spirits, raise in themselves a courage not 
to be resisted, but, when they are in fear, the more numerous 
they are, the greater and more overpowering is the terror that 
they conceive ; 34. for it comes upon them, increased by nu- 

1 If they have courage, they will show themselves; if they have 
none, their numbers will be of little avail. Bomemann. 

2 Ey δ' ϊσθι — 'ίνα και tout' eidijg.^ Mihi crede, ut hoc quoque scias. 
Bomemann. 



CH. 2.] CYRUS ENCOURAGES GOBRYAS. 145 

merous evil reports, and gathers to a head from many unhap- 
py circumstances, and from many dejected and astonished 
looks ; so that, from its greatness, it is not easy either to sup- 
press it by words, or to excite courage in the people by lead- 
ing against the enemy, or to revive a spirit in them by re- 
tiring; but, the more 'you exhort them to take heart, the 
more they imagine themselves to be surrounded with perils. 

35. Let us consider, however, exactly how the matter stands ; 
for if victories in warlike enterprises are henceforth to fall to 
whatever party has the greatest numbers, you are in the right 
to fear for us, and we are in reality in dangerous circum- 
stances ; but if engagements, as heretofore, are still to be de- 
cided by the merit of the combatants, you will not be wrong 
in being of good courage ; for, with the help of the gods, you 
will find more among us eager to engage, than among them. 

36. And, that you maybe still more encouraged, reflect also 
that the enemy are at this time much fewer l than they were 
before they were beaten by us, and much less courageous l than 
when they fled from us ; but we are stronger since we have 
gained a victory, more confident since we have met with the 
favour of fortune, and more numerous since you have joined 
us ; for you need not still think meanly of your people, now 
that they are with us ; for be assured, Gobryas, that they who 
attend the victorious, follow with confidence ; 37. nor let this 
escape your consideration," said he, " that the enemy is even 
now at full liberty to see us ; but that we should by no means 
appear more terrible to them by waiting their approach, than 
by marching against them. As this, therefore, is my opinion, 
conduct us straight to Babylon." 

1 Έλάττονες— ελάττονες.'] The first refers to the number, the se- 
cond to the spirit, of the enemy. Bomemann. 



VOL. II. 



146 THE INSTITUTION OF CTKUS. [b. V. 



CHAPTER III. 

Assyria is again ravaged, and much of the booty given to Gobryas. Cyrus 
advances towards Babylon, and challenges the Assyrian king to battle, 
but without effect. Gadatas, a nobleman, who had been ill-treated by the 
Assyrian king, revolts from him, and puts his fortress into the hands of 
Cyrus ; who is also joined by the Cadusians and Sacians. Gadatas goes to 
defend his possessions ; Cyrus follows to support him, and instructs his 
officers how to conduct a march by night. Cyrus's reason for addressing 
his officers and others by name ; his care and attention on the march. 

i. Pursuing their march, accordingly, they reached the 
boundaries of Gobryas's territory upon the fourth day. When 
Cyrus had entered the enemy's country, he took the foot 
to himself, and as many of the horse as he thought proper, 
and drew them up in order ; the rest of the horse he sent out 
upon excursions ; and ordered them to kill those that were in 
arms, but to bring the rest, with whatever cattle they might 
take, to him. He ordered the Persians also to join in these 
excursions ; and many of them returned, after being thrown 
from their horses, but many of them brought off considerable 
booty. 2. When the spoil was set before him, he called toge- 
ther the officers of the Medes and Hyrcanians, together with 
the Equals -in -honour, and addressed them thus : " Gobryas, 
my friends, has entertained us all with good things in great 
abundance ; if, therefore, after having selected what is usual 
for the gods, and what will be sufficient for the army, we 
should give the remainder of the spoil to him, should we not 
do a proper thing, by making it at once apparent, that we en- 
deavour to surpass our benefactors in doing kindness to 
them ?" 3. When they heard this proposal, they all commended 
and applauded it ; and one of them spoke thus : " We will do 
so, Cyrus," said he, " by all means ; for Gobryas seems to me 
to take us for indigent people ; because we did not come with 
abundance of darics, and do not drink out of golden cups ; 
but, if we do what you propose, he may understand that it is 
possible to be generous, even without gold." 4. " Go then," 
said Cyrus, " and, having delivered to the Magi what is due 
to the gods, and taken what is sufficient for the army, call 
Gobryas, and give him the remainder." Accordingly, hav- 
ing taken as much as was necessary, they gave the rest to 
Gobryas. 



CH. 3.] GOBRYAS SENT TO GADATAS. 147 

5. He then marched on towards Babylon itself, disposing his 
army in the same order as on a day of battle. As the Assy- 
rians declined to come out against him, Cyrus desired Gobryas 
to ride forward, and to say that, if the king were willing to 
come out and fight for his country, he would engage with 
him ; * but if he would not defend his country, he must of 
necessity submit to his conquerors. 6. Gobryas rode on as far 
as it was safe, to deliver this message ; and the king sent a 
person out with an answer, to the following effect : " Gobryas, 
your sovereign says, I do not repent that I put your son to death, 
but I repent that I did not put you to death likewise ! If you 
would fight, come hither upon the thirtieth day from hence ; 
we are not yet at leisure, for we are still employed in our pre- 
parations." 7. Gobryas then said, " May that repentance never 
leave you ! for, it is evident that I have caused you some 
affliction ever since such repentance took possession of you." 

8. Gobryas reported this message from the Assyrian ; and 
Cyrus, having heard it, drew off the army, and calling Gobryas 
to him, "Tell me," said he, "did you not say, that you 
thought the man who had been emasculated by the Assyrian 
king, would join us ? " "I think I am sure of it," replied he ; 
" for he and I have often conferred together with great free- 
dom." 9. " When you think proper, therefore," said Cyrus, 
" go to him : and, in the first place, contrive that you and he 
alone 2 may know what he says upon the subject; and, when 
you have conferred with him, if you find him inclined to be 
our friend, you must then contrive that he may not be known 
to be our friend ; for no one can do greater service to his 
friends in war by any other means than by appearing to be 
their enemy ; or do greater harm to his enemies by any other 
means than by appearing to be their friend." ίο. " I know 

1 Αυτός σνν εκείνφ μάχοιτο.'] It has been much disputed whether, 
by αυτός, Cyrus or Gobryas is meant. Zeune, Weiske, and Lange 
refer it to Cyrus, considering συν εκείνφ μάχεσ&αι to be the same as 
εκείνφ μάχεσ^αι without συν: Schneider, Poppo, and Bornemann re- 
fer it to Gobryas, interpreting σνν εκείνφ " on his side," and sup- 
posing that Gobryas makes an offer to fight on the side of the 
Assyrian king, not in earnest, but as a ruse. The former interpreta- 
tion, to which I have adhered, is the far more straightforward one ; 
though the συν will not allow it to be altogether satisfactory. 

2 Αυτοί— είδήτε.'] By αυτοί are meant Gobryas and Gadatas, 
apart from their attendants. 

l 2 



148 THE INSTITUTION OF CYBUS. [b. V. 

indeed," said Gobryas, " that Gadatas would even pay a price 
for the power of doing some great harm to the Assyrian king ; 
but we must consider what it is that he can do." U. " Tell me, 
then," said Cyrus, " with regard to that fortress which lies 
upon the frontiers of this country, and which you say was 
built as a defence to it in war against the Hyrcanians and 
Sacians, do you think," said he, "that the eunuch would be 
allowed by the commander to enter it if he came with a force ? " 
" Certainly," said Gobryas, " if he came to him unsuspected 
as now he is." 12. "And," said Cyrus, "if I should fall upon 
the places that are in his possession, as if I wished to make 
myself master of them, and he should defend them against me 
with his whole force ; and if I should take something of his, 
and he, on the other hand, should capture either some of our 
people, or some messengers sent by me to such people as you 
say are enemies to the Assyrian ; and if the persons so cap- 
tured should declare that they were going to bring forces, and 
to fetch ladders for the attack of the fortress, and the eunuch, 
on hearing these statements, should pretend that he came with 
the intention of making a similar communication, he would 
assuredly continue unsuspected." 

13. Gobryas then said, " If matters are managed thus, I 
know very well that he would admit him, and would beg him 
to stay till you should depart." " And then," said Cyrus, " if 
he once gained an entrance, could he not give up the fortress 
into our hands ?" 14. " Very probably," said Gobryas, "if he 
took part in the arrangements within, and you made a vigor- 
ous assault from without." " Go then," said he, " and, after 
you have given him these instructions, and arranged the pro- 
ceedings, endeavour to join us here again ; but as for pledges 
of faith, neither mention, nor intimate to him, any greater 
than those which you yourself received from us." 

15. Soon after, Gobryas set out. The eunuch saw him with 
great pleasure, consented to everything, and arranged with 
him what was proper to be done. 

When Gobryas had brought word that the whole business 
of his mission to the eunuch appeared satisfactorily settled, 
Cyrus proceeded to attack him the following day. 16. Gadatas 
defended himself ; and Cyrus took some other place such as 
Gadatas had pointed out ; while of some messengers that Cy- 
rus had sent, directing them, beforehand, which way they 



CH. 3.] GADATAS MEETS CYRUS. 149 

should go, Gadatas suffered a part to escape, that they might 
bring up forces and fetch ladders ; but such as he took, he ex- 
amined, in the presence of many persons ; and, when he had 
heard for what purpose they said that they were going, he 
immediately prepared for a journey, and marched off in the 
night, as if to go and give an account of the matter ; in fine, he 
was trusted, and entered the fortress, as an ally to defend it. 17. 
For a while he concurred with the governor in every arrange- 
ment, as far as he could ; but when Cyrus came up, he seized 
the fortress, making the prisoners, whom he had taken from 
Cyrus, his assistants in securing it. 

18, When this was done, Gadatas, having settled matters 
within, came out immediately to Cyrus, and, having paid him 
obeisance in the usual manner, he said, " Joy to you, Ο Cy- 
rus !" 19. " I have it," said he, " already ; for, with the help 
of the gods, you not only bid me, but oblige me to rejoice ; 
for, be assured," said he, " that I esteem it of great import- 
ance to leave this place to my allies in these parts. The power 
of procreating children, Gadatas, the Assyrian, it seems, has 
taken from you ; but he has not deprived you of the power of 
acquiring friends, and, be assured that, by this act, you have 
made friends of us, who will endeavour, if we are able, to be 
not less valuable supporters to you, than if you had sons or 
grandsons." 

20. Thus spoke Cyrus ; and the Hyrcanian, who just now 
understood what had been done, ran to Cyrus, and taking him 
by the right hand, said, " Oh how great a blessing, Cyrus, are 
you to your friends ! What a debt of gratitude and thanks do 
you make me owe to the gods, for having joined me in alliance 
with you !" 21. "Go then, presently," said Cyrus, "and take 
possession of the place on account of which you are so pleased 
with me, and dispose of it in such a manner, that it may be of 
the utmost advantage to your own nation, and to our other 
allies ; but chiefly," said he, " to Gadatas here, who has taken 
it, and delivered it up to us." 22. " Then," said the Hyrca- 
nian, " when the Cadusians, the Sacians, and my countrymen 
are come, shall we call in Gadatas also, that all of us, whom 
it concerns, may consult in common how we may use the 
fortress to the best advantage?" 23. This proposal Cyrus 
applauded, and, when all that were concerned about the fortress 
were met, they jointly determined that it should be kept by 



150 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. V. 

those who had an interest in its being friendly to them, that 
it might be a place of defence to cover them, and a bulwark 
against the Assyrians. 

24. When this enterprise was concluded, the Cadusians en- 
gaged with more zeal, and in greater numbers, in the service, 
as well as the Sacians and Hyrcanians. Hence there was 
collected a force of Cadusians, consisting of twenty thousand 
peltasts and four thousand cavalry ; and of Sacians, consisting 
of ten thousand archers on foot, and two thousand on horseback ; 
while the Hyrcanians sent all the infantry that they could, and 
made up their cavalry to the number of two thousand ; for 
most of their cavalry had before been left at home, because 
both the Cadusians and Sacians were enemies to the Assyrians. 
25. During the whole time that Cyrus lay employed in making 
regulations about the fortress, many of the Assyrians, in those 
parts, were bringing horses, and many were bringing arms, 
being now afraid of all their neighbours. 1 

26. Soon after, Gadatas came to Cyrus, and acquainted him, 
that there were messengers come to tell him, that the Assyrian 
king, when he heard of the affair of the fortress, was extreme- 
ly incensed, and began to make preparations to invade his 
territory. " If, therefore, you would let me go, Cyrus," said 
he, " I would endeavour to save my places of strength ; of the 
rest there is less account to be taken." Cyrus then said, 27. 
" If you set out now, when shall you be at home ? " Gadatas 
replied, "I shall sup in my own territory the third day." 
"And do you think," said he, "that you will find the Assyrian 
already there ?" " I know very well," said he, " that I shall ; 
for he will make haste, while he still thinks you at a great 
distance." 28. "And in how many days," inquired Cyrus, 
"could I march thither with the army?" To this Gadatas 
answered, " You have a very great army, my sovereign, and 
would not be able to reach my residence in less than six or 
seven days." " Go, then," said Cyrus, " as soon as you can, 
and I will march after with all possible despatch." 

29. Gadatas then took his departure, and. Cyrus called to- 
gether all the officers of his allies, (and there seem now to 

1 The Sacians, Cadusians, and Hyrcanians, against whom the 
fortress had previously served them as a defence. See the end of 
sect. 24, where "had before been left," means before the Hyrcani- 
ans revolted to Cyrus. 



CH. 3.] GYRUS PURSUES HIS MARCH. 151 

have been present many men of merit and valour,) and ad- 
dressed them to this effect : " 30. Friends and allies, Gadatas has 
done such services for us, as we all judge to be of great value, 
and has done so before receiving the least benefit whatever at 
our hands. The Assyrian king is now said to have invaded 
his territory, and both intends, it is evident, to take vengeance 
on him, because he thinks that he has been greatly injured by 
him, and also, perhaps, considers, that if those who revolt to 
us receive no harm from him, and those who continue on his 
side are destroyed by us, it is probable that in a short time 
nobody will remain with him ; 31. therefore, my friends, we 
shall act but honourably, I think, if we afford zealous assist- 
ance to Gadatas, a man who has been our benefactor; we 
shall at the same time act justly by discharging a debt of 
gratitude ; and we shall, in my opinion, do what will be for 
our own advantage ; 32. for if we make it apparent to all men, 
that we endeavour to surpass those who injure us in returning 
injury, and exceed our benefactors in doing them service, it is 
likely that, through such conduct, many will be willing to be 
friends to us, and nobody will desire to be our enemy ; 33. but 
if we appear neglectful of Gadatas, with what arguments, 
in the name of the gods, shall we persuade others to do us 
kindnesses ? how shall we dare to commend ourselves ; and 
how will any of us be able to look Gadatas in the face, if we 
are outdone by him in good offices, we, who are so many, by 
him who is but one, and one in such circumstances ? '" 

34. Thus spoke Cyrus, and they all earnestly expressed their 
assent to what he proposed. " Proceed, then," said he, " since 
my proposal pleases you. Let us each leave, with the car- 
riages and beasts of burden, all those that are fittest to travel 
with them, and let Gobryas command and conduct them ; 35. 
for he is acquainted with the roads, and well qualified in other 
respects ; and let us march forward ourselves with the best of 
our horses and men, taking provisions with us for three days ; 
and the more lightly and frugally we furnish ourselves, the 
more pleasantly shall we dine, sup, and sleep on the succeed- 
ing days. 36. Let us order our march in the following man- 
ner : You, Chrysantas, in the first place, lead on those armed 
with corslets, (since the way is level and open,) and let each 
century march in single file, keeping all the centurions in front ; 
for, by keeping compact order, we shall march with greater 



152 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. V. 

despatch and greater safety. 37. I desire those armed with 
corslets to lead, for this reason, that they are the heaviest 
part of the army ; and, when the heaviest lead the way, the 
troops that march more expeditiously must all follow them 
with ease ; but when the lighter troops lead, especially in the 
night, it is not at all wonderful that the forces become se- 
parated ; for the body that is at the head runs off from the 
rest. 38. Next after these," continued he, "let Artabazus 
lead the Persian peltasts and archers ; next to these, let An- 
damyas the Mede lead the Median infantry ; next to these, 
Embas the Armenian infantry ; next to these, Artuchas the 
Hyrcanians ; next to these, Thambradas the Sacian infantry ; 
next to these, Datamas the Cadusians. 39. Let all these pro- 
ceed with their centurions in front, and their peltasts on the 
right, and their archers on the left of their own oblong bodies ; 
for, by marching in this manner, they will be the more ready 
for service. 40. Behind these, let the baggage -bearers of the 
whole army follow ; let their officers look to them all, that 
they have everything packed up before they sleep, and that they 
attend early in the morning in their appointed places, and fol- 
low in proper order. 41. Next after the baggage-carriers, let 
Madatas the Persian bring up the Persian cavalry, and let him 
also keep the equestrian centurions in front ; and let each 
centurion lead his century in single file, in the same manner 
as the officers of the foot. 42. Next to these, let Rambacas 
the Mede lead his cavalry in the same manner ; next to these, 
you, Tigranes, bring up your own cavalry ; and the rest of 
the cavalry officers the bodies of cavalry with which each 
joined us. After these, let the Sacians follow, and let the 
Cadusians, as they came -in to us the last, bring up the rear of 
the whole army ; you, Alceunas, who command them, take care 
on the present occasion to be in the rear of all, and suffer none 
to fall behind your horse. 43. And you, commanders, and all 
of you that are wise, take care to march in silence ; for it is by 
means of the ears, rather than the eyes, that you must observe 
and manage everything during the night ; and to be thrown 
into disorder in the night is of much worse consequence than 
in the day, and more difficult to be remedied. Silence must 
therefore be maintained and order preserved. 44. And the 
night-watches, when you are to rise and march in the night, 
you must make as short and as numerous as is possible, that 



ch. 3.] Cyrus's skill in command. 153 

long watching on the night-guard may not incapacitate any 
one for marching ; and when the time comes for setting for- 
ward, the signal is to be given with the horn. 45. And be 
ready, all of you, on the road to Babylon, each furnished with 
everything necessary ; and let those in advance from time to 
time exhort those in the rear to follow." 

46. They then went off to their tents, and, on their way, 
observed among themselves how retentive a memory Cyrus had, 
and how, as he gave his orders to those to whom he assigned 
their places, he addressed each of them by name. 1 47. This 
Cyrus was enabled to do by giving his attention to it ; for he 
thought it very strange, if, while artificers know the names 
of their tools, each in his own art, and a physician knows the 
names of all the instruments and medicines that he uses, a 
general should be so foolish as not to know the names of the 
commanders under him, whom he must necessarily use as his 
instruments whenever he wishes to seize on any post, to keep 
on guard, to encourage his men, or to strike terror into the 
enemy; and when he desired to do honour to any one, he 
thought it became him to address him by name. 48. He was 
of opinion, too, that those who thought themselves known to 
their commander, would thus be more eager to be seen per- 
forming some honourable action, and more anxious to abstain 
from doing anything that was disgraceful. 49. He thought 
it very foolish also, when a person wished anything to be done, 
for him to give orders as some masters give theirs in their 
families, " Let somebody go for water, let somebody cleave 
the wood ;" 50. for when orders were given in such a manner, 
all the servants seemed to him to look one at another, and no 
one to execute what was ordered ; and while all appeared to 
be in fault, yet no one was ashamed or afraid on account of 
his culpability, because he shared the blame equally with se- 
veral others. For these reasons, he named every one when 
he gave his orders. Such was Cyrus's judgment on this point. 

51. The soldiers, having taken their suppers, arranged the 
watches, and packed up everything that was necessary, went 
to rest. 52. When it was midnight, the signal was given with 
the horn ; and Cyrus, having told Chrysantas that he would 

1 Ώς μνημονικώς 6 Κύρος, οπόσοις σννεταττε, πάσιν, δνομάζων, ΙνετεΚ- 
λετο.Ί " With how good a memory Cyrus gave orders to all, as many 
as he assigned posts, calling them by name " 



154 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. V. 

wait in the road in advance of the army, rode off, taking his 
attendants with him. In a short time after, Chrysantas came 
up at the head of those that were armed with corslets. 53. 
Cyrus, assigning him guides, ordered him to march gently on 
till a messenger came to him, as the troops were not yet all 
upon the march ; he himself, standing by the way-side, sped 
forward, in order, those that came up, and sent to hurry on 
such as were dilatory. 54. When they were all in motion, 
he despatched horsemen to Chrysantas, to tell him, that all 
were now upon the march: "Lead on, therefore," said he, 
"at a quicker pace;" 55. and, riding forward himself to the front, 
he observed, at leisure, the several divisions, and to such as 
he saw marching orderly and silently, he rode up, and inquired 
who they were, and when he was informed, commended them ; 
but if he perceived any of them disorderly, he inquired into 
the cause, and endeavoured to put a stop to the confusion. 

56. One particular only, in his precautions for the night, 
has been omitted; which is, that, in advance of the whole 
army, he sent a small body of light-armed foot, who were kept 
in sight by Chrysantas, and kept him in their sight ; l so 
that, listening attentively, or getting notice of things, if they 
could, by any other means, they might communicate to him 
whatever the occasion seemed to require. There was a captain 
over them, who kept them in order, and notified what was 
worthy of notice ; what was not so, he gave no disturbance by 
telling. Thus they proceeded during the night. 

57. When it was day, Cyrus left the Cadusian horse with 
the Cadusian foot, because they marched in the rear, in or- 
der that they might not march uncovered by horse. But 
the rest of the cavalry he ordered to advance to the front, be- 
cause the enemy were before them ; in order that, if any force 
opposed him, he might meet it with his troops in battle-array, 
and come to an engagement, and, if any party should be seen 
fleeing, he might pursue with the utmost expedition. 58. He 
had always ready, in order, both those that were to pursue, 
and those that were to remain by him ; but the general order 
of the whole he never suffered to be broken. 59. This was 
the order in which Cyrus led his army. He himself was not 
always in the same place, but, riding about, sometimes to one 

1 It has been suggested that it must have been moon-light. 



CH. 4.] DESIGN TO KILL GADATAS. 155 

part and sometimes to another, inspected the whole, and, if they 
had need of any directions, took care to give them. Thus did 
Cyrus's forces pursue their march. 



CHAPTER IV. 



Gadatas, wounded by a traitor, is saved by Cyrus. Rash excursion of the 
Cadusians, who lose their leader and many others. Cyrus receives them 
kindly on their return, admonishes them, and makes reprisals on the ene- 
my with their new leader. A compact between Cyrus and the Assyrians 

. to spare the husbandmen. Gadatas, leaving a garrison in his fortress, 
accompanies Cyrus. Cyrus explains why he wished, in passing Babylon, 
to leave it at some distance. He captures three forts. 

i. A certain officer of Gadatas's troop of cavalry, one of 
the chief men, when he saw Gadatas revolt from the Assyrian, 
had conceived the notion, that if Gadatas should meet with 
any ill-fortune, he himself might obtain from the Assyrian 
king all that belonged to him. He accordingly sent one of 
those whom he trusted most to the king of Assyria ; and 
ordered the messenger, if he found the Assyrian army already 
in Gadatas's territory, to tell the king, that, if he would lay 
an ambuscade, he might take Gadatas and all that were with 
him. 2. He directed him also to state what force Gadatas 
had, and to say that Cyrus was not accompanying him ; and 
he told him the road that he intended to take. Moreover, in 
order to be the better trusted, he sent orders to his own people 
to deliver up to the Assyrian king a fort of which he had pos- 
session, in the territory of Gadatas, and all that was in it ; and 
he said that he would come himself, after he had, if he could, 
put Gadatas to death, but if this should be impracticable, at least 
to continue with the king of Assyria for the future. 3. When 
the person intrusted with this commission, having ridden with 
all possible speed, was come to the Assyrian king, and had 
made known the object with which he came, the king, on 
hearing it, at once took possession of the fort, and placed him- 
self in ambush, with a great number of cavalry and chariots, 
in some villages that lay very close together. 4. Gadatas, 
when he came near these villages, sent forward some scouts 
to explore them. The Assyrian king, when he perceived the 



156 THE INSTITUTION OP CYRUS. [b. v. 

scouts approaching, ordered two or three chariots and a few 
horse to quit their post, and betake themselves to flight, as 
being terrified from being but few. The scouts, as soon as 
they saw this, went on themselves in pursuit, and made signals 
to Gadatas; who, being thus deceived, pursued with all 
speed. The Assyrians, when they thought Gadatas near 
enough to be taken, started up from their ambuscade. 5. Ga- 
datas and his party, seeing their approach, took, as was 
natural, to flight ; and the others, as was natural, pursued ; 
when the contriver of the plot against Gadatas struck at him, 
and though he failed in inflicting a mortal injury, hit him 
upon the shoulder, and wounded him ; and, having done this, 
he made off to join the pursuers. When it was known who 
he was, he urged on his horse with zeal, in company with the 
Assyrians, and continued the pursuit with the king. 6. Here 
those who had the slowest horses were of course overtaken by 
those who had the fleetest; and when all Gadatas's cavalry 
were hard pressed, from being exhausted with their previous 
march, they beheld Cyrus advancing with his army ; and we 
may imagine that they made up to them with joy and plea- 
sure, as if they were putting into a port after a storm. 

7. Cyrus was at first surprised to see them, but when he 
understood what the matter was, he continued, during the 
time that the enemy were riding up towards him, to lead his 
men forward in order; but when the enemy, finding how 
things were, turned and fled, Cyrus commanded those that 
were appointed for that purpose to pursue ; while he himself 
followed with the rest of the troops, in such a manner as he 
thought most advantageous. 8. Upon this occasion, several 
chariots were taken, some from the drivers falling off, (partly 
in wheeling round, and partly in other ways,) and some from 
being intercepted by the horse ; and the pursuers killed a great 
number, and amongst them the man that wounded Gadatas. 
9. Of the Assyrian foot, that were besieging the fortress of 
Gadatas, some fled to the fort that had revolted from Gadatas, 
and some escaped to a large city that belonged, to the Assyrian 
king, where also the Assyrian monarch himself, with his 
cavalry and chariots, took refuge. 

ίο. Cyrus, having made an end of the pursuit, retreated into 
the territory of Gadatas, and after directing the proper per- 
sons to attend to the booty, proceeded at once to see how much 



CH. 4.] GRATITUDE OF GADATAS. 157 

Gadatas was suffering from his wound ; but, as he was on his 
way, Gadatas met him with his wound already bound up. 
Cyrus, at sight of him, was greatly delighted, and said, " I 
was coming to you to see how you were." n. " And I, by 
the gods," said Gadatas, " was coming to gaze on you again, 
and to see what sort of person you are to look upon, you who 
are possessed of such a soul; you who, neither having, I 
know, any need of me, nor having promised to do such ser- 
vices for me, nor having personally received any benefit what- 
ever from me, have yet, because I was thought to have done 
some service to your friends, so zealously assisted me, that, as 
far as I myself was concerned, I had now perished, but, by 
your means, am saved. 12. By the gods, Cyrus, if I were 
such as I once was, and were to have children, I do not know 
whether I could ever have a son so affectionate to me ; for I 
know that not only many another son, but that this present 
king of the Assyrians particularly, has caused more affliction 
to his father than he can now cause to you. 

13. To this address Cyrus replied, " Do you now wonder at 
me, Gadatas, and omit to notice a much greater wonder ? " 
" What is that ?" said Gadatas. " That so many Persians, " 
rejoined Cyrus, " so many Medes, so many Hyrcanians, as 
well as all these Armenians, Sacians, and Cadusians, have 
been so earnest in your service." 14. Gadatas then prayed, 
saying, " Ο Jupiter ! may the gods bestow many blessings 
upon them, but most upon him who is the cause that they are 
such as they are ! But that we may properly entertain those 
whom you commend, Cyrus, accept these presents of friend- 
ship, such as I am able to tender you." He at the same time 
brought up supplies in great abundance, so that he who 
wished might sacrifice, and that the whole army might be 
entertained in a manner worthy of their noble acts and their 
great good fortune. 

15. Meanwhile the Cadusian general still commanded in the 
rear, and had no share in the pursuit ; but being desirous 
himself also to achieve something splendid, he made an excur- 
sion into the territory of Babylon, without communicating his 
intention, or saying anything of it to Cyrus. But the As- 
syrian, as he was going from that city of his to which he had 
fled, with his army in close array, fell in with the cavalry of 
the Cadusian, which were then dispersed; 16. and, as soon as 



158 THE INSTITUTION OP CYRUS. [b. V. 

he found that they were the Cadusians alone, attacked them, kill- 
ed their commander and many others, captured numbers of their 
horses, and took from them the spoil that they were carrying 
off. Having then pursued as far as he thought safe, he turned 
back, and the Cadusians got safe to the camp, at least the fore- 
most of them, towards evening. 

17. Cyrus, as soon as he learned what had happened, went 
out to meet the Cadusians, and of such as he saw wounded, 
some he took and sent to Gadatas, that they might be attend- 
ed to, and others he lodged in tents, and took care that they 
should have everything necessary, taking some of the Persian 
Equals-in-honour to be his assistants ; for, in such circum- 
stances, men of good feeling willingly afford their aid ; 18. and 
he seemed evidently to be greatly afflicted; so that, while 
others were taking their suppers, when the time for it was 
come, Cyrus, continuing still with the attendants and surgeons, 
did not willingly leave any one neglected, but looked to all with 
his own eyes ; or, if he could not attend to them himself, he was 
observed to send others to take care of them. 19. Thus at 
length they went to rest. 

But as soon as it was day, he summoned the officers of the 
other troops, and all the Cadusians, to assemble before him, and 
addressed them to this effect : " Friends and allies, the mis- 
fortune that has happened to us, is such as is incident to 
human nature ; for I think it not at all wonderful, that, being 
men, we should be guilty of error. We ought, however, to 
reap some profit from the calamity, and to learn never to 
separate from our whole body a force inferior to that of the 
enemy. 20. I do not say," continued he, tc that we are never 
to march, where it may be necessary, with a detachment even 
yet less than that with which the Cadusian marched on this 
occasion ; but if a general march away, after having concerted 
with another who is able to support him, though he may in- 
deed be deceived, yet he that remains behind may, by deceiv- 
ing the enemy, turn them in another direction, away from 
those that have gone forth ; he may procure safety to his 
friends by giving other employment to his enemies, and thus 
he that separates himself will not be wholly detached, but will 
continue dependent on the strength of the main body ; but he 
that marches off without communicating whither he is going, is 
in the same condition as if he were making war alone. 21. 



ch. 4.] Cyrus's care for his allies. 159 

But," he proceeded, " if the gods please, we shall shortly have 
our revenge on the enemy for this infliction. As soon as you 
have breakfasted, I will lead you out to the spot where the 
affair took place, and we will both bury our dead, and, if the 
gods permit us, will let the enemy see men superior to them- 
selves upon the very ground where they think they have 
triumphed, that they may not look with pleasure upon the 
place where they butchered our fellow-combatants. If they 
will not come out against us, we will burn their villages and 
lay waste their country, that they may not be delighted at 
contemplating what they themselves have done to us, but be 
afflicted at the sight of their own calamities. 22. " Go, then," 
said he, " the rest of you, and take your breakfasts ; and you, 
Cadusians, first go and choose a commander according to your 
custom, who, with the help of the gods, and in concert with 
us, may attend to you, in whatever way you may require ; 
and when you have made your choice and taken your break- 
fast, send him you have chosen to me." 

23. The Cadusians acted accordingly ; and Cyrus, when he 
had led out the army, placed the commander chosen by the 
Cadusians in his station, and ordered him to lead on his force 
near to himself, " that we may, if we can," said he, " restore 
the courage of the men." They then marched on, and coming 
to the place, buried the Cadusians, and laid the country waste. 
Having done this, and supplied themselves with provisions 
from the enemy's country, they again retreated into the terri- 
tory of Gadatas. 

24. But, considering that those who had revolted to him, 
being in the neighbourhood of Babylon, would suffer severely, 
unless he himself was always at hand to protect them, he de- 
sired all those of the enemy that he dismissed, to tell the As- 
syrian, and he himself sent a herald to him with a message to 
the same effect, " that he was ready to let the labourers em- 
ployed in the culture of the lands alone, and to do them no 
injury, if he, on the other hand, would allow the labourers of 
such as had revolted to himself, to pursue their work ; 25. 
" though indeed," added he, " if you are able to hinder them, 
you will hinder but a few, for the land belonging to those that 
have revolted to me, is but little ; while I should allow a large 
portion of land to be cultivated for you ; and, as to gathering 
in the crop, if the war continues, he that is superior in arms, 



160 THE INSTITUTION OP CYRUS. [b. V. 

I suppose, must gather it; but if there be peace, it is plain 
that it must be you ; but if any of my people take up arms 
against you, or any of yours against me, we will both, if we 
can, take vengeance on them." 26. Having delivered this 
message to the herald, he despatched him. 

When the Assyrians heard of this proposal, they did all 
that they could to persuade the king to comply with it, and to 
leave as little of war remaining as was possible. 27. The 
Assyrian monarch, accordingly, whether from being persuaded 
by his people, or from his own inclination, consented ; and an 
agreement was made that there should be peace to those that 
were employed in labour, and war to those that should bear 
arms. 28. Such an agreement did Cyrus make with respect 
to the labouring people ; but the pastures of the cattle he or- 
dered his own friends to settle, if they thought fit, within their 
own jurisdiction. Booty from the enemy they carried off 
wherever they could, in order that the service might be more 
agreeable to the allies ; for the dangers were the same, even if 
they did not take provisions, and to subsist by plundering the 
enemy seemed to render the service the lighter. 

29. When Cyrus was preparing to march away, Gadatas 
came to him, bringing and leading forward presents of all 
kinds, and in great abundance, as coming from, large posses- 
sions, and a great many horses which he had taken from his 
own horsemen whom he mistrusted, in consequence of the late 
plot against him. 30. When he drew near, he spoke thus : 
" I offer you these things, Cyrus, for the present ; use them, 
if you have need of them ; and consider," added he, " that 
everything else belonging to me is yours ; for there neither is, 
nor will be, any one sprung from myself, to whom I may leave 
my possessions ; but my whole family and name," said he, 
"must of necessity be extinguished with me when I die. 31. 
And this misery I suffer, Cyrus," said he, " I swear to you by 
the gods, who see everything, and hear everything, without 
having said or done anything unjust or dishonourable." As 
he said this, he burst into tears at his wretched fate, and was 
unable to say more. 

32. Cyrus, on hearing these words, pitied his unhappy lot, 
and replied to him thus : " The horses," said he, " I accept ; for 
I shall do you service, by giving them to men better affected to 
you, it seems, than they who had them before ; and shall soon 






CH. 4.] REPRESENTATIONS OF GADATAS. 161 

make up the Persian cavalry to ten thousand men, a number 
which I have long desired ; the rest of your property take 
away, and keep until you see me in such a condition as not to be 
outdone by you in making presents ; for, if you part from me, 
giving me more than you receive from me, I know not, by the 
gods, how it is possible for me not to feel ashamed." 

33. To this address Gadatas answered, " I intrust them to 
you, for I see your disposition ; and as to keeping them myself, 
consider whether I am fit to do so. 34._ While, indeed, we were 
friends with the Assyrian king, my father's possessions seemed 
to be the finest that could be ; for, as they were near our me- 
tropolis, Babylon, we enjoyed all the advantages that we could 
possibly receive from a great city ; and whatever annoyances 
we might suffer from the bustle, we escaped by retiring hither 
to our home ; but now, since we are at enmity with him, it is 
plain that, when you are gone, both we ourselves, and all that 
belongs to us, will be assailed with machinations, and we shall, 
I conceive, live in the greatest uneasiness, having our enemies 
close upon us, and seeing them stronger than ourselves. 35, 
Perhaps somebody may remark to me, And why did you not 
consider this before you revolted ? Because, by reason of the 
injuries which I received, and the resentment which I felt, 
my mind, Cyrus, never dwelt upon the consideration of what 
was safest, but was always teeming with the thought, whether 
it would ever be in my power to take revenge upon this ene- 
my both to the gods and men, who passes his days in hating, 
not the man that may have done him an injury, but every one 
that he imagines to be superior to himself. 36. This villain, 
therefore, will, I conceive, find supporters in such as are worse 
than himself. But if any one appear better than he, there 
will be no need for you, Cyrus, (be assured,) to fight against 
a good character, for the villain himself will be sufficient to 
carry on the work till he has cut off the man better than him- 
self; and indeed, in annoying me, he will, I feel certain, 
even with the aid of bad characters, easily get the advantage." 

37. Cyrus, on hearing this speech, was of opinion that 
Gadatas said what was worthy of attention ; and he immedi- 
ately replied, "Have we not, then, strengthened your fortresses 
with garrisons, that they may be safe for you to use them as you 
please, whenever you go thither ? And are you not going 
on military service with us, that, if the gods continue as at 

VOL. II. μ 



162 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. V. 

present to support us lie may be in fear of you, and not you 
of him ? Whatever of yours you would like to see with 
you, and whomsoever you like to converse with, bring with 
you, and accompany us. You will be, as I expect, extremely 
useful to me, and I will endeavour to be useful to you in 
whatever respects I can." 

38. Gadatas, hearing this, recovered himself, and said, 
" Should I be able to collect my baggage, and be ready before 
you march ? for I should like," added he, " to take my mother 
with me." "Yes, by Jupiter," said Cyrus, "you will be 
ready soon enough ; for I will wait till you say that all is 
right." 39. Gadatas accordingly went and strengthened the 
several fortresses, in concert with Cyrus, with garrisons, 1 and 
prepared every thing to bring with him with which a large 
house might be handsomely furnished. He took with him, of 
those whom he trusted, such as he liked, and several of those 
also whom he distrusted, obliging some of them to take their 
wives, and some their sisters with them, that, by their means, 
he might hold them, as it were, bound. 40. Cyrus immediate- 
ly proceeded on his march, keeping Gadatas among those about 
him, as one able to give him information about the roads, 
springs of water, forage, and provisions, so that he might en- 
camp in the best supplied places. 

41. When, in the course of his march, he came in sight of 
the city of Babylon, and the way that he was going appeared to 
lead close under the walls, he called Gobryas and Gadatas, and 
asked whether there was any other way, that he might not 
lead the army quite so near to the wall. 42. Gobryas then 
said, " My sovereign, there are many ways ; but I thought 
that you desired to march as near to the city as possible, that 
you might show them that your army is now numerous and of 
fine appearance ; because, when you had a less force, you 
marched up to the walls, and they saw that we were not very 
numerous ; and now, though the Assyrian king is in some de- 
gree prepared, as he said that he would be prepared, to give 
you battle, I know that, when he sees your strength, his pre- 
parations will appear to him to be very insufficient." 

43. Cyrus, in reply, said, " You seem to me, Gobryas, to 

1 In sect. 37, it is said, that the fortresses had been already strength- 
ened with garrisons. We may suppose that Xenophon intended to 
say that some addition was now made to the strength of the garri- 
sons, but we may well ask whj* he did not so express himself. 



CH. 1.] JUDICIOUS ARRANGEMENTS OF CYRUS. 163 

wonder that, when I came with a less army, I led it up to the 
very walls ; 44. but that now, when I have a greater force, I 
am unwilling to march near them : but do not be surprised at 
my determination," continued he, " for to lead up to a place, 
and to march by it, is not the same thing. All commanders 
advance upon a place with their men in such order that they 
may be most efficient for fighting ; and those who are wise wall 
retreat so as to go off in the safest manner, not in the quickest ; 
45. but it is necessary to march past a place with the carriages 
extended in a line, and with the rest of the baggage in loose 
order ; and all this line must be covered by armed troops, 
and the baggage-train must nowhere appear to the enemy un- 
protected by a force ; 46. and, marching in this manner, the 
strength of the army must of necessity be extended in a com- 
paratively slender and weak line. If then the enemy should 
have a mind, from within the walls, to make an attack on 
any part in a close body, they would engage, wherever 
they might make their assault, with much more effect than 
those upon the march ; 47. and to men that are marching in a 
train, succours must be brought from a great distance ; but, 
to those that march out from within their walls, the distance 
is short to the nearest point of the enemy, either to retire to it 
or to return from it. 48. But if we do not pass by at less dis- 
tance than we have our line now extended on the march, they 
will see our numbers ; and the whole multitude, by reason of 
the armed men covering it, appears terrible ; 49. and if, while 
( we are marching thus, they attack us in any part, we shall, from 
seeing them from a distance, not be taken unprepared ; but they 
will rather, my friends," said he, " forbear to attack us, when 
they would have to march a great distance from their walls, 
unless they think themselves, with their whole force, superior to 
our whole force ; for retreat will be perilous to them." 

50. As he said this, he appeared to those present to speak 
with judgment, and Gobryas led the way, as he directed him ; 
and while the army was moving past the city, he always, as 
he drew off, made that part of it that was left in the rear the 
strongest. 

;">i. When, marching on thus, he had arrived in the due 
number of days, 1 at the confines of the Assyrians and Medes, 

Έν ταίς -γι-γνομΈναις ήμεραις.~\ This is Fischer's interpretation 
μ 2 






164 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. V. 

from whence lie had set out, as there were here three forts 
belonging to the Assyrians, he attacked one, the weakest of 
them, and took it by force ; the other two, Cyrus by terror, 
and Gadatas by persuasion, prevailed with the garrisons to 
surrender. 



CHAPTER V. 



The reinforcement, for which Cyras had sent to Persia, comes to join 
Cyaxares, who proceeds with it to the camp of Cyras. Cyras goes with 
his cavalry to meet Cyaxares, who expresses displeasure at Cyrus's pro- 
ceedings, but is at length conciliated, and accompanies Cyrus to the camp. 
Attention shown to Cyaxares. Cyrus addresses his troops respecting the 
mode in which the allies should be treated. 

i. When this matter was concluded, he sent to Cyaxares, 
and requested him, in a letter, to come to the army, that they 
might consult what use to make of the forts which they had 
taken ; and that, after surveying the army, he might advise, 
with regard to the rest of their proceedings, what he thought 
proper for them to do next : " And tell him," said he, " that 
if he wishes, I will come and encamp with him." The mes- 
senger set out to deliver this message. 2. Cyrus meanwhile 
gave orders to prepare the Assyrian king's tent, which the 
Medes had chosen for Cyaxares, in the most handsome possible 
manner, not only with the other furniture which they had, 
but also to introduce into the women's apartment the two. 
women, and together with them the female musicians, that 
had been selected for Cyaxares. The men that received these 
orders executed them accordingly. 

3. When he that was sent to Cyaxares had delivered his mess- 
age, Cyaxares, after listening to him, decided that it was best 
for the army to remain on the borders ; for the Persian troops, 
for whom Cyrus had sent, had arrived, and consisted of 
forty thousand archers and peltasts. 4. As he saw that these 
troops did hurt, in many ways, to the Median territory, he 
thought it would be better to get rid of them, rather than ad- 
mit another multitude. The Persian general therefore, who 

and appears to be right. Some have translated, "on the following 
days." 



CH. 5.] DISPLEASURE OF CYAXARES. 165 

had brought this force from Persia, having inquired of Cyax- 
ares, according to the letter of Cyrus, 1 whether he had need 
of the army, and Cyaxares telling him that he had none, pro- 
ceeded that very day, as he heard that Cyrus was at hand, to 
conduct the army to him. 

5. The next day Cyaxares set forward with the Median 
horse that remained with him ; and Cyrus, as soon as he per- 
ceived him approaching, taking the Persian horse, who were 
now very numerous, with all the cavalry of the Medes, Arme- 
nians, and Hyrcanians, and such of the other allies as were 
best horsed and armed, rode to meet him, and to show Cyax- 
ares his force. 

6. Cyaxares, when he saw a great many splendid and excel- 
lent troops attending Cyrus, arid but a small and compara- 
tively mean retinue accompanying himself, felt it as something 
dishonourable ; and great concern fell upon him. When Cy- 
rus, alighting from his horse, came up to him, intending to 
kiss him according to custom, Cyaxares indeed also alighted, 
but turned from him, and did not kiss him, but burst openly 
into tears. 7. Cyrus in consequence ordered all the rest that 
were there to retire and wait ; while he himself, taking Cyax- 
ares by the right hand, and conducting him out of the road 
under some palm-trees, ordered Median quilts to be spread 
for him, and, making him sit down, sat down himself by him, 
and spoke thus : 

8. " Ο uncle/' said he, " tell me, I beg you, by the gods, for 
what reason you are angry with me, and what disagreeable 
thing you have seen, that you take thus amiss ?" Cyaxares 
then answered, " It is, Cyrus," said he, " that I, who am re- 
garded as sprung from a long line of ancestors, as far back as 
the memory of man can reach, and from a father who was a 
king, and who am myself esteemed as a king, should see my- 
self marching thus meanly and unbecomingly, and you, with 
my retinue, and other forces, appearing here in power and 
magnificence. 9. I should think it hard to be placed in such 
circumstances even by enemies, and find it much harder (O 
Jupiter !) to be placed in them by those by whom I ought least 
of all to be thus treated ; for I think that 1 could sink into 
the earth ten times more willingly than be seen with this poor 
attendance, and behold my own people thus slighting and 

1 iv. 5. 31. 



166 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. V. 

scorning me ; for I am not ignorant, not only that you are 
more powerful than myself, but that my own slaves meet me 
in greater power, and are in such a condition as to be rather 
able to do me harm, than liable to suifer it at my hands." 10. 
As he said this, he was still more overcome by his tears, so 
that he drew tears also into the eyes of Cyrus. 1 

Cyrus, after pausing a little, said, " In this, Cyaxares, you 
neither say truly nor judge rightly, if you think that the 
Medes, by my presence, are put into such a condition as to 
have the power of doing you harm. Yet I do not wonder 
that you feel some displeasure. 11. But whether you are 
justly or unjustly offended at the Medes, I shall forbear to 
consider ; for I know you would be displeased to hear me make 
an apology for them. But for a ruler to show anger towards 
all his people at once, I regard as a grave error ; for, by 
threatening a multitude, he must of necessity make that mul- 
titude his enemies, and, by exhibiting resentment at them all 
together, he must inspire them with unity of feeling against 
him. 12. Hence it was, be assured, that I would not send 
these men away without me, being afraid lest something might 
happen through your anger that might afflict us all. This 
point, however, with the aid of the gods, may be comfortably 
settled while I am present. But that you should think your- 
self injured by me, is a circumstance at which I am greatly 
concerned, and shall feel sorry, if, while I have been striving, 
as much as was in my power, to do all possible service to my 
friends, I am now thought to have done quite the contrary. 
13. But let us not thus charge one another at random ; let us, 
if possible, consider fairly what offence there is on my part. I 
have a proposal, then, to make to you, the fairest that can 
be between friends : if I shall appear to have done you any 
harm, I will confess that I have acted wrong ; but if I appear 
neither to have done nor to have wished you any harm, will 
not you, on the other hand, confess that you have not been 
wronged by me?" 14. "I must," said he, "of necessity." " But 
if I plainly appear to have done you service, and to have been 
zealous to do you all the service that I could, shall I not de- 
serve commendation from you, rather than reproach ? " "It 
is but just," said he. 15. " Come then," said Cyrus, "and let 

1 "Ωστε και τον Kvpov επεσπάσατο εμπ\ησ$ήναι δακρύων τα όμμα- 
τα.] " Drew Cyrus to be filled as to his eyes with tears." 



CH. 5.] REMONSTRANCES OF CYRUS. 167 

us consider all the things that I have done, one by one ; for 
thus it will appear, most evidently, which of them was good 
and which was ill. 16. Let us begin from the commencement 
of this military command of mine, if this be, in your opinion, 
to go back far enough. When you perceived that a large 
force of your enemies was assembled, and that they were about 
to make an attempt upon you and upon your country, you 
sent immediately to the public council of Persia to solicit as- 
sistance, and to me individually to desire me to endeavour, if 
any Persians marched to join you, to come as their com- 
mander. Was not I, by you, persuaded to this undertaking, 
and did I not come, and bring you as many and as brave men 
as I could ?" 17. " You did come," said he. " First, then," 
said he, " tell me whether in this proceeding you had to attri- 
bute to me any wrong towards you, or rather benefit ?" " It 
is plain," said Cyaxares, " that in this particular I must im- 
pute benefit to you," 18. "And then," said Cyrus, "when 
the enemies advanced, and we had to engage them, did you 
perceive that at that juncture I spared any pains, or shrunk 
from facing any danger ? " "No, by Jove," said Cyaxares, 
" not in the least." 19. " And when, with the assistance of 
the gods, the victory was ours, and the enemy retreated, I ex- 
horted you that we should jointly pursue them, take joint re- 
venge upon them, and, if anything honourable or beneficial 
should befall us, jointly share it ; can you charge me in any of 
these points with any unreasonable regard for myself ? " 20. 
At this question Cyaxares was silent, and Cyrus again spoke 
thus : " But if it is more agreeable to you to be silent than to 
answer this question, tell me," said he, " whether you thought 
yourself injured, because, when you did not consider it safe to 
pursue, I did not allow you to share in the danger, but only 
desired you to send me some of your cavalry? For if I 
wronged you in making this request, especially after having 
devoted myself to you as an ally, let this fact be demonstrated 
by yourself." 21. When Cyaxares kept silence at this inquiry 
also, " If you will not reply to this," said Cyrus, " tell me then 
whether I did you any wrong, when you gave me for answer, 
that, as you saw the Medes indulging themselves in pleasure, 
you were unwilling to put a stop to it, and oblige them to run 
again into danger ; and whether you think that I put any 
hardship upon you, when, forbearing from all resentment 



168 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. Y. 

towards you, I again made you a request, than which I 
knew there was nothing more easy for you to grant to me, or 
more easy to be imposed on the Medes ; for I merely asked 
you to allow any of them, that wished, to follow me ; 22. and 
when I had obtained this favour from you, I had effected 
nothing unless I could persuade them ; I went therefore, and 
persuaded them, and those with whom I prevailed I took, and 
marched away with them with your permission. If you con- 
sider this to be deserving of blame, it is not blameless, it 
would appear, to take from you what you yourself grant. 23. 
Thus, then, we set forward ; and when we were out in the 
field what was done by us there that was not apparent ? Was 
not the camp of the enemy taken ? Were not many of those, 
that had advanced upon you, killed ? and of the enemies that 
remained alive, were there not many despoiled of their arms, 
and many of their horses ? The property of those that before 
plundered and ravaged yours, you now see your friends plun- 
dering and ravaging, and bringing some of it to you, and some 
to those that are under your dominion. 24. But, what is the 
most important and honourable of all, you see your own terri- 
tory enlarged, and that of your enemies diminished ; you see 
the fortresses of the enemy occupied by your own troops, and 
yours, that had been taken and annexed to the Assyrian do- 
minion, now, on the contrary, yielded to you. 25. Of these 
things whether any be evil, or whether any be not good, I 
know not how I can say that I desire to learn ; but nothing 
hinders me from hearing ; tell me accordingly what your 
opinion is concerning them." 

Cyrus, having spoken thus, was silent. Cyaxares, in an- 
swer, said, " Indeed, Cyrus, I do not know how I can say 
that what you have done is ill, but be well assured," said he, 
"that these services of yours are of such a kind, that the 
more numerous they appear, the more they distress me. 26. I 
should rather wish to enlarge your territory with my forces, 
than to see mine thus enlarged by yours ; for these acts, 
to you that perform them, are glorious, but on me they seem 
in some degree to throw dishonour. 27. Wealth, also, I feel 
that I should be better pleased ^o bestow upon you, than to 
receive it from you as you now offer it to me ; for I see my- 
self enriched by you with such gifts that I feel, as it were, 
made poorer ; and if I were to see my subjects, in some de- 



CH. 5.] REPLY OP CYAXARES. 169 

gree, injured by you, I believe that I should feel less concern- 
ed than I am now, when I see them receiving great benefits 
at your hands. 28. If I appear to you to think unreasonably 
in this respect, do not contemplate these things with reference 
to me, but transfer them all to yourself, and then consider 
how they appear. For if any one should caress your dogs, 
which you keep to protect you and yours, and make them 
more familiar with himself than with you, would he please 
you by such attention ? 29. Or if this appear to you but a 
trifling matter, consider this : if any one should treat your 
servants, whom you have procured to guard and attend you, 
in such a manner, that they become more willing to be his 
servants than yours, would you think yourself obliged to him 
for his kindness ? 30. And again, with reference to a matter 
on which men most set their affections, and cherish with the 
deepest regard, if any one should pay such court to your wife, as 
to make her love him better than you, would he delight you 
with such a service ? Far from it, I think," added he ; " nay, 
I know that, in acting thus, he would do you the greatest of 
injuries. 31. But that I may mention what is most applicable 
to my own case, if any one should pay such attention to the 
Persians that you have conducted hither, that they would be- 
come more willing to follow him than to follow you, would 
you think that man your friend ? I believe you would not, 
but would think him more your enemy, than if he killed great 
numbers of them. 32. Or if any friend of yours, when you 
might tell him, in a friendly way, that he might take as much 
of what belonged to you as he pleased, should, on hearing this, 
go and take all that he could, and enrich himself with what 
belonged to you, while you would not have enough for moder- 
ate use, could you possibly think such a one an unexception- 
able friend ? 33. Yet I seem now to have been treated by 
you, if not in the same, yet in a very similar, manner ; for 
what you say is true ; when I told you to take such of the 
troops as were willing to go, you went off with my whole 
force, and left me deserted ; and now you bring me what you 
have captured with my own army ; and you enlarge my terri- 
tory with the aid of my own power ; while I, having had no 
share in obtaining these advantages, seem to give myself up, 
like a woman, to receive favours ; and you, in the eyes of 
others as well as my own subjects here, appear to be a man, 



170 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. V. 

and I to be unworthy to rule. 34. Do you consider such acts 
as benefits, Cyrus ? Be sure that if you had any concern for 
me, there is nothing of which you would be so careful not to 
rob me as my dignity and honour. What advantage is it to 
me, to have my land extended and myself brought into con- 
tempt ? For I do not hold my dominion over the Medes by 
being in reality superior to them all, but rather from their es- 
timation that we l are, in every way, superior to themselves." 

35. Cyrus, interposing while Cyaxares was yet speaking, 
said, " I entreat you, uncle, by all the gods, if I ever before 
gratified you in anything, gratify me now in what I shall ask 
of you. 36. Desist from censuring me for the present, and 
when you have had experience of us, how we stand affected 
towards you, then, if what has been done by me appears to 
have been done for your service, when I salute you, salute me 
in return, and regard me as having been of advantage to you ; 
but if otherwise, then blame me." " Perhaps, indeed," said 
Cyaxares, " you speak reasonably ; and I will do so." " Well 
then," said Cyrus, "shall I kiss you?" "If you please," said 
he. " And you will not turn from me, as you did just 
now ? " "I will not," said he. Cyrus then kissed him. 

37. As soon as the Medes and Persians, and the rest, (for 
they were all anxious to see what would be the issue of the 
affair,) saw this termination to the conference, they were 
gratified and delighted. 

Cyaxares and Cyrus, mounting their horses, then rode on 
before ; the Medes followed Cyaxares, (for Cyrus gave them 
a signal to do so,) and the Persians followed Cyrus ; and after 
these went the rest. 38. When they came to the camp, and 
had lodged Cyaxares in the tent that was furnished for him, 
those to whom orders had been given prepared everything 
suitable for him. 39. During the time that Cyaxares was 
disengaged, before supper, the Medes went in to him, some of 
themselves, but most of them at the direction of Cyrus, and 
brought him presents ; one a beautiful cup-bearer, another an 
excellent cook, another a baker, another a musician ; some 
brought him cups, and others fine raiment ; and almost every 
one presented him with something out of what they had 
taken; 40. so that Cyaxares changed his opinion, and no 

1 Ή/ζας.] Cyaxares means himself and his ancestors. He had 
previously used the singular number. 



CH. 5.] CYRUS ADDRESSES HIS FRIENDS. 17 1 

longer thought either that Cyrus had alienated them from him, 
or that the Medes themselves were disposed to pay him less 
attention than before. 

41. When it was time for supper, Cyaxares invited Cyrus, 
and desired that, since he had not seen him for some time, he 
would sup with him ; but Cyrus said, " Do not require me to 
do so, Cyaxares. Do you not observe, that all those that are 
here with us, attend here at our summons ? 1 I should not, 
therefore, act properly, if I were to appear to neglect them, 
and mind my own pleasure. When soldiers think themselves 
neglected, the best of them become much more despondent, 
and the worst of them much more presuming. 42. But you, 
especially after having come a long journey, take your supper 
at once ; and if people come to pay their respects to you, re- 
ceive them kindly, and entertain them well, that they may 
feel confidence in you. I will go and attend to the business 
to which I allude. 43. To-morrow," added he, "in the 
morning, all the proper persons shall attend here at your 
doors, that we may all consult together, how we are to pro- 
ceed henceforward ; and you, being present, will propose for 
our consideration, whether it will be proper to continue the 
war, or whether the time is come for disbanding the army." 

44. Cyaxares then went to supper ; and Cyrus, assembling 
such of his friends as were best able to judge, and to act with 
him if it should be necessary, addressed them to this effect : 
" What we at first prayed for, my friends, is now, by the 
favour of the gods, in our hands ; for, wherever we march, we 
are masters of the country ; we see our enemies weakened, 
and ourselves increased in numbers and strength ; 45. and if 
they, who have now joined us as allies, "be still willing to 
continue with us, we shall be much more likely to command 
success, whether we have occasion to act by force, or find it 
advisable to proceed by persuasion ; that it may be the reso- 
lution of as many of our allies as possible, therefore, to stay 
with us, is not more my concern to effect than yours. 46. 
But as, when fighting is necessary, he that overcomes the 
greatest number is thought to be the most valorous ; so, when 
it is necessary to use persuasion, he that makes the greatest 

1 Ύφ* ημών — επαιρόμενοι.] Compare sect. 1, where it is said that 
Cyrus had invited Cyaxares to a conference with respect to their 
future proceedings. 



172 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VI. 

number to be of his opinion, may justly be esteemed the most 
eloquent and serviceable. 47. Do not, however, enter on that 
business, as if you expected to give us a specimen of the sort 
of speech that you use to each individual, but exert such in- 
fluence that those who are persuaded by each of you may dis- 
tinguish themselves by what they do. 48. You, then, attend 
to these matters ; and I will try to make it my care that the 
soldiers, while they deliberate about continuing the war, may 
be supplied, as far as I can, with everything necessary." 



BOOK VI. 



CHAPTER I. 

The allies, assembling before the tent of Cyaxares, entreat Cyrus not to dis- 
band the army. Cyaxares comes forth, and it is decided to continue the 
war. Cyrus advises that the fortresses of the enemy should be taken from 
them, and new ones erected ; his advice is approved. Cyrus chooses 
ground for his winter-quarters. The Persian cavalry is augmented in 
number, and chariots armed with scythes are constructed. Araspes falls 
in love with Panthea ; Cyrus sends him as a spy among the enemy. Ab- 
radatas, the husband of Panthea, joins her, and assists Cyrus in preparing 
chariots. Cyrus builds towers on wheels. 

l. Having passed the day in this manner, and taken their 
suppers, they went to rest. The next day, in the morning, 
all the allies came to the tent-door of Cyaxares ; and, while 
Cyaxares, who had" heard that there was a great number of 
people at his door, was dressing, Cyrus's friends presented to 
him several people, who entreated him to stay, some intro- 
ducing Cadusians, some Hyrcanians, some Sacians, and one Go- 
bryas ; and Hystaspes presented the eunuch Gadatas, who 
also solicited Cyrus to remain. 2. Cyrus, who knew before 
that Gadatas had been almost killed with fear lest the army 
should be disbanded, laughed, and said, "It is evident, Ga- 
datas, that you have been persuaded by H}rstaspes here to en- 
tertain such feelings as you express." 3. But Gadatas, lifting 
up his hands to heaven, vowed that indeed he was not per- 
suaded by Hystaspes to entertain such feelings ; "but I know," 



CH. 1.] COUNCIL OF WAR. 173 

said he, " that if you depart, my affairs will fall utterly to 
ruin. It was on this account," added he, " that I had some 
talk with Hystaspes, and asked him whether he knew what 
your intention was concerning the dismissal of the army." 
4. Cyrus then said, " I have therefore, it appears, brought an 
unjust charge against Hystaspes." " Unjust indeed, Cyrus, 
by Jupiter," exclaimed Hystaspes ; " for I merely told Ga- 
datas that it would be impossible for you to continue in the 
field, as your father had sent for you." 5. " What do you 
say?" said Cyrus, " Durst you spread abroad such an asser- 
tion, whether I would or not ? " " Yes, indeed," said he ; 
"for I see that you are exceedingly desirous to go about 
among the Persians as an object to be gazed upon, and to ex- 
hibit to your father how you performed everything." Then 
Cyrus said, " And are not you desirous to go home ? " " No, 
by Jove," said Hystaspes, " nor will I go, but stay and com- 
mand here, till I make our friend Gadatas master of the As- 
syrian king:" 6. Thus did they jest, with a mixture of 
seriousness, one with another. 

Cyaxares then came forth in a magnificent dress, and seated 
himself on a Median throne. When all had assembled whose 
presence was required, and silence was made, Cyaxares spoke 
thus : " Friends and allies, since I am present, and am older 
than Cyrus, it is perhaps proper for me to open the coun- 
cil. It appears then to me, that it is now time to deliberate, 
in the first place, whether it be proper to proceed with the 
war, or at once to disband the army. Let any one who 
wishes, therefore," added he, " say what he thinks on this 
subject." 7. Upon this the Hyrcanian first spoke : " Friends 
and allies, I do not know whether there is any need of words, 
where facts themselves declare what is best to be done ; for 
we all know that, by keeping together, we do more harm to 
our enemies than we suffer from them ; but, when we were 
asunder, they treated us as was most agreeable to them, and 
most grievous to us." 8. After him the Cadusian general 
said, " Why should we speak of separating and going each of 
us to our homes, when it is not for our interest to separate, as 
it appears, even while we continue in the field ; we ourselves, 
at least, attempted an enterprise, apart from your main 
body, and paid the penalty of it, as you all know." 9. After 
him, Artabazus, he who had once said that he was related to 



174 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VI. 

Cyrus, 1 spoke thus : " I differ in opinion, Cyaxares, from 
those who have already spoken, so far as this : they say, that 
we ought to continue on military service, remaining here ; 
but I say that it was when I was at home that I was on mili- 
tary service ; 10. for I had often to go out with succour, when 
our property was driven off; I had frequently trouble with 
regard to our fortresses, as being liable to attacks ; and I was 
continually in fear, and kept myself on guard; and all this I 
did at my own expense. But now I am in possession of the 
fortresses of the enemy ; I am in no fear of them ; I feast on 
what belongs to them, and I drink at the enemy's cost ; since, 
then, there is war for me at home, and feasting here, it does not 
seem advisable to me to disband this common force." n. After 
him Gobryas said, " Friends and allies, thus far 2 I applaud the 
faith of Cyrus ; for he has been false in nothing that he pro- 
mised ; but, if he quit the country, it is plain that the Assyrian 
will be at rest, and not suffer the punishment due to him for the 
injuries which he has endeavoured to do you, and which he 
has in fact done to me ; and I, in my turn, shall again suffer 
punishment at his hands for having become a friend to you." 
12. After all these Cyrus spoke. " Nor has it escaped my 
consideration, friends," said he, "that, if we disband the 
army, our own power -will be diminished, and that of the 
enemy will be again increased ; for as many of them as have 
had their arms taken from them, will quickly make others ; 
they that have lost their horses, will soon procure fresh ones ; 
in the room of the men that have been killed, others will 
grow up and succeed ; so that it will not be at all wonderful 
if they become able to give us trouble again very soon. is. 
Why then did I request Cyaxares to propose a debate re- 
specting the separation of the army ? It was, you may be 
certain, because I was in fear for the future ; for I know that 
there are adversaries advancing upon us, that we shall not be 
able, if we keep, the field as at present, to resist. 14. The 
winter is coming on, and if we have tents for ourselves, we 
have none, by Jove, either for our horses, or for our attend- 
ants, or for the common soldiers ; and, without these, we 

1 i. 4. 27. 

2 Gobryas hints that Cyrus will not have fully performed his pro- 
mise to avenge the death of his son, if he should now break off the 
war and return to Persia. 



CH. 1.] SUGGESTIONS OF CYRUS. 1 75 

shall be unable to prosecute the war. The provisions, wher- 
ever we have gone, have been consumed by us, and where we 
have not been, the enemy have carried them off, for fear of us, 
to their fortresses, so that they have them, and we are unable 
to procure them. is. Which of us then is so brave or so 
strong, that he can carry on war, while struggling at the same 
time with hunger and cold ? If therefore we have a pros- 
pect of continuing the war thus, I say that we ought rather 
to disband the army of our own accord, than be dispersed, 
against our will, by irremediable difficulties. But, if we re- 
solve still to persevere with the war, I say that we ought to take 
the following course : We ought to endeavour, as soon as 
possible, to take from the enemy as many of their strong 
places as we can, and to erect as many places of strength as 
we can for ourselves ; for, if this be done, that side will have 
provisions in the greatest abundance, who can secure and lay 
up the most, and the side that is inferior in strength will be 
besieged. 16. But now we are in a similar case with men 
who are sailing on the ocean ; for they sail forward per- 
petually, but do not leave the part over which they have 
sailed at all more their own, than that over which they have 
not sailed ; but, if we get fortresses, they will alienate the terri- 
tory from the enemy, and everything on our side will be calm 
and undisturbed, it. As for what some of you may perhaps 
fear, in case you should be placed in garrisons at a distance 
from your territory, you need be apprehensive of nothing of 
the kind ; for we, since we are even now away from our own 
country, will take upon us to guard those parts of yours that 
are the nearest to the enemy ; and you may occupy the parts 
of Assyria bordering on yourselves, and cultivate them ; is. 
for, if we can guard and preserve those parts that are near 
the enemy, you, who occupy the parts at a distance from them, 
will live in much peace ; since they will not, I should think, 
neglect dangers that are close upon them, and form designs 
against you that are far off ? " 

19. When these suggestions were made, all the rest, as well 
as Cyaxares, stood up and declared that they would heartily 
join in executing them. Gadatas and Gobryas said, that if 
the allies would give them leave, they would each build a for- 
tress which might be in the interest of the allies. 20. Cyrus, 
therefore, when he saw them all so zealous to do what he had 



176 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [B. VI. 

proposed, said, in conclusion, " If then we resolve to execute 
what we say ought to be done, we must as soon as possible 
procure machines to demolish the strong-holds of the enemy, 
and builders to erect fortresses of our own." 21. Accordingly 
Cyaxares promised to construct and supply one machine, 
Gadatas and Gobryas another, and Tigranes another; and 
Cyrus said that he would endeavour to furnish two. 1 22. 
When these matters were settled, they procured artificers to 
make the machines, and each prepared the materials necessary 
for their fabric, and men, such as seemed the best qualified 
for the office, were appointed to have the charge of the work. 

23. Cyrus, when he found that some time would be occu- 
pied in these affairs, encamped the army in such a situation as 
he thought most healthy and most accessible for everything 
necessary to be brought to it. He also did whatever was re- 
quisite for making it strong, that those who remained there 
might always be in safety, though he himself might encamp 
at a distance with the main body of the army. 24. Having 
inquired likewise of those whom he supposed to be best ac- 
quainted with the country, from what parts of it the army 
might be best supplied, he led out the troops from time to time 
in foraging parties, both that he might procure the greatest 
possible abundance of provisions for the army, that his men, 
inured to labour by these excursions, might gain health and 
vigour, and that, by marching, they might preserve in their 
memories the order that they were to keep. 25. Such were 
the occupations in which Cyrus employed himself. 

Deserters now came from Babylon, with some prisoners, 
who brought word that the Assyrian king was gone towards 
Lydia. carrying with him many talents of gold and silver, and 
other treasures, and rich furniture of all kinds. 26. The 
most part of the soldiery supposed that he was conveying his 
treasures out of the way for fear ; but Cyrus, feeling convinced 
• that he was gone to collect, if he could, a force against him, 
made vigorous preparations for opposition, in the belief that 

1 Instead of δυο some copies have aWtjv, which seems a prefer- 
able reading, because it is not likely that Cyrus would furnish two 
machines, when Cyaxares, who had plenty of means at command, 
and was now inclined to be munificent, furnished only one. Fischer 
supposes that Xenophon substituted άλλην for δύο in a second edi- 
tion, " ut modestiae Cyri serviret." 



GH. 1.] CHARIOTS PREPARED. 177 

he should still have to fight. He accordingly made up the 
complement of Persian cavalry, getting some horses from the 
prisoners, and some from his friends ; for such gifts he accept- 
ed from all, refusing nothing, neither a fine weapon nor a 
steed, if any person presented him with one. 27. Chariots, 
likewise, he fitted up, both out of those that were taken, and 
by whatever other means he could. 

The Trojan way 1 of managing chariots, that was practised 
of old, and the way of managing them that is yet in use 
amongst the Cyrenaeans, he abolished ; for formerly the peo- 
ple of Media, Syria, and Arabia, and all those of Asia, 2 used 
the same method in managing their chariots which the Cyre- 
nseans now use ; 28. as he was of opinion, that when the 
bravest of the men were mounted upon chariots, men who 
naturally constituted the chief strength of the army, they 
acted the part only of skirmishers at a distance, and contributed 
nothing of any importance to the attainment of victory. For 
three hundred chariots take three hundred combatants, and 
these chariots require twelve hundred horses ; and their drivers, 
doubtless, are men in whom these brave warriors can best 
confide, and there are three hundred others, who do the enemy 
not the least harm. 29. This mode of managing chariots 
therefore he abolished ; and in place of it provided a sort of 
war chariot, with wheels of great strength, so as not to be 
easily broken, and with long axletrees, as anything broad is 
less liable to be overturned. The seat for the drivers he 
made like a turret, of strong pieces of timber ; the height of 
these seats was up to the elbows of the drivers, so that the 
horses could be managed by reaching over the seats ; and he 
covered the drivers, all but their eyes, with complete armour. 
30. To the axletrees, on each side of the wheels, he fixed steel 
scythes, 3 of about two cubits in length ; and others below, 
under the axletree, pointing to the ground ; intending with 
these chariots to break through the line of the enemy. As 
Cyrus, at that time, contrived these chariots, so, to this day, 

1 The Trojan chariots carried two men, a driver and a combatant ; 
the latter, when he had to fight, leaped down from the vehicle, and 
fought on the ground, as appears from II. xi. 91 ; xvi. 426 ; Scheffer, 
R. V. 2. 15. The Cyrensean chariots were manned in the same 
way ; but the fighting men remained in them in the field. Fischer. 

2 Used in a restricted sense, for a part of Asia. 

3 See Anab. i. 8. 10. 

VOL. II. Ν 



178 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VI. 

they use them in the king's territory. He had likewise camels 
in great number, some collected from his friends, and others 
taken from the enemy, all assembled together. 31. Thus were 
these matters arranged. 

Being desirous to send a spy into Lydia, and to learn what 
the Assyrian king was doing, he conceived that Araspes, who 
had the beautiful woman under his care, was a proper person 
to go upon that enterprise ; for, with Araspes, things had taken 
a turn as follows. Being seized with a strong affection for 
the woman, he was led to make proposals to her concerning a 
union. 32. But she repulsed him, and continued faithful to 
her husband, though he was absent ; for she loved him very 
much ; yet she did not accuse Araspes to Cyrus, being un- 
willing to make a quarrel between friends. 33. But when 
Araspes, thinking that he would thus further the attainment 
of what he desired, threatened that if she would not submit 
willingly, she should do so against her will, she, from dread of 
violence, concealed the matter no longer, but sent a eunuch to 
Cyrus, with orders to tell him everything. 34. Cyrus, w^hen 
he heard it, laughing at him who had said that he was above 
the power of love, sent Artabazus with the eunuch, desiring 
him to tell Araspes, that he was to use no violence to such a 
woman ; but that if he could prevail with her by persuasion, 
he would make no objection. 35. But Artabazus, coming to 
Araspes, reproached him, calling the woman a deposit that 
had been trusted to him, and telling him of his impiety, in- 
justice, and inability to control his passion ; so that Araspes 
shed many tears for grief, sunk down with shame, and became 
almost dead with fear, lest he should suffer some penalty at 
the hands of Cyrus. 

36. Cyrus, being informed of his distress, sent for him, and 
spoke to him by himself alone. " I find, Araspes," said he, 
" that you are in fear of me, and very much ashamed. But 
lay aside these feelings, for I have heard that gods have been 
conquered by love ; I know how much men, that have been 
accounted extremely wise, have suffered from love ; and I 
laid it to my own charge, that if I associated with beautiful 
people, I should not have strength of mind enough to be in- 
sensible to them. And I am the cause of what has befallen 
you, for I shut you up with this irresistible object." 37. 
Araspe3 said, in reply, " You are in this matter too, Cyrus, as 



CH. 1.] ARASPES IN LOVE WITH PANTHEA. 179 

you are in others, mild, and disposed to forgive men's errors ; 
but other men," added he, "overwhelm me with grief; for, 
since the rumour of my misfortune has gone abroad, my ene- 
mies exult over me, and my friends come to me, and advise 
me to keep myself out of the way, lest I suffer some severity 
at your hands, as having done you great wrong." 

38. Cyrus then said, "Know, therefore, Araspes, that, by 
means of this very report, it is in your power to oblige me 
greatly, and to do very much service to our allies." " Would 
that it might happen," said Araspes, "that I might again have 
an opportunity of being of service to you !" 39. "If, then," 
said Cyrus, " you would pretend to flee from me, and go over 
to the enemy, I think that you would be trusted by them." 
" I know, by Jove," said Araspes, " that I should give occa- 
sion to have it said even by my friends that I fled from you." 
40. " You might then return to us," said Cyrus, " with a know- 
ledge of the enemy's affairs ; for I believe that, from giving 
credit to you, they would make you a sharer in their debates and 
counsels, so that nothing of what we desire to know would be 
concealed from you." " I will go then," said he, " at once ; 
for the supposition that I have made my escape from you, as 
being about to receive punishment at your hands, will be one 
of the things that will gain me credit." 

4i. " Will you be able, then," said Cyrus, "to leave the beau- 
tiful Panthea?" "Yes, Cyrus," said he, "for I have plainly 
two souls ; I have now learned this point of philosophy by 
the aid of that wicked sophist Love ; for a single soul cannot 
be good and bad at the same time, or affect, at the same time, 
both noble actions and dishonourable ones, or wish and not 
wish the same things at the same time ; but it is plain that 
there are two souls, 1 and, when the good one prevails, noble 
acts are done ; when the ill one prevails, dishonourable acts 
are attempted. But the good one, since it has found a sup- 
porter in you, has now the superiority, and to a very great de- 
gree." 42. "If you think it proper, then, to go," said Cyrus, "you 
must, in order to gain the greater credit with the enemy, act 
in this manner : you must tell them the state of our affairs, 
and tell it so that what is said by you may be the greatest 

1 Concerning this notion, which was advocated, seriously or in 
jest, by some of the old philosophers, see Plato de Repub. lib. iv. 
pp. 360, 367, ed. Bip. 

Ν 2 



180 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VI. 

possible discouragement to what they intend to do ; and it 
would be some discouragement if you were to say, that we are 
preparing to effect an entrance at some point of their territory; 
for, when they hear this, they will be less likely to assemble 
their whole force together, every one being in fear for what 
he has at home. 43. And stay with them," he concluded, " as 
long as you can ; for what they do when they are nearest 
to us, will be the most for our purpose to know ; and advise them, 
also, to form themselves into such order as may be thought 
the best ; for, when you come away, and are supposed to have 
a knowledge of their order, they will be under a necessity to 
adhere to that order, as they will be afraid of making a change 
in it ; or, if they do make a change, they will instantly throw 
themselves into confusion." 

44. Araspes, accordingly, taking with him such of his ad- 
herents as he most trusted, and making such communications to 
certain persons as he thought would conduce to the success 
of his enterprise, took his departure. 

45. Panthea, as soon as she heard that Araspes was gone, 
sent to Cyrus, and said, " Be not afflicted, Cyrus, that Araspes 
is gone over to the enemy ; for, if you will allow me to send 
to my husband, I engage that there will come to you a much 
more faithful friend than Araspes. I know that he will join 
you with all the force that he can bring ; for the father of the 
king now reigning was his friend, but the present king at- 
tempted once to part my husband and myself from each other; 
and, regarding him therefore as an insolent tyrant, I know 
that he would joyfully revolt from him to such a man as you 
are." 46. Cyrus, hearing these assurances, desired her to send 
to her husband. She accordingly sent ; and when Abradatas re- 
cognised the tokens brought from his wife, and learned how other 
matters stood, he marched joyfully away to join Cyrus, having 
with him about a thousand 1 horse. When he came up to the 
Persian sentinels, he sent to Cyrus to let him know who he was. 
Cyrus immediately gave orders to conduct him to his wife. 

1 Άμφί τονς χιλίονς.] This is Dindorfs reading. Schneider, 
Weiske, and Hutchinson have άμφι τους δισχιλωνς. Zeune^ prefer- 
red χίλιους, as coming nearer to the number of chariots which Abra- 
datas is said to have made in sect. 50. But as these would require 
only four hundred horses, they do not afford much ground for con- 
jecture. Whichsoever of the two numbers we adopt, there seems to 
be no reason why the article should be retained. 



CH. 1.] ABRADATAS JOINS CYRUS. 181 

47. When Abradatas and his wife saw each other, they 
mutually embraced, as may be supposed, at a meeting so un- 
expected. Panthea then told him of the integrity and discre- 
tion of Cyrus, and of his compassion towards her. Abrada- 
tas, on hearing this, said, " And how can I act, Panthea, so as 
to show my gratitude to Cyrus for you and for myself?" 
"How else," said Panthea, "but by endeavouring to behave 
towards him as he has behaved towards you ?" 48. Upon this, 
Abradatas went to Cyrus, and, as soon as he saw him, taking 
him by the right hand, he said, " In return for the benefits 
which you have bestowed upon us, Cyrus, I can say nothing 
more than that I give myself to you as a friend, a servant, 
and an ally ; and in whatever enterprises I see you engage, I 
will endeavour to be as efficient a supporter to you in them as 
I can." 49. Cyrus said, " I accept your kindness, and take 
leave of you for the present, that you may go to supper with 
your wife ; at some other time, you must be my guest in my 
tent, together with your friends and mine." 

50. Soon after, Abradatas, observing Cyrus engaged about 
the chariots armed with scythes, and about the horses and 
horsemen that were to be clothed in armour, endeavoured, out 
of his own body of horse, to fit up chariots, such as his were, 
to the number of a hundred ; and he prepared to lead them, 
riding in a chariot himself. 51, His own chariot he formed 
with four poles, and for eight horses ; (his wife Panthea, out 
of what she had with her, made him a breastplate of gold, 
and a golden head-piece, as well as arm-pieces ;) l and the 
horses of his chariot he equipped with brazen mail. 52. In 
this manner did Abradatas occupy himself. 

. Cyrus, observing his chariot with four poles, conceived that 
it might be possible to make one with eight, so as to draw the 
lower story of the machines with eight yoke of oxen ; this 
story, with its wheels, was about eighteen feet from the 
ground. 53. Towers of this kind, following in the line of the 
army, seemed to him likely to be a great support to his own 
troops, and a great means of doing mischief to the body of the 
enemy. Upon these stories he made galleries and parapets ; 
and upon each tower he mounted twenty men. 54. When 

1 The words in the parenthesis are generally thought spurious or 
out of place. Bornemann suggests that they may have been manu- 
factured by some meddler from c. iv. sect. 2. 



182 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VI. 

everything about the towers was settled for him, he made trial 
of their draught ; and the eight yoke of oxen drew a tower, 
and the men upon it, with more ease than each single yoke 
drew the common baggage weight ; for the weight of baggage- 
was about five and twenty talents 1 to each yoke; but the 
draught of a turret, with boards as thick as those of a tragic 
stage, and with twenty men and their arms, was but fifteen 
talents for each yoke. 55. When he found that the draught 
was easy, he prepared to take these towers with the army, 
considering that to secure advantage in war was safe, just, and 
likely to lead to success. 



CHAPTER II. 



The ambassadors from the Indian king, on their return, are sent to learn 
the state of affairs among the Assyrians. Preparations of Cyrus. The 
report brought by the Indian ambassadors excites some alarm among the 
Persians, which Cyrus allays by a speech to them. It is resolved to 
march at once against the enemy ; and Cyrus instructs his men how they 
should prepare themselves. 

1. At this time there came an embassy from the Indian 
king, bringing presents, and stated that the Indian sent the 
following message : "I am pleased, Cyrus, that you have told 
me what you wanted ; I am desirous to be your friend, and I 
send you presents ; if you wish for anything else, send for it. 
Orders have been given to those who come from me to do 
whatever you desire of them." 

2. Cyrus, hearing this, said, " I desire then, that some of 
you, remaining here, where you have pitched your tents, may 
take care of the presents, and live as is most agreeable to you. 
But go forward, three of you, to the enemy, as if you came from 
the Indian king to treat of an alliance, and, informing your- 
selves of what they are saying and doing there, bring me and the 
Indian monarch an account of it as soon as is possible. If you 
serve me well in this matter, I shall feel yet more obliged to 
you, than for your coming and bringing me presents ; for 
spies that appear like men of mean condition, can neither learn 

1 Mr. Hussey, Essay on Ancient Weights, &c, p. 43, gives the 
Attic talent as nearly 57 lbs. avoirdupois. 



CH. 2.] PREPARATIONS FOR THE FIELD. 183 

nor communicate anything more than what every one knows ; 
but such men as you are can often gain a knowledge of what 
is designed." 3. The Indians heard this proposal with plea- 
sure, and, after being entertained on the occasion by Cyrus, 
prepared their baggage and went off the next day, promising 
faithfully to learn as much as they could of the enemy's plans, 
and to return as soon as possible. 

4. Cyrus made all other preparations for the war in a 
magnificent manner, as a man who was meditating no mean 
enterprise, and not only attended to what was approved by 
the allies, but also excited among his friends a mutual emula- 
tion that they might appear each as handsomely armed as pos- 
sible, each most skilled in horsemanship, most expert in throw- 
ing the javelin, most skilful in the use of the bow, and most 
ready to endure fatigue. 5. This he effected by leading them 
out to hunt, and rewarding such as were most meritorious in 
the several exercises. The officers that he observed most 
anxious that their men should excel, he animated by praising 
them, and by gratifying them in every way that he could. 
6. Wherever he made a sacrifice, or solemnized a festival, he 
celebrated games on the occasion, in all the exercises that 
men practise with a view to war, and gave magnificent re- 
wards to the conquerors ; and great alacrity prevailed through- 
out the army. 

7. Almost everything that Cyrus wished to take with him 
to the field was now completed, except the machines ; for the 
Persian cavalry were made up to ten thousand ; the chariots, 
armed with scythes, that he himself had equipped, were now 
a full hundred ; those that Abradatas of Susa undertook to 
provide, like those of Cyrus, were also a complete hundred ; 
8. and the Median chariots, which Cyrus had persuaded Cyax- 
ares to alter from the Trojan and Libyan 1 form, were made 
up to another hundred. Men were also appointed for the ca- 
mels ; two archers to each. Most of the troops, too, felt in 
such spirits as if they were already quite victorious, and as if 
the power of the enemy was nothing. 

9. While they were in this temper, the Indians, whom Cy- 
rus had sent to get intelligence from the enemy, returned, and 
said that Cro3Sus had been chosen leader and commander of 

1 See chap. i. sect. 27. Libyan is the same as Cyrenaean, Cyrene 
being in Africa or Libya. 



184 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VI. 

all the enemy's forces ; that it had been determined by all the 
princes in their alliance that each should join the army with 
his whole force ; that they should contribute large sums of 
money, and expend them in hiring such troops as they could, 
and in making presents to those to whom it was proper to 
make them ; 10. that a great number of Thracians, armed with 
short swords, 1 were already hired ; that the Egyptians were 
under sail to join them, the number of whom, they said, 
amounted to a hundred and twenty thousand, armed with 
shields that reached down to their feet, and large spears, such 
as they use at this day, and small swords ; they said that 
there was also a force of Cyprians ; that all the Cilicians, the 
people of both Phrygias, the Lycaonians, Paphlagonians, 
Cappadocians, Arabians, Phoenicians, and Assyrians, with 
the prince of Babylon, had already arrived ; that the Ionians, 
the -ZEolians, and all the Greek colonies in Asia, were obliged 
to attend Croesus ; 11. that Croesus had sent to Lacedasmon, to 
propose an alliance ; that the army was assembled on the 
river Pactolus, and was about to advance to Thymbrara, 
where the place of assembly still is for all the barbarians of 
Lower Syria that are subject to the king; 2 and that orders 
had been given to all, to bring thither provisions for sale. 
The prisoners gave nearly the same account ; for Cyrus had 
contrived that some of his own men should be taken by the 
enemy, in order that he might learn something from them ; 
and he sent out spies in the garb of slaves, pretending to be 
deserters. 

12. When the army of Cyrus heard this news, every one, 
as was natural, was under concern ; they went about more 
sedately than usual, and did not appear at all cheerful ; they 
collected in groups, and all places were full of people, asking 
each other questions, and discoursing together concerning 
these matters. 

13. As Cyrus perceived that alarm was spreading through 
the army, he called together the commanders of the several 

1 Μαχαφοφόρονς.~\ The Thracians, as well as the Sarmatians and 
the Getse, (Ovid, Trist. v. 7, 19,) fought with knives or short swords, 
(cultris,) which were attached to their sides, and called μάχαιραι. 
Fischer. Some fought with ακόντια, javelins, as appears from Xe- 
nophon's Mem. Soc. iii. 9. 2. Weiske. 

2 See note on Anab. i. 1. 2. 



CH. 2.] CYRUS ADDRESSES HIS TROOPS. 185 

bodies, with all those from whose dejection any harm might 
arise, or whose cheerfulness might be of good eifect, and gave 
notice to the inferior officers, that if any others of the soldiers 
wished to come and hear his speech, they should not hinder 
them. When they were assembled, he said, 

14. "Friends and allies, 1 have called you together, be- 
cause I observed that, since these accounts have come from 
the enemy, some of you appear like men that are afraid: 
for if any of you are really afraid because the enemy are as- 
sembling, it appears to me extremely surprising ; and also, 
that since we are at this time collected in much greater force 
than when we defeated them, and, with the help of the 
gods, are now better equipped than before, you, seeing this to 
be the case, are not in the highest spirits. 15. In the name 
of the gods !" continued he, " how would you, who are afraid 
now, have felt, if people had brought you word that such an 
array as is now on our side was advancing against us, and 
you had heard, first of all, that they who had defeated us be- 
fore were coming upon us again, thinking of the victory 
which they then obtained ; 16. then, that they, who at that time 
repelled the discharge of missiles from the archers and javelin- 
men, were now coming, with multitudes more like themselves ; 
next, that as these heavy-armed men, at that time, conquered 
our foot, so, now, their cavalry, fully equipped, were advancing 
against our horse, and that, laying aside bows and javelins, 
each of them, wielding one strong lance, was resolved to ride 
up to us, in order to contend hand to hand; 17. that there t 
are besides chariots coming, which will not stand still as 
heretofore, turned away as for flight, 1 but that the horses of 
these chariots are covered with mail, the drivers stand in 
wooden towers, covered on all the upper parts of their bodies 
with corslets and helmets, while steel scythes are fixed to the 

1 Άπεστραμμενα ωσπερ εις φνγήν.~] The fighter entered the chariot 
at the back, and, consequently, when he had quitted it to combat 
on the ground, the driver wheeled it round with its back towards 
the enemy, the better to allow the fighter to retreat, if he should be 
obliged or inclined to do so. This is the sense in which Weiske 
and Bornemann understand the words, and which appears to be the 
true sense. Schneider, referring to iii. 3. 64, and vii. 1. 29, supposed 
that the allusion was to the position of the chariots behind the 
front line ; but this supposition does not account for the use of the 
word άπεστραμμενα. 



186 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VI. 

axle-trees, in order to cut at once through the ranks of the 
enemy; 18. that they have camels, too, on which they will 
ride up to us, and of one of which a hundred horses would 
not endure the sight ; 19. and that they are advancing, more- 
over, with certain towers, from which they can support their 
own people, and, by discharging their weapons upon us, hinder 
us from fighting with those on even ground ; — if any one told 
you that the enemies were possessed of these advantages, how, 
I say, would you, who are afraid now, have felt then ? But, 
when it is told you that Croesus is chosen the enemy's general, 
he who was so much less courageous than the Syrians, inas- 
much as the Syrians were beaten before they fled, but Croe- 
sus, when he saw them beaten, instead of supporting his allies, 
took to flight and went off; 20. and when it is also told you 
that the same enemies do not think themselves sufficient to 
engage us, but are hiring others, in the belief that they will 
fight for them better than themselves ; — if these things, such 
as they are, appear terrible to any of you, and the state of our 
own affairs weak, I think, my friends, that we ought to send 
such persons over to the enemy, for, by being there, they may 
do us more service than by remaining amongst us ! " 

21. When Cyrus had said this, Chrysantas the Persian 
stood up and spoke thus : " Do not wonder, Ο Cyrus ! that- 
some of us have gathered gloom on our countenances from hav- 
ing heard these accounts ; for they have not been thus affect- 
ed from fear, but from grief ; just as if," continued he, " when 
people were longing and expecting to dine, some work should 
be mentioned to them, that must be done before they dined, 
no one of them, I believe, would be pleased to hear of it. 
So we, while we are in present expectation of enriching our- 
selves, and hear that there is some work left that we must 
perform, have our countenances overcast, not from fear, but 
from wishing that the work were already done. 22. But, 
since we are not only to contend for Syria, where there is 
corn in abundance, and flocks, and fruitful palm trees, but 
for Lydia also, in which there is abundance of .wine, abundance 
of figs, and abundance of oil, and which the sea washes, from 
which more valuable things are imported into it than any one 
of us ever saw, we are, when we think on such prospects, no 
longer dejected, but conceive the highest possible courage, in 
order that we may the sooner enjoy these precious possessions of 



CH. 2.] FURTHER EXHORTATIONS. 187 

Lydia." Thus spoke Chrysantas ; and all the allies were 
pleased with his observations, and applauded them. 

23. " Indeed, my friends," said Cyrus, " it appears to me 
that we should march upon the enemy as soon as we can, so 
that we may in the first place, if possible, take them by sur- 
prise, by forcing our way to the parts where their provisions 
are deposited ; and besides, the sooner we come upon them, 
the fewer preparations shall we find made by them, and the 
greater deficiencies existing. 24. This I give as my judg- 
ment ; if any one think any other course safer or easier for us, 
let him inform us." 

After many had concurred in opinion that it was proper to 
march, as soon as possible, upon the enemy, no one offered a 
remark to the contrary. Cyrus, in consequence, began an ad- 
dress to them to the following effect : 

25. " Friends and allies, our minds, our bodies, and the arms 
that we are to use, have been, with the help of the gods, long 
since provided for us ; it is now necessary for us to procure pro- 
visions for a march for not less than twenty days, both for our- 
selves, and as many beasts as we may require ; for, upon calcu- 
lation, I find that our journey will occupy more than fifteen 
days, during the course of which we shall find no sort of provi- 
sions ; for they have been carried off, partly by ourselves, and 
partly by the enemy, as far as they could. 26. We must therefore 
collect a sufficient quantity of food, without which we can nei- 
ther fight nor live ; but of wine, only so much as is enough to 
accustom us to drink water ; for a great part of the way is 
entirely unprovided with wine, for which even were we to put 
up a very great quantity of it, it would not suffice us. 27. 
That we may not, therefore, by being suddenly left without 
wine, fall into diseases, we must act thus ; let us at once begin 
to drink water with our food ; for, by doing so now, we shall 
make no very great change ; 28. since, whoever lives on 
barley-meal, eats his barley-cake made up with water ; and he 
that feeds on wheaten bread, eats his loaf kneaded up with 
water ; and all boiled meats are cooked with a great quantity 
of water. But if, after our meal, we drink a little wine upon 
it, our appetite, not having less than usual, rests satisfied. 
29. We must however proceed to diminish the quantity that 
we drink after our food, until we become insensibly water- 



188 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VI. 

drinkers ; for an alteration, little by little, brings any nature 
to bear a total change ; a circumstance which the gods them- 
selves teach us, by leading us gradually, from the midst of 
winter, to bear violent heat ; and, from the heat, to bear severe 
cold ; and we, in imitation of them, ought, by practice, to 
reach the end that we would attain. 30. A weight of bed- 
clothes you may spare, and spend the price of them on pro- 
visions ; ! for an extraordinary quantity of provisions may 
not be without its use ; but if you should be deficient in bed- 
clothes, you need not fear that you will sleep uncomfortably ; 
if it prove otherwise, blame me. Of wearing apparel, a great 
abundance is of advantage to him that has it, both in health 
and sickness. 31. Meats should be provided, such as are acid, 
sharp, and salt ; for they create appetite, and afford the most 
lasting nourishment. And when we come into those parts of 
the country that are untouched, where it is probable that we 
shall find corn, we ought to be ready provided 2 with hand- 
mills, with which we may prepare our corn ; for this is the 
lightest of the instruments used in making bread. 32. We ought 
likewise to carry with us such things as sick people want ; for 
their bulk is very small, and we may, if such fortune befall us, 
be very much in want of them. We must also have store of 
straps ; for most things, both about men and horses, are fast- 
ened by straps, and, when they wear out, or break, we shall 
have to stand still, unless some of us carry spare straps. 33. 
Whoever has learned to polish a lance, it will be well for him 
not to forget a rasp, and it will be well for him to carry a 
file ; for he that whets his spear, whets his courage at the 
same time ; as it is a sort of shame, that one who sharpens 
his lance, should himself be spiritless. We should likewise 
have plenty of timber with us, for the chariots and carriages ; 
for in many departments of action, there will be many things 
defective. 34. We ought to have, too, the instruments most 
necessary for all these works, for artificers are not found 
everywhere, nor will a few of them be able to do what will 
be required every day. For every carriage we should have a 

1 Kai το των στρωμάτων δε βάρος εις τα επιτήδεια καταδαπανάτεί] 
" Spend the weight of bed-clothes upon provisions." 

2 Αύτόθεν παρα.σκενάσασ$αι.~\ " To prepare straightway, immedi- 
ately, at once." 



CH. 2.] INSTRUCTIONS OF CYRUS. 189 

shovel and a mattock ; and for every beast of burden, an axe 
and a bill ; l for these instruments are useful to every one in 
particular, and are often serviceable for general use. 35. As 
to what is necessary for subsistence, therefore, you who are 
officers of the men in arms, examine those that are under you ; 
for we must overlook nothing of the supplies that each man 
may require, as we shall need them. 2 As to the things which 
I order the men to provide for the beasts of burden, you who 
have the care of the baggage-train, examine into their condi- 
tion, and oblige the man that has them not, to procure them. 

36. You, also, who are officers of the pioneers, get a list from 
me of such as have been expelled 3 from the javelin-men, the 
archers, and the slingers ; and those that come from among 
the javelin-men, you must oblige to march with an axe for 
cutting wood ; those from among the archers, with a mattock ; 
and those from among the slingers, with a shovel. These 
must march, carrying these instruments, in troops before the 
carriages, in order that, if it be necessary to clear the way, 
you may presently set to work, and that I, if I want anything 
done, may know from whence I must get men for my use. 

37. I will take with me also smiths, carpenters, and leather- 
cutters, of an age for service, with all their proper tools, so 
that if anything is wanted in the army in such arts, it may 
not be left undone. These shall be detached from the troops 
under arms, but shall be in an appointed place, ready to do 
service for hire, in what they understand, for any one that 
wishes to engage them. 38. If any trader desires to attend us, 
with a view to selling any article, he shall, if he be found selling 
anything during the specified number of days for which the 
men are to bring provisions, be deprived of all that he has ; 
but when those days are past, he may sell as he pleases. And 
whoever of these traders shall be found to offer the greatest sup- 
plies for sale, shall meet with rewards and honour both from 
our allies and from me. 39. If any of them thinks that he 

1 These instruments were for cutting down trees, and removing 
other obstructions in the roads. 

2 Ήμεϊς γαρ τούτων ενδεείς εσόμε$α.~] Nos enim his rebus indigebimus. 
Bornemann. This genitive τούτων is to be referred, with that critic, 
to τα εις τροφήν δέοντα: to which he also refers the other τοντων, 
which precedes ; but this is surely to be understood of the men. 

3 ' Αποδεδοκιμασμενονς.] Rejected or expelled from among the 
javelin-men for bad conduct, indocility, or some other cause. 



190 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VI. 

wants money to purchase goods, let him, on bringing forward 
people that know him, and will give bail that he will attend 
the army, receive a supply from the funds which we have. 

" Such are the directions which I give. If any one notices 
anything else that is necessary, let him signify it to me. 40. 
You, for your parts, go and prepare your baggage ; I, in the 
mean time, will sacrifice with a view to our march ; and when 
the omens from the gods are favourable, we will give the sig- 
nal. All must attend, with the things which I have men- 
tioned, in their proper places, under their several commanders. 
41. You, captains, after having put your several divisions in 
order, come all of you and confer with me, that you may know 
your several posts." 



CHAPTER III. 



Description of the order of march., and arrangement of the carriages and 
baggage. Cyras takes some prisoners, and questions them as to the con- 
dition of the enemy. Araspes returns and brings him further information. 
Disposition of the troops of Cyrus. 

i. The officers, after listening to this exhortation, proceed- 
ed to make their preparations ; and Cyrus offered sacrifice. 
When the omens from the victims were favourable* he set for- 
ward with the army, and encamped the first day at as short a 
distance from home as he could, that if any one had forgotten 
anything, he might return for it ; and that if any one found 
himself in want of anything, he might provide it. 2. Cyax- 
ares, with the third part of the Medes, stayed behind, that 
affairs at home might not be left without a governor. 

Cyrus marched with the utmost despatch, keeping the 
cavalry in front, but making the explorers and scouts, from 
time to time, mount up before, on places from which they 
could most conveniently look forward. Behind the cavalry 
he brought up the baggage, forming, where the country was 
level, several lines of the carriages and beasts of burden. As 
the body of foot followed next, if any of the baggage train fell 
behind, those of the officers that were at hand took• care that 
it might not be hindered from making its way. 3. But, 
where the road was more contracted, the armed infantry, 



CH. 3.] APPROACH TOWARDS THE ENEMY. 191 

ranging the baggage train in the middle, marched on each 
side of it ; and if any obstruction came in the way, those of 
the soldiers, again, that were near that part, attended to it. 
The several companies marched for the most part with their 
own baggage next them, for orders had been given to those 
who had charge of the baggage to march each near his own 
company, unless some unavoidable necessity prevented ; 4. 
and the baggage-captain of each centurion carried, on the 
march, his own ensign, known to the men of their several 
companies ; so that they marched in close order, and every 
officer took great care of his own men's baggage, that it might 
not be left behind ; and, by observing this order, they had 
no need to seek for each other, and all things were at hand 
and in greater safety, and the soldiers could more readily 
obtain what they wanted. 

5. But as soon as the scouts in advance thought that they 
observed men in the plain collecting forage and wood, and 
saw beasts of burden laden with other such things, and others 
feeding, and then looking forward to a greater distance, 
thought that they perceived smoke, or dust, rising up into the 
air, they could pretty well conclude, from all these indications, 
that the army of the enemy was somewhere near at hand. 
6. The captain of the scouts, therefore, immediately sent a 
messenger to Cyrus to tell him what they saw. 

Cyrus, on receiving this information, directed the scouts to 
remain in the same places of observation, and to give him an 
account, from time to time, of whatever new appearance they 
might observe. He also sent a company of horse forward, 
and ordered them to endeavour to capture some of the men 
that were in the plain, that they might ascertain more accu- 
rately what was the real state of affairs. Those who received 
these orders acted accordingly. 7. The rest of his army he 
caused to halt where they were, so that the men might pro- 
vide themselves with whatever he thought necessary before• 
they came to close quarters with the enemy ; and, first of 
all, he gave notice that they should take their dinners, and 
then wait in their posts to attend to further orders. 8. When 
they had dined, he called together the officers of the horse, 
foot, and chariots, as well as those of the machines, baggage- 
train, and carriages ; and they assembled accordingly. 

9. Those who had made an excursion into the plain, having 



192 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VI. 

taken some prisoners, now brought them up. The prisoners, 
being questioned by Cyrus, told him, that they were from the 
enemy's camp, and, having passed their advanced guard, had 
come out, some for forage and some for wood ; for, by reason 
of the great number of the army, everything was scarce. 
10. Cyrus, on hearing this, said, "And how far is the army 
from hence ?" They told him, about two parasangs. Cyrus 
then asked, " Is there any talk amongst them concerning us ? " 
" Yes, by Jove," said they, " a great deal, to the effect that 
you are already advancing close upon them." " Well then," 
said Cyrus, " did they rejoice at hearing of our approach?" 
This he asked for the sake of those who stood by. " No, in- 
deed," said they, " they did not rejoice, but were very much 
troubled." 11. "And what/ asked Cyrus, "are they now 
doing ?" " They are forming in order of battle," said they, "and 
both yesterday and the day before they were engaged in the 
same employment." " And who is it that is arranging them ? " 
inquired Cyrus. " Croesus himself," said they, " and with 
him a certain Greek, and another besides, who is a Mede, 
and who was said to be a deserter from you." Cyrus then ex- 
claimed, " Ο supreme Jupiter, may it be my fortune to take 
this man as I desire ! " 

12. He now ordered them to take away the prisoners, and 
turned to the by-standers as if he were going to say something. 
But at that instant there came another man from the captain 
of the scouts, who told him a great body of horse was visible 
in the plain, " and we conjecture," said he, " that they are 
riding forward with an intention to take a view of the army ; 
for, in advance of this body, there is another party, of about 
thirty horse, that are riding on in compact order, directly 
over against us, perhaps with a design to seize, if they can, 
our place of observation, and we are but a single decad upon 
that station." 13. Cyrus then ordered a detachment of the 
•cavalry, that always attended him, to ride up close to the 
place of observation, out of the enemy's sight, and to keep 
themselves quiet there. " And whenever our decad," said he, 
" quits the station, rush forth and attack those that mount it ; 
and, that the enemy's greater body may not annoy you, you, 
Hystaspes," added he, " take a thousand horse, and march 
forth, and show yourself over against the enemy's body ; but 
do not pursue to any place out of sight, but, after taking 



CH. 3»] ARASPES BRINGS INTELLIGENCE. 193 

care that the stations may remain in your own possession, 
advance onwards. And if any ride towards you holding up 
their right hands, receive them as friends. 

14. Hystaspes then went away and armed himself. Those 
that attended Cyrus set off immediately, as he had directed, 
and, on this side of the places of observation, Araspes, with 
his followers, met them, he who had been some time before 
sent out as a spy, and who had been the guardian of the 
Susian woman. 15. Cyrus, as soon as he saw 1 him, leaped 
from his seat, met him, and took him by the right hand. The 
rest, knowing nothing of the matter, were, as was natural, 
surprised at it, till Cyrus said, " My friends, one of the most 
deserving of men has returned to us ; for it is now fit that 
every one should know what he has done. This man went 
away, not from having sunk under any disgrace, or from any 
fear of my displeasure, but from being sent by me, in order 
that, learning the state of the enemy's affairs for us, he might 
bring us a clear account of them. 16. What I promised 2 
you therefore, Araspes, I remember, and, in conjunction with 
all these that are here, will bestow it on you. And it is just 
that you, my friends, should all pay him honour as a brave 
man ; for, to do us service, he both threw himself into dan- 
gers, and incurred that reproach under which he laboured." 
17. Upon this they all saluted Araspes, and gave him their 
right hands. 

Cyrus, at length, telling them that enough was done, said, 
" Give us an account, Araspes, of what it is proper for us to 
know ; and neither abate anything of the truth, nor extenuate 
the strength of the enemy ; for it is better that we should 
think it greater, and find it less, than hear it to be less, and 
find it greater." is. "I acted, indeed," said Araspes, "in 
such a manner as to learn with the greatest certainty what 
the strength of the army is, for I assisted in person at their 
arrangements." " You know then," said Cyrus, "not only 
their numbers, but their order too." "I do, indeed," said 
Araspes, " and the manner in which they intend to engage." 
" In the first place, however," said Cyrus, " tell us, sum- 
marily, what their numbers are." 19. "They are all ranged, 

1 Dindorf s text has ήκουσεν, to which I have thought fit to prefer 
Bornemann and Weiskje's εΤδεν. 

2 What Cyrus had promised him we are nowhere told. 

VOL. II. ο 



194 THE INSTITUTION OF CYKUS. [b. VI. 

then," said lie, " thirty in depth, both infantry and cavalry, 
except the Egyptians, and they extend in front about forty 
stadia, for I took great care to know what ground they occu- 
pied." 20. "As to the Egyptians, then," said Cyrus, "how 
are they ranged, for you said ' except the Egyptians ?'" " The 
commanders of ten thousand drew up each body of ten thou- 
sand, a hundred on each side ; l for they said, that this was 
the customary arrangement of their troops at home ; but 
Croesus reluctantly allowed them to form in this manner, 
for he was desirous to out-flank your army as much as pos- 
sible." "And why," said Cyrus, "does he desire to do so?" 
"Why, by Jove," said Araspes, "in order to surround you 
with the part that extends beyond your line." " But they 
shall see," rejoined Cyrus, "whether the encompassers will 
be themselves encompassed. 21. We have, however, heard 
what it was proper for us to ascertain from you ; and you, 
my friends, must act in this manner : 

" As soon as you go from hence, examine the equipments 
both of your horses and yourselves ; for, frequently, from a 
deficiency in a small matter, both man, and horse, and chariot, 
become -useless. To-morrow, in the morning, whilst I am 
sacrificing, you must first take your breakfasts, both men and 
horses, that whatever opportunity of action may present itself, 
we may not fail to take advantage of it. You, Araspes, keep 
the right wing as you do now, and you, the other commanders of 
ten thousand, retain the stations which you now occupy ; for, 
when a chariot-race is going to begin, there is no longer time 
for any chariot to shift its horses ; and give orders to the 
several centurions and captains to form in line, making each 
company two deep." 2 Each company consisted of four-and- 
twenty men. 

22. One of the commanders of ten thousand then said, "And 
when we are ranged but so many deep, are we likely to be 
strong enough against phalanxes of so great a depth ? " 

1 The squares being solid, with a hundred men on each side, 
each would contain ten thousand men. According to the number 
given in ch. 2, sect. 10, there would be twelve of these squares. 

2 There would tbus be twelve men in front, there being only two 
in depth. But when the javelin-men were brought up behind the 
heavy-armed, the archers behind the javelin-men, and behind the 
javelin-men o\ iirl πάσι καλούμενοι, (sect. 25, seqq.) the line would 
evidently be eight deep. Bornemann. 



CH. 3.} ARRANGEMENTS OF CYRUS. 195 

Cyrus replied, " As to phalanxes that are too deep to 
reach the enemy with their weapons, what injury can they 
possibly do to the enemy, or what service to their fellow-com- 
batants ? 23. Those soldiers that are ranged a hundred in 
depth," added he, "I would rather choose to have ranged ten 
thousand in depth, for, by that means, we should engage with 
a still smaller number, and have the fewer to engage ; but from 
the number with which I shall deepen our phalanx, 1 think 
that I shall render the whole efficient and self-supporting. 
24. The javelin-men I shall range behind those armed with 
corslets, and behind the javelin-men the archers ; for how 
could any one place those in front who themselves confess 
that they can sustain no encounter hand to hand ? But when 
they have those armed with corslets in front of them, they 
will stand ; and the one line hurling their javelins, and the 
other discharging their arrows, over the heads of those ranged 
before them, will do execution upon the enemy ; and as far as 
any one does harm to the enemy, it is plain that so far he re- 
lieves his fellow-combatants. 25. Last of all, I will place those 
that are called the rear ; for as there is no value in a house, 
without a strong foundation of stone, and without men to form a 
roof, so there is no profit from an army without such as will 
be of service both in front and rear. 1 26. You then," said 
he, " form as I order you ; and you, commanders of the jave- 
lin-men, form your companies in the same manner behind 
these ; and you, captains of the archers, form, in like manner, 
behind the javelin-men. 27. You, general, who command 
the rear, with your men placed last, give orders to those 
under you, to keep each his eye on those before him, to 
encourage those that do their duty, to threaten severely 
such as are deficient in courage ; and, if any one turn about, 
with intention to desert, to punish him with death. For 
it is the business of those who are placed in front, to en- 
courage, both by words and actions, those who follow ; 
and you, who are placed in the rear of all, must inspire 
the cowardly with greater terror than that which they feel 

1 Οντ άνευ των πρώτων οντ άνευ των τελευταίων, h μη άγαμοι 
έσονται.] " No profit either without the first or without the last, un- 
less they shall be efficient men." There is no efficiency in an army 
in the absence of men for the front and rear, nor any efficiency in it 
when they are present, unless they be good soldiers. 

ο 2 



196 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VI. 

from the enemy. 28. You attend to these matters ; and you, 
Euphratas, who command those that belong to the machines, 
take care that the oxen that draw the towers follow as close 
to the main body as possible. 29. You, Dauchus, who have 
charge of the baggage, bring up all that train behind the 
towers, and let your officers severely punish those who ad- 
vance or fall behind unseasonably. 30. You, Carduchus, who 
have the care of the carriages that convey the women, place 
these in the rear, behind the baggage-train ; for all these, fol- 
lowing each other, will present the appearance of a great mul- 
titude, and will give us an opportunity of forming an am- 
buscade ; and, if the enemy attempt to surround us, will 
oblige them to take a greater circuit ; and the more ground 
they encompass, so much the weaker must they of necessity 
be. 31. You, therefore, act according to these instructions. 
But you, Artaozus and Artagerses, keep, each of you, your 
body of a thousand foot behind these. 32. You, Pharnuchus 
and Asiadatas, do not join your troops of a thousand cavalry, 
of which you each have the command, with the main line, 
but arm by yourselves, behind the women's carriages, and 
then come to us, together with the rest of the commanders ; 
but you must prepare yourselves as if you were to be the first 
to engage. 33. You, who have the charge of the men with 
the camels, form behind the women's carnages ; and do what- 
ever Artagerses may desire you. 34. As for you, leaders of 
the chariots, after you have cast lots, let him among you, who 
obtains that post, range his hundred chariots in front, before 
the main line, and let the other hundreds of chariots attend 
the main body ranged in a long train, one advancing on the 
right side of the army, and the other on the left." 

35. Thus Cyrus directed. But Abradatas, king of Susa, 
said, " I take it voluntarily upon myself, Cyrus, to hold that 
station in front, over against the line of the enemy, unless you 
have anything else in view." 36. Cyrus, admiring his spirit, 
and taking him by the right hand, asked the Persians, that 
had the command of the other chariots, saying, "Do you 

1 Ώς πρώτους δεήσον άγωνίζεσ$αι.~} "Quasi primis," h. e. ante 
quam prima acies cum hostibuscongrediatur, "pugnandumsitvobis." 
Fischer. Why Pharnuchus and Asiadatas were to be so well pre- 
pared, appears from vii. 1. 22; namely, that they might attack the 
advancing enemy on the flank. 



CH. 4.] ABRADATAS AND PANTHEA. * 197 

agree to this ? " As they replied, that it would not be hon- 
ourable in them to yield the post, he made them all cast lots, 
and Abradatas obtained by lot the station which he had offered 
to take, and took his place opposite to the Egyptians. 37. The 
officers having then gone away, and attended to the particu- 
lars which I have mentioned, 1 took their suppers, and, after 
placing the sentinels, went to rest. 



CHAPTER IV. 



The appearance of the troops under arms. Abradatas equipped by Pan- 
thea ; their conversation and parting ; Cyrus animates his officers by an- 
other speech. 

1. Next day, early in the morning, Cyrus offered sacrifice ; 
and the rest of the army, after taking their breakfast, and 
making their libations, proceeded to equip themselves with fine 
coats, in great number, and with many fine corslets and hel- 
mets. The horses, likewise, they armed with forehead-pieces 
and breastplates ; the single horses with thigh-pieces, and 
those in the chariots with plates upon their sides ; so that the 
whole army glittered with brass, and shone with purple gar- 
ments,. 

2. The chariot of Abradatas, that had four poles and eight 
horses, was most handsomely adorned ; and, when he was 
going to put on his linen corslet, which was the dress of his 
countrymen, Panthea brought him a golden helmet, and arm- 
pieces, broad bracelets ftfr his wrists, a purple habit that 
reached to his feet, and hung in folds at the bottom, and a 
crest of a violet colour. These things she had made, hav- 
ing, without the knowledge of her husband, taken the measure 
of his armour. 3. He wondered when he saw them, and in- 
quired of Panthea, " Have you had these arms made for me, 
wife, at the sacrifice of your own ornaments ? " " Not in- 
deed," said Panthea, " at the sacrifice of the most valuable 
one ; for you yourself, if you appear to others as you appear 

1 Προίΐπον.] Schneider proposes to read προεϊπεν, sc. Cyrus; 
which, as Bomemann observes, would be a great improvement. 



198 * THE INSTITUTION OF CYKUS. [b. VI. 

to me, will be my greatest ornament." Saying this, she put 
on him the armour ; while, though she endeavoured to conceal 
them, the tears flowed down her cheeks. 

4. When Abradatas, who was before a man of striking ap- 
pearance, was equipped in these arms, he appeared eminently 
handsome, as well as noble, such indeed being his nature. 
Having taken the reins from the driver, he was preparing to 
mount the chariot, when Panthea, desiring all that were present 
to retire, said, 5. " Ο Abradatas, if there ever was a woman 
who had more value for her husband, than for her own soul, I 
think you know that I am such a character. Why, then, need 
I speak of every single circumstance ? for I think that actions 
have been shown you, on my part, more convincing than 
any words which can now be spoken. 6. But, though I stand 
thus affected towards you, as you know, I swear, by my friend- 
ship and your own, that I certainly would rather choose to be 
put under ground together with you, while you approve your- 
self a brave man, than to live dishonoured with you in dis- 
honour ; so much have I judged both you and myself worthy 
of the noblest distinctions. 7. I consider too, that we owe a 
great debt of gratitude to Cyrus, because, when I was a cap- 
tive, and selected for himself, he neither thought fit to take 
me as a slave, nor as a free-woman under an ignominious name ; 
but he took and kept me for you, as if I had been his brother's 
wife. 8. Besides, when Araspes, who was my guard, went 
away from him, I promised him, that, if he would allow me 
to send to you, you would come to him, and be to him a much 
more faithful and deserving friend than Araspes." 

9. Thus she spoke ; and Abradatas, struck with admiration 
at her words, and laying his hand gently upon her head, lifted 
up his eyes to heaven, and prayed, saying, " Ο supreme Jupiter, 
grant me to prove myself a husband worthy of Panthea, and 
a friend worthy of Cyrus, who has done us so much honour ! " 

ίο. Having said this, he mounted the chariot by the door of 
the driver's seat ; and when, after he had got up, the driver shut 
the door of the seat, Panthea, who had now no other way to 
salute him, kissed the seat of the chariot. The chariot then 
moved on, and she followed him un perceived, till Abradatas, 
turning about, and seeing her, said, " Take courage, Panthea ! 
Farewell; and now return." n. Her eunuchs and women- 
servants immediately took her up and conveyed her to her 



CH. 4.] CYRUS ADDRESSES HIS TROOPS. 199 

carriage; and, laying her down, concealed her with the awn- 
ing. The people, though Abradatas and his chariot formed a 
noble spectacle, cared not to look at him, till Panthea was gone. 
12. When Cyrus had found favourable omens in the sacri- 
fices, and the army had been arranged for him as he had di- 
rected, he occupied places of observation, one in advance of 
another, and, calling the leaders together, addressed them 
thus : 13. " Friends and fellow- soldiers, the gods show us the 
same propitious omens in our sacrifices, as when they gave us 
victory before ; and I wish to put you in mind of some par- 
ticulars, that you may, while you bear them in remem- 
brance, march with greater courage to the encounter. 14. 
You have practised the exercises of war much more than 
our enemies have ; you have been bred up together, and have 
been united in the same army, a much longer time than our 
enemies have been ; you have been fellow-conquerors together, 
while most of our enemies have been fellow-sharers in defeat ; 
and of those on both sides, that have not yet seen a battle, 
those who are on the enemy's side, know that they have 
for their supporters men that are deserters of their posts, 
but you, that are on our side, know that you take the field 
with men zealous to assist their friends. 15. It is natural, 
then, that they who have confidence in each other, should una- 
nimously stand and fight ; but those who distrust each other 
must necessarily be severally contriving how they may soon- 
est withdraw, 16. Let us march then, my friends, upon the 
enemy, with our armed chariots against those of the enemy 
unarmed, and with our cavalry in like manner, both men and 
horses, armed against those of the enemy unarmed, in the re- 
solution to come to a close engagement, it. As for the in- 
fantry, the rest are such as you have encountered already, but 
the Egyptians are both armed and disposed alike inefficiently ; 
for they have shields too large to act or see with, and, being 
ranged a hundred in depth, it is evident they will hinder one 
another from fighting, except only a very few, 18. If they 
trust that they shall force us back by an impetuous onset, they 
must first sustain the charge of our horse, and steel driven 
upon them by the force of horses ; l and if any of them with- 
stand this, how will they be able to engage our cavalry, our 

1 Σιδήρφ νφ' 'ίππων ίσχνριζομενω.~] The scythes attached to the 
chariots. 



200 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VII. 

line of infantry, and our towers, at the same time ? For the 
men on the towers will support us, and, by hurling their wea- 
pons on the enemy, will cause them, instead of fighting, to be 
perplexed how to act. 19. If you think that you are still in 
want of anything, tell it me ; for, with the help of the gods, 
we shall be in want of nothing. 20. If any one of you wishes 
to say anything, let him speak ; if not, betake yourselves to 
your devotions, and, having made your prayers to the 
gods, to whom we have sacrificed, go to your posts, and let 
each of you remind those under his command of what I have 
now impressed on your minds ; and let each of you make it 
apparent to those whom he commands, that he is worthy of 
command, by showing himself fearless in his bearing, his coun- 
tenance, and his words ! " 



BOOK VII. 



CHAPTER I. 

The army of Cyrus marches against the enemy under favourable omens. 
When the two armies are in sight of each other, Cyrus rides round 
among his men, and shows them how he intends to commence the en- 
gagement. Croesus attacks Cyrus with his army in three divisions ; his 
wings are routed at the first onset. Death of Abradatas. Firmness of 
the Egyptians ; they repulse the Persians, but are attacked in the rear 
by Cyrus, and forced to surrender. What gave the Persians an advantage 
in this battle. 

i. The officers, after praying to the gods, went off to their 
posts. The attendants brought meat and drink to Cyrus, and 
those that were with him, while they were yet engaged in 
sacrificing. Cyrus, standing as he was, 1 and first making an 
offering to the gods, took his dinner, and distributed portions, 
from time to time, to such as were most in need. ■ Having then 
made a libation, and prayed, he drank, and the rest that were 
with him followed his example. Afterwards, having made 

1 Without changing his position ; without sitting down, as he 
might have done, if he had been engaged in a less important occu- 
pation than that of sacrificing. 



CH. 1.] ADVANCE TOWARDS THE ENEMY. 201 

supplication to Jupiter Patrius, to be their leader and sup- 
porter, he mounted his horse, and ordered those about him to 
mount theirs. 2. All those who were with Cyrus were furn- 
ished with the same equipments as himself; purple coats, 
brazen corslets, brazen helmets, white crests, short swords, 
and each with a single spear made of the corneil-tree. Their 
horses were armed with brazen forehead-pieces, breastplates, 
and shoulder-pieces, which also served as thigh-pieces to the 
rider. 1 The arms of Cyrus, however, so far differed from the 
others, that theirs were lackered over with a gold colour, but 
those of Cyrus shone like a mirror. 

3. When he was mounted, and stood considering which way 
he should go, it thundered on the right ; when he exclaimed, 
"We will follow thee, Ο supreme Jupiter!" He then set 
forward with Chrysantas, the commander of the cavalry, and 
his body of cavalry, upon his right hand, and Arsamas, with 
his body of foot, upon his left. 4. He directed them to look 
to his standard, and follow at an even pace ; the standard was 
a golden eagle on a long lance. 2 This continues to be the 
standard of the Persian king to this day. Before they came 
in sight of the enemy, he made the army halt three times. 

5. After they had advanced about twenty stadia, they be- 
gan to observe the army of the enemy coming against them ; 
and when they were all in view of each other, and the en6my 
found that they far outflanked them on both wings, they made 
their own line halt, (for otherwise there was no fetching a com- 
pass,), and wheeled round to enclose the enemy, causing their 
line, on each side, to take the form of the letter gamma? so 
that they might commence the action from every part at once. 

6. Cyrus, seeing this manoeuvre, did not slacken his pace 
on account of it, but led forward just as before ; and observing 
how far round on each side they fetched their compass, in 

1 "It is necessary to equip the horse with a forehead-piece, a 
breast-piece, and side-pieces ; for these also serve as thigh-pieces 
for the rider." Xenophon de Re Equest. c. 12; where it is also 
observed that the legs and feet of the rider may perhaps hang down 
below the horse's side-piece, but that they may be protected with 
shoes of thick leather. Παραμηρίδιον is properly a thigh-piece, but, 
as applied to the horse, it seems better to render it side-piece, or 
flank-piece. 

2 See Anab. i. 10. 12. 

3 Thus their army, says Poppo, would appear in the shape of two 
gammas placed in this manner : 5 1 . 



202 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VII. 

which they wheeled and extended their wings, a Do you ob- 
serve," said he, " Chrysantas, where they make their circuit ?" 
" Yes, indeed," said Chrysantas, " and I wonder at it, for to 
me they seem to draw off their wings very far from their own 
line." 7. " Yes, by Jove," said Cyrus, " and from ours too." 1 
" Why so ? " said Chrysantas. " Plainly," said Cyrus, " be- 
cause they are afraid, that if their wings come near us, while 
their main body is yet at a distance, we shall charge them." 
" Then," said Chrysantas, " how will they be able to support 
one another, when they are at such a distance from each 
other ? " " It is plain," said Cyrus, " that when their wings 
have gained so much ground as to be over against the flanks 
of our army, they will wheel about, so as to form in line, and 
advance upon us from every side at once, in order to attack us 
on all quarters simultaneously." 8. " Do you think, then," 
said Chrysantas, " that they lay their plans well ?" " Yes, 
with regard to what they see ; but with regard to what they 
do not see, 2 they plan worse than if they advanced upon us in 
a column. But you, Arsamas, lead on quietly with your in- 
fantry, as you observe that I do ; and you, Chrysantas, follow 
with your cavalry at the same pace with Arsamas. I shall 
ride off to the place where I think it proper to begin the en- 
gagement, and, as I pass along, I shall see how our several 
divisions stand. 9. When I reach the place, and when we 
are fast approaching each other, I will begin the paean ; and 
do you hasten forward. When we engage the enemy, you 
will perceive it, for there will, I suppose, be no small noise ; 
and Abradatas will then proceed to charge the enemy with his 
chariots, for such directions shall be given him ; you must 
follow, keeping as close as possible behind the chariots, for we 
shall thus fall upon the enemy while they are most in disorder. 
I will myself come up, as soon as I can, to pursue them, if the 
gods please." 

1 With regard to this compass or circuit of the Assyrian army, 
and the recession of the wings from the Persian force, we must sup- 
pose, with Bornemann, that Croesus made such movements, and 
extensions of his line, as to keep his wings from coming in contact 
with the enemy before the centre was ready to attack, so that he 
might assail Cyrus in front and on the flanks simultaneously. No 
other commentator has made any successful attempt to explain 
these manoeuvres. 

2 The troops and camels ranged behind the baggage. Poppo. 



CH. 1.] FURTHER EXHORTATIONS. 203 

10. Having spoken thus, and given out the word, " Jupi- 
ter the Preserver and Leader," he set forward. Making 
his way between the chariots and corslet-men, he would say, 
as he looked on some of those in the ranks, " My friends, how 
pleasing is it to see your faces ! " To others, again, he would 
say, " Do you not consider, my friends, that our present con- 
test is not merely for victory to-day, but to maintain the vic- 
tory that you gained before, and for all good fortune here- 
after, li. Henceforward, soldiers, we shall have no cause to 
blame the gods, for they have put it in our power to acquire 
many great advantages ; but, my friends, let us prove our- 
selves brave men." 12. Coming up to others, he spoke thus: 
" My friends, to what nobler association can we ever invite 
one another than to the present ? For it is now in our power, 
by being brave men, to confer upon each other many great 
benefits." 13. To others, again, he said, "You know, my 
friends, I believe, that the prizes offered to those who con- 
quer, are to pursue, to strike, to kill, to get gain, to win 
praise, to be free, to rule ; but for cowards, evidently, the re- 
verse of all these. Whoever, therefore, loves himself, let him 
fight as I fight, for I shall not willingly allow in myself any- 
thing weak or dishonourable." 14. When he came up with 
such as had been in battle with him before, he said : " And to 
you, my friends, what need I say ? for you know what sort of 
day the brave, and what sort of day cowards, pass in the 
field." 

15. When he came, as he passed along, over against Abra- 
datas, he stopped ; and Abradatas, delivering the reins to the 
driver, went up to him, and several others of those that were 
posted near, belonging both to the infantry and the chariots, 
ran to him ; and as they gathered round him, he said, " The 
gods, as you desired, Abradatas, have granted to you, and 
those with you, to hold a chief place amongst all the allies ; 
and, when you have to engage, remember that the Persians 
are to see you, and to follow you, and not suffer you to engage 
alone." 16. Abradatas replied, " Affairs with us, Cyrus, seem 
to promise well, but the flanks give me some uneasiness ; for 
I see that the wings of the enemy are stretched out in great 
strength, with chariots and every kind of force ; but on our side 
there is nothing opposed to them but chariots ; so that," con- 
tinued he, " had I not obtained this post by lot, I should be 



204 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VII. 

ashamed to be here ; so much do I think myself in the safest 
post." 17. Cyrus replied, "If things are well with you, be 
at ease as to the rest ; for, with the help of the gods, I will 
show you those flanks of ours entirely clear of enemies. And 
do not you, I conjure you, attack the enemy, before you see 
those men fleeing of whom you are now afraid." Thus boast- 
ingly did he express himself as the battle was coming on, 
though, at other times, he was little inclined to boasting. 
"But," added he, " when you see those men fleeing, be sure 
that I am at hand, and rush upon the enemy, for you will then 
deal with them while they are most disheartened, and your 
own men in the best spirits. 18. But, while you have still 
time, Abradatas, ride along, by all means, by your own 
chariots, and exhort your people to the attack, inspiring them 
with courage by your looks, and animating them with hopes. 
And, that you may appear the bravest of all that belong to 
the chariots, excite emulation in your men ; for, be assured, 
that if things now fall out well, all will say, for the future, 
that nothing is more profitable than bravery." Abradatas 
then mounted and rode along the line,. and did as Cyrus had 
suggested. 

19. Cyrus, moving on again, and coming to the left wing, 
where Hystaspes was with the half of the Persian cavalry, 
calling him by his name, said, " Hystaspes, you now see work 
for your activity ; for, if we get beforehand with the enemy 
in killing them, not a man of us will be killecL" 20. Hys- 
taspes, laughing, replied, " We will take care of those in front 
of us ; give those upon the flanks in charge to others, that 
they may not want occupation." Cyrus then said, " I am 
going to those myself. But remember this, Hystaspes : to 
whichsoever of us the gods may give victory, if the enemy 
make a stand anywhere, let us always join in with our forces 
to charge those who resist." 

21. Having spoken thus, he moved on, and when, in his 
progress, he came to the flank, 1 and to the commander of the 
chariots there, he said to him, " I am come to • your support ; 
but when you perceive us attacking the extremity, 2 endeavour 
yourselves, at the same time, to force a way through the 
enemy, for you will be much safer when you are without their 

1 The left flank. 

2 The right extremity or wing of the army. 



CH. 1.] COMMENCEMENT OF THE BATTLE. 205 

line, than while you are enclosed within it." 22. Then, pass- 
ing on again, when he came behind the women's carriages, he 
ordered Artagerses and Pharnuchus, each with his thousand 
men, one of foot and the other of horse, to remain there ; 
66 And when you perceive me," said he, "attacking those op- 
posite our right wing, do you likewise charge those that are 
opposite you. You will assail them in flank, where l a body 
of men is weakest, keeping yourselves in a phalanx, that you 
may be as strong as possible. The enemy's cavalry, as you 
see, are the hindmost; advance the body of camels every- 
where upon them, and be assured that, before you come to 
engage, you will see the enemy made ridiculous." 23. Cyrus, 
having concluded these instructions, proceeded to the right 
wing. 

Croesus, judging that* his main body, with which be himself 
marched, was now nearer to the enemy than his extended 
wings, gave the signal to the wings to advance no farther, 
but to wheel round in the place where they were. As soon 
as they stood facing towards the army of Cyrus, he gave them 
the signal to march upon the enemy. 24. Thus three dense 
bodies advanced upon the army of Cyrus ; one in front, and, 
of the other two, one against the right wing, and the other 
against the left ; so that great alarm pervaded all Cyrus's 
army. For, as a small brick placed within a large one^ so 
was the army of Cyrus enclosed by the enemy, with their 
cavalry, their heavy-armed men, their peltasts, archers, and 
chariots, on every side except the rear. 25. Yet when Cyrus 
gave the signal, they all turned and faced the enemy; and 
there was a deep silence in every part, from apprehension re- 
specting the event. As soon as Cyrus thought it the proper 
time, he began the paean, and the whole army sung it with 
him. 26. Afterwards they raised the battle-shout to Mars ; 
and Cyrus started forward, and instantly taking the enemy in 
flank with his cavalry, engaged hand to hand with them as 
soon as possible. The foot immediately followed him in close 
order, and swept round the enemy on every side ; so that they 
had very much the advantage ; for they were attacking a di- 
vision in flank ; hence a precipitate flight soon took place 
among the enemy. 27. As soon as Artagerses perceived that 

1 Dindorf's text has ώσπερ, but we must doubtless read yizip with 
Zeune, Schneider, Bornemann, and others. 



206 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VII. 

Cyrus was engaged, he commenced an attack upon the left, 
making the camels advance, as Cyrus had ordered ; and the 
enemy's horses, even when at a great distance, were not able 
to endure them, but some of them, being maddened, ran away, 
some started from their ranks, and others fell foul of one ano- 
ther; for thus are horses always affected by camels. 28. 
Artagerses, with his men in good order, charged the enemy 
that were in confusion ; and the chariots, both to the right 
and left, made their onset at the same time. Many of the 
enemy that escaped from the chariots, were killed by those 
that pursued in column, 1 and many that escaped from these 
were cut off by the chariots. 

29. Abradatas then delayed no longer, but shouting aloud, 
" Follow me, friends ! " rushed on, without sparing his horses, 
but drawing much blood from them with the goad. The 
other charioteers dashed forward with him. The chariots of 
the enemy instantly fled before them, some of them taking up 
their fighting men, and others leaving them. 30. Abradatas 
forced his way directly through them, to the Egyptian pha- 
lanx, and those that were ranged nearest him joined him in 
the charge. Upon many other occasions it has been seen, 
that a troop can never be stronger than when it is formed of 
fellow-combatants that are friends ; and it was seen upon this 
occasion; for the companions and associates of Abradatas 
supported him in his onset ; but the other drivers, when they 
saw the Egyptians stand their ground in a close body, turned 
aside to the chariots that were fleeing, and pursued them. 31. 
As the Egyptians were unable to separate themselves, because 
those on each side of them remained firm, Abradatas and his 
troop, wherever they directed their charge, overthrew those 
who stood upright with the impetus of their chariots, and 
crushed those who fell, both men and arms, with the hoofs of 
their horses and their wheels ; and whatever the scythes 
caught, whether arms or bodies of men, they cut through with 
resistless force. 32. In this indescribable confusion, the 
wheels being jolted by heaps of every description, Abradatas, 
and some of those who joined in the charge with him, were 
thrown from their vehicles ; and here, while they proved 
themselves brave men, they were cut down and killed. 

1 'Υπό των κατά κέρας επομένων.'] Fischer seems rightly to under- 
stand the cavalry, who usually pursue in column. 



CH. 1.] BRAVERY OF THE EGYPTIANS. DANGER OF CYRUS. 207 

The Persians who followed close after them, rushing in 
where Abradatas and his friends had made their charges, cut 
to pieces such as were in disorder ; but, where the Egyptians 
remained unbroken, (and there were many in this condition,) 
they advanced to attack the Persians. 33. Then ensued a 
terrible combat of lances, javelins, and swords ; but the 
Egyptians had the advantage, both from their numbers and 
their arms, for their lances were strong and of great length, 
(such as they still use,) and their large shields were a better 
defence to their persons, than corslets and smaller shields ; 
and being set against their shoulders, assisted them in push- 
ing against the enemy. Locking their shields together, there- 
fore, they advanced and pushed forward. 34. The Persians, 
holding out their small sort of shields at arm's length, were 
not able to withstand them, but retreated with their faces to- 
ward the enemy, giving and receiving blows, till they came 
to the machines. When they came thither, the Egyptians 
were again galled from the towers. Those who were in the 
rear of all, would not suffer either the archers or javelin-men 
to flee, but, holding up their swords at them, forced them to 
shoot and to throw. 35. There then followed great havoc of 
men, great clashing of arms and weapons of all kinds, and 
great noise of people, some calling to each other, some mak- 
ing exhortations, and some invoking the gods. 

36. At this time, Cyrus, in pursuit of those that had been 
opposed to him, came up ; and when he saw the Persians 
driven from their post, he was grieved ; and, knowing that he 
could not sooner stop the progress of the enemy forward, 
otherwise than by riding round to their rear, he commanded 
those that were with him to follow, and rode round to the 
rear ; where his men fell upon them as their backs were 
turned, and killed a great many. 37. The Egyptians, as soon 
as they perceived this, cried out, that the enemy was behind 
them, and faced about amidst the blows. Here infantry and 
cavalry fought promiscuously, and a man falling under Cyrus's 
horse, and being trampled upon, struck his sword into the 
horse's belly; and the horse, thus wounded, plunged and 
threw Cyrus off. 38. In this juncture, it might be seen of 
what advantage it was for a commander to have the love of 
those around him ; for all immediately cried out, fell on, and 
fought, pushed, and were pushed, struck, and were struck ; 



208 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VII. 

and one of the attendants of Cyrus, leaping from his horse, 
mounted Cyrus upon him. 39. When Cyrus was on horse- 
back, he perceived that the Egyptians were now exposed to 
attacks on every side, for Hystaspes was come up with the 
Persian horse as well as Chrysantas ; but he would not now 
suffer them to fall upon the phalanx of the Egyptians, but or- 
dered them to gall them with arrows and javelins from a dis- 
tance. Then, in riding round, as he came up to the machines, 
he thought proper to mount one of the towers, to see whether 
any other division of the enemy still made a stand and 
fought. 40. When he had ascended, he saw the whole plain 
full of horses, men, and chariots, some fleeing, others pursu- 
ing, some victorious, others defeated ; but he could see no 
division, except that of the Egyptians, any longer keeping 
their ground ; who, when they were at a loss what to do, 
formed themselves into a circle, so that their arms faced the 
enemy, and sat down under the shelter of their shields ; they 
no longer acted, but suffered many grievous wounds. 

41. Cyrus, being struck with admiration at their conduct, 
and concerned that men of such bravery should perish, made 
all those retreat that were engaged around them, and suffered 
none to continue fighting. He then sent to them a herald, to ask 
" whether they all preferred to die for men that had deserted 
them, or to be saved with the reputation of being brave men ?" 
They replied, " How then can we obtain safety, and preserve 
our reputation as brave men?" 42. Cyrus rejoined, " Because 
we see that you are the only men that stand your ground, and 
are disposed to fight." " But then," said the Egyptians, " by 
what honourable means can we save ourselves?" Cyrus in 
reply said, " If you save yourselves, without betraying any 
of your allies ; delivering up your arms to us, and becoming 
friends to those who prefer to save you, when it is in their 
power to destroy you." 43. -Having heard this, they asked, 
" If we become your friends, how will you think fit to treat 
us?" Cyrus replied, " I shall think fit both to do you good 
offices, and to receive them from you." The Egyptians then 
again asked, " What good offices ? " Cyrus replied, " As long 
as the war continues, I will give you larger pay than you now 
receive ; and when we have peace, I will give to every one 
of you that will stay with me lands, cities, women, and ser- 
vants." 44. The Egyptians, hearing this offer, begged him to 



CH. 2.] MERITS OF THE EGYPTIANS. 209 

grant them an exemption from serving in the war with him 
against Croesus ; " for to him alone," said they, " were they 
known ; " l but, consenting to the other proposals, they gave 
and received assurances of friendship. 45. The Egyptians, who 
then remained there, continue to this day faithful to the king ; 
and Cyrus gave them cities, some inland, which are still 
called the cities of the Egyptians, and Larissa and Cyllene, 
which are situate on the sea near Cuma, and which their pos- 
terity still occupy. 

Cyrus, having accomplished these affairs, retreated, as it 
was now growing dark, and encamped at Thymbrara. 46. 
In this battle, the Egyptians only, of all the enemy's people, 
at all distinguished themselves ; and of those on the side of 
Cyrus, the Persian cavalry were thought to have been the 
best ; hence the same sort of arms, with which Cyrus then 
equipped his cavalry continue in use to this day. 47. The 
chariots armed with scythes, too, were greatly approved ; so 
that that engine of war continues still to be used by the 
successive kings of Persia. 48. The camels did no more than 
frighten the horses ; they that mounted them did no execution 
upon the cavalry, nor were any of the men themselves killed 
by the cavalry, for no horse would come near them. 49. 
This animal, then, was reckoned of use ; but no respectable 
man will breed camels for his own riding, nor exercise them 
with a view to fighting on their backs ; so that, returning to 
their old condition, they continue in the baggage train. 



CHAPTER II. 



Sardes taken. Croesus made prisoner. The Chaldseans reproved for their 
excessive eagerness for plunder. Croesus brought before Cyrus, who re- 
ceives him with kindness, and listens to his advice about sparing Sardes. 
Croesus speaks of the oracles given him by Apollo, and condemns his own 
rashness. Clemency of Cyrus. 

i. Cyrus's men, having taken their suppers, and placed 
sentinels, as was necessary, went to rest. Croesus imme- 

1 Γιγνώσκεσ$αι.] Many editions have σνγγιγνώσκεσ&αι, which the 
commentators have in vain laboured to explain satisfactorily. 
Γιγνώσκεσδαι is found in at least three manuscripts, as appears from 
Schneider and Bornemann. 

vol. π. ρ 



210 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VII. 

diately fled, with his army, to Sardes. The other nations 
went off in the night, each as far as they could, on their way 
homeward. 2. As soon as it was day, Cyrus led his army 
towards Sardes ; and when he came up to the walls of that 
city, he raised machines, and provided ladders, as if he de- 
signed to attack the fortifications. 3. But while he was 
making these preparations, he caused a party of Chaldeans 
and Persians, the following night, to mount that part of the 
fortifications of Sardes that w T as thought the most difficult of 
ascent, a certain Persian leading the way, who had been a 
slave to one of the guards in the citadel, and knew the 
descent down to the river and the ascent from it. 4. When 
it was known that the heights above were taken, all the 
Lydians fied from the walls, to whatever part of the city they 
severally could. Cyrus, as soon as it was day, entered the 
city, and gave orders that no one of his men should stir from 
his post. 5. Croesus, shutting himself up in his palace, called 
out for Cyrus, but Cyrus left men to watch Croesus, and 
going off himself to the citadel, which was taken, and finding 
the Persians keeping guard in the citadel, as was their duty, 
but the arms of the Chaldaeans abandoned, (for they them- 
selves had run down to plunder the houses,) he immediately 
summoned their officers, and told them to quit the army at 
once ; 6. " for I could not bear," said he, " to see disorderly 
men get the advantage of others ; and know," added he, 
" that I was preparing to make you, who had followed me in 
the field, enviable in the eyes of all the Chaldseans ; but now," 
continued he, " do not wonder if somebody, 1 superior to you 
in strength, happen to meet with you as you go off." 7. The 
Chaldasans, on hearing this denunciation, were in great fear, 
entreated him to lay aside his anger, and said that they 
would restore all the booty. He replied, " that he was 
not in any want of them ; but," said he, " if you would wish 
me to feel no further displeasure, give up all that you have 
taken to those that have kept guard in the citadel ; for, when 
the rest of the soldiers find that those who have been orderly 
have the advantage, all will go well with me." 8. The Chal- 
dasans did as Cyrus had commanded them, and those who had 
been obedient got much booty of every kind. Cyrus, hav- 

1 Meaning himself, or such as he should appoint, who would take 
their booty from them. 



CH. 2.] CONVERSATION WITH CRCESUS. 211 

ing caused his men to encamp in that part of the city that 
he thought most convenient, gave them orders to remain 
there with their arms, and take their dinners. 

9. Having made these arrangements, he ordered Croesus 
to be brought before him. Croesus, as soon as he saw Cyrus, 
said, "Hail, master, for, from henceforth, fortune appoints 
you to receive that name, and me to call you by it." ίο. 
"Hail to you also, Croesus," said Cyrus, "for we are both of 
us men. But Croesus," added he, " would you be willing to 
give me some advice?" "I should be willing, Cyrus," said 
he, " to think of anything good for you, for I conceive that it 
would also be good for myself." 11. " Hear then, Croesus," said 
he ; " knowing that the soldiers, after having undergone 
many fatigues, and incurred many dangers, consider them- 
selves now in possession of the richest city in Asia, next to 
Babylon, I think it fit that they should receive some recom- 
pense; for I am sure," continued he, "that, unless they re- 
ceive some fruit of their labours, I shall not have them long 
obedient to my orders ; I am not however willing to give the 
city up to them to plunder ; for I believe that it would thus 
be destroyed ; and, in plundering, I know very well that the 
worst men would have the advantage." 12. Croesus, on hear- 
ing this remark, said, "Allow me to signify to such of the 
Lydians as I think fit, that I have prevailed with you not to 
allow any plundering, nor to suffer our wives and children to 
be taken from us ; and have promised you, in return, that you 
shall certainly receive from the Lydians, of their own accord, 
whatever there is of worth and value in Sardes ; 13. for, 
when they hear of this arrangement, I know that there will 
be brought to you everything that is of value here, in the 
possession either of man or woman ; and, nevertheless, in 
another year, the city will be again full of things of value in 
great abundance ; but, if you plunder it, the arts, which they 
call the sources of what is valuable, will be ruined. 14. But 
you will still be at liberty, after you have seen what is brought 
to you, to consider whether you shall plunder the city or 
not. Send, however," added he, " in the first place, to my own 
treasures, and let your guards take them from my guards." 

Cyrus agreed to act in all these particulars as Croesus sug- 
gested. 15. "But, tell me, by all means," said he, "what 
results the communications from the oracle at Delphi pro- 

p 2 



212 THE INSTITUTION OF CYBUS. [b. VII. 

duced ; for Apollo is said to have received much attention 
from you, and it is reported that you acted in everything in 
obedience to his directions." 16. "Indeed, Cyrus," said he, 
" I could wish that it had been so ; but I have gone on, from 
the very first, acting in direct opposition to Apollo." " How 
so ? " said Cyrus ; " instruct me ; for what you say is very 
strange." „17. "Because, in the first place," said he, "neg- 
lecting to consult the god as to what I wanted, I made trial of 
him whether he was able to tell truth. But as to such a pro- 
ceeding, not only a god, but even men of honour and integrity, 
when they find themselves distrusted, have no kindness for 
those that distrust them. is. However, after he knew that I 
was doing extremely absurd J things, and that I was at a great 
distance from Delphi, I sent to consult him whether I should 
have children. 19. He at first made me no answer ; but when, 
by sending him many offerings of gold, and many of silver, 
and making many sacrifices, I had rendered him, as I thought, 
propitious, he then, as I asked him what I should do to have 
children, gave me an answer, and said, 'that I should have 
them/' 20. I accordingly had children ; for neither in this 
did he deal falsely with me ; but, when I had them, they 
were of no profit to me, for one of them has continued dumb, 
and he that was the best of them perished in the flower of his 
age. 2 Being oppressed with affliction at the fate of my sons, 
I sent again, and inquired of the god what I should do, in 
order to pass the remainder of my life in the happiest man- 
ner ; and he made answer, 

' Know thyself, Croesus ; then sh Λ thou live blest.' 

21. When I heard this oracle, I was lelighted; for I thought 
he granted me happiness, commanding me to do the easiest 
thing possible ; since, as to other men, it was possible to know 
some and not others, but I thought that every man knew 
»vhat L'o •■-.. himself. 22. After this, during the whole time 
thit I \i,ic( iu neace, I had nothing to charge upon for- 
tune subsequently to tuo death of my son. * And, when I was 
persuaded by the Assyrian king to attack you, though I fell 
into all sorts of danger, I yet came off safe, without incurring 

1 Boiling a tortoise and a lamb together in a brazen caldron: 
see Herod, i. 51, seqq. 
1 Herodotus, i. 43. 85 ; Aulus Gellius, v. 9. 



CH. 2.] CLEMENCY OF CYRUS TO CR(ESTJS. 213 

any serious evil ; nor can I, in this matter, at all blame the 
god ; for, even after I found myself unable to cope with you, 
I escaped, with the help of the god, without injury, both my- 
self and those that were with me. 23. But being then again 
corrupted by the riches which I possessed, by those who en- 
treated me to be their chief, by the presents which they made 
me, and by men that, in flattery, told me that if I would take 
upon me the command, all would obey me, and I should be 
the greatest of mankind ; being puffed up, I say, by discourses 
of this kind, when all the kings around chose me as their 
leader in the war, I accepted the command, as if I were qua- 
lified to be the greatest of men, not indeed knowing myself, in- 
asmuch as I imagined myself able to contend against you ; 24. 
you who, in the first place, are sprung from the gods, who 
are also descended from a line of kings, and who have prac- 
tised, from your boyhood, everything honourable. But of 
my own ancestors, the first that reigned, I have heard, 
became a king and a freeman at the same time. Having been, 
therefore/' added he, " thus ignorant of myself, I have justly 
suffered the penalty. But now, Cyrus, I do know myself. 
25. And do you think that Apollo will still prove to have 
spoken truth, that I shall be happy by knowing myself? I 
ask for this reason, that you seem to me likely to judge best, 
as to this point, at present, for you can fulfil the prediction." 
26. Cyrus then said, " Give me your opinion, Croesus, on 
this matter ; for, reflecting on your former happiness, I feel 
compassion for you, and permit you to have your wife whom 
you had before, as 11 as your daughters, (for I hear that 
you have daughters, )> /our friends, servants, and table that 
you used to keep; but, patties and wars I prohibit you." 27. 
"By Jupiter, then," said Croesus, "deliberate no longer as to 
answering me concerning my happiness, for I tell you at once 
that if you do these thipgs for me that you say you will, I 
shall now live in the enjoyment of that kind of life, which 
others have thought the happiest; and IcGngai «a in opinion 
with them." 28. Cyrus then asked, "^VkVis't' : ο 'that 'en- 
joys such a happy course of life V ""My own wife, Cyrus," 
said he ; "for she shared equally with me in all good, soothing, 
and agreeable things ; but in cares about the result of my 
present proceedings, and about wars and battles, she had no 
share. Thus, in my opinion, you provide for me as I pro- 



214 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VII. 

vided for her whom I loved most of all human beings ; so that 
I think I owe Apollo further tokens of gratitude." 29. Cyrus, 
hearing him speak thus, admired his good humour ; and ever 
after took him with him wherever he went, either from thinking 
that he was of service to him, or deeming it safest to do so. 
Thus then they went to rest. 



CHAPTER III. 



Cyrus, hearing of the death of Abradates, prepares a magnificent funeral 
for him. Panthea kills herself. Cyrus raises a noble monument to both 
of them. 

1. The next day Cyrus, calling together his friends and 
the officers of the army, directed some of them to receive the 
treasures, and others to select from amongst all the riches that 
Croesus should deliver up, first, such portions for the gods as 
the Magi should direct, and then to take the rest, and putting 
it into chests, place it on the waggons ; and so, distributing the 
waggons among them by lot, to carry it with them wherever 
they went, that, when opportunity served, they might receive 
each his due share. The officers acted accordingly. 

2. Cyrus, then, calling to some of his attendants that were at 
hand, " Tell me," said he, " has any one of you seen Abra- 
dates ? for I wonder that he, who used to come so often to us 
before, is now nowhere to be seen." 3. One of the attendants 
replied, " He is no longer alive, Ο king, but died in the battle 
as he was charging with his chariot upon the Egyptians. All 
the rest, they say, except his particular companions, turned 
aside, when they saw the dense mass of the Egyptians. 4. 
His wife is now said to have taken up his dead body, to have 
placed it in her own carriage in which she rode, and to have 
brought it hither to some place by the river Pactolus ; 5. and 
they state that her eunuchs and servants are digging a grave 
for the deceased upon a certain hill. They also say that his 
wife, after having decked him with such ornaments as she 
had, is sitting upon the ground with his head upon her knees." 
6. Cyrus, hearing this account, struck his thigh, sprung upon 
his horse immediately, and, taking with him a thousand cavalry, 
rode away to the scene of affliction. 7. He directed Gadatas 



CH. 3.] DEATH OF ABRADATES. 215 

and Gobryas, at the same time, to bring whatever ornaments 
they could, suitable for a deceased friend and man of worth, 
and to follow him ; and he ordered the officer, who had the 
charge of the cattle that followed the army, to drive both oxen 
and horses, and a large number of sheep, to the place where 
they should discover him to be, that they might be sacrificed 
in honour of Abradates. 

8. When he saw the woman sitting upon the ground, and 
the dead body lying by her, he shed tears at the afflicting sight, 
and said, " Alas ! thou brave and faithful soul ! hast thou 
then left us ? " At the same time, he took him by the right 
hand, and the hand of the deceased came away, for it had 
been cut off with a sword by the Egyptians. 9. He, at sight 
of this, was still more grieved ; while the woman uttered a 
shriek, and, taking the hand from Cyrus, kissed it, fitted it to 
its proper place again, as well as she could, and said, 10. 
" The rest of the body, Cyrus, is in the same condition ; but 
why should you see it ? And I know that he has met this 
fate, in no small degree, through my means, and perhaps not 
less, Cyrus, through yours ; for I, fool that I was ! exhorted 
him earnestly to act in such a manner that he might appear 
to you a friend worthy of esteem; and he himself, I know, 
never thought of what he should suffer, but what he could do 
to please you. He died, therefore," she added, " without re- 
proach, and I, who encouraged him, sit here alive!" 11. 
Cyrus wept for some time in silence, and then said, " He has 
died, Ο woman, a most honourable death, for he has died vic- 
torious ! You, receiving these ornaments from me, adorn him 
with them ; (Gobryas and Gadatas had now come up, bring- 
ing abundance of rich decorations ;) and," continued he, " be 
assured that he shall not want honour in other respects ; 
numbers of men shall raise him a monument worthy of us ; 
and such sacrifices shall be offered in his honour as are suit- 
able for a brave man. 12. You," added he, " shall not be left 
destitute, but I, for the sake of your modesty and every other 
virtue, will pay you honour in other ways, and will also 
place with you one who shall convey you wherever you 
please ; only make it known to me to whom you desire to be 
conveyed." 13. Panthea replied, " Be of good courage, Cy- 
rus ; I will not conceal from you to whom I desire to go." 
14. Having said this, he went away, feeling great pity for 



216 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VII. 

the woman, that she should have lost such a husband, and for 
the man, that he should have left such a wife, never to see her 
more. Panthea then desired her eunuchs to retire, " until," 
said she, " I have lamented my husband as I wish." Her 
nurse she requested to stay, and charged her, when_ she was 
dead, to wrap her and her husband in one garment. The 
nurse, after having repeatedly begged her not to act thus, but 
making no impression on her, and seeing that she was grow- 
ing angry, sat down weeping. Panthea, having before pro- 
vided herself with a sword, stabbed herself, and laying her 
head upon her husband's breast, died. The nurse uttered a 
lamentable cry, and covered them both as Panthea had di- 
rected. 

15. Cyrus, when he heard what the woman had done, was 
struck with grief, and hastened to see if he could be of any 
service. The eunuchs, three in number, as soon as they saw 
what had occurred, drew their swords and killed themselves, 
standing, at the time, where she had ordered them. 16. [The 
monument is said to have been formed of a mound extending 
to the place where the eunuchs fell ; upon the pillar above, 
they say, the names of the man and woman are inscribed in 
Assyrian characters ; below, they relate that there are three 
pillars, and that they are inscribed, Of the eunuchs.] l n. 
Cyrus, as he approached the scene of death, was struck with 
admiration of the woman, and went away, lamenting her fate. 
He attended, as was proper, to the dead, that they might re- 
ceive every honour; and the monument, as they say, was 
raised to a very great height. 

1 There is much doubt respecting the genuineness of the original 
of the passage in brackets ; perhaps it may be only out of place, and 
have been corrupted in transcription. I have translated σκηπτον- 
χων, " Of the Eunuchs," because the σκηπτονχοι, or wand-bearers, 
were eunuchs; and also because ευνούχων is the reading of some 
copies. " Σκηπτοΰχοι erant satellites, stipatores regis, spadones, qui 
prodeuntem comitabantur, equis vehentes, et pro sceptris et hastis 
turn jacula, ut videtur, gerentes." Fischer, ad vii. 3. 16. 



CH. 4.] AFFAIRS IN CARIA. 217 



CHAPTER XV. 

Adusius artfully puts an end to the disputes among the Carians. Hys- 
taspes subdues Phrygia Minor. Cyrus leaves Sardes, accompanied by 
Croesus; he subdues, on his march, the Phrygians, Cappadocians, and 
Arabians ; he directs his course towards Babylon. 

i. Soon after, the Carians, dividing into factions, and going 
to war with one another, both parties, as they had their abodes 
in places of strength, 1 called for the interference of Cyrus. 
Cyrus, still remaining at Sardes, prepared engines and batter- 
ing-rams to demolish the walls of those that should refuse to 
submit ; and sent Adusius, a Persian, a man not incompetent 
in other respects, or unskilled in war, and of very agreeable 
manners, into Caria, assigning him a body of troops ; 2. and the 
Cilicians and Cyprians very readily joined him in the expe- 
dition ; in consideration of which service he never sent a 
Persian as governor over the Cilicians or Cyprians, as their 
native princes satisfied him ; he, however, received tribute 
from them, and required them to furnish troops whenever he 
needed them. 3. Adusius, at the head of his force, advanced 
into Caria ; and deputies from both parties of the Carians 
came to him, ready to admit him into their fortresses to the 
detriment of their opponents. 

Adusius acted towards both parties in the following man- 
ner. With whichever side he conferred, he told them that 
they advanced more reasonable arguments than their adversa- 
ries, and that they must conceal from their antagonists that 
he and they had become friends, as he would thus be better 
able to surprise their adversaries unprepared. He thought it 
right that pledges of faith should be given, and that the Ca- 
rians should swear that they would admit him and his people 
into their fortresses without treachery, and for the benefit of Cy- 
rus and the Persians ; and that he himself should swear to enter 
their fortresses without treachery, and for the benefit of those 
that admitted him. 4. Having done this, he arranged with 
both parties, each without the knowledge of the other, to 
admit him the same night ; and, during that night, he hastily 

1 Their fortresses seem to have been nearly equal in strength ; so 
that neither party could get the better of the other. 



218 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VII. 

entered within their walls, and possessed himself of the forti- 
fications of both. When day came, he took a position between 
them, with his troops about him, and summoned the proper 
persons on both sides to attend ; who, when they saw each 
other, were indignant, thinking themselves deceived on both 
sides. 5. Adusius, however, addressed them to this effect: 
" I swore to you, men of Caria, that I would, without treach- 
ery, enter your fortifications, for the benefit of those that ad- 
mitted me ; if therefore I shall cut off either party, I shall 
think that I have effected this entrance to the damage of the 
Carians ; but if I establish peace between you, and security 
for both parties to cultivate their lands, I shall consider I am 
come for your benefit. From this day, therefore, it is for you 
to join in intercourse with each other in a friendly manner, 
to Cultivate your lands without fear, to give and receive each 
other's daughters in marriage ; and if any attempt, contrary 
to these regulations, to do wrong to others, Cyrus and we will 
be their enemies." 6. In consequence, the gates of the for- 
tresses were thrown open, the roads were filled with people 
going to meet one another, and the fields were covered with 
labourers ; they celebrated festivals in common, and all was 
full of peace and cheerfulness. 

7. At this time there came messengers from Cyrus, to in- 
quire whether he wanted either a reinforcement or engines. 
Adusius replied, "That he was at liberty to use even his 
present forces elsewhere." And, at the same time that he 
said this, he led the body of his troops away, leaving gar- 
risons in the fortresses. The Carians entreated him to stay, 
and, upon his refusal, they sent to Cyrus, requesting him 
to send Adusius to them as their governor. 

8. Cyrus, meanwhile, had sent Hystaspes away with an army 
to Phrygia on the Hellespont ; and, when Adusius arrived, he 
ordered him to follow with his army in the way that Hys- 
taspes was gone before, that the Phrygians anight more readily 
submit to Hystaspes, when they heard that there was another 
army marching towards them. 9. The Greeks, that dwelt upon 
the sea-coast, obtained, by making many presents, exemption 
from admitting the Barbarians within their walls, but engaged 
to pay a tribute, and serve in the field wherever Cyrus should 
command them. ίο. The king of Phrygia strengthened him- 
self, as intending to keep possession of his fortresses, and not 



CH. 4.] CYKUS QUITS SARDES. 219 

to submit, and sent word to that effect. But when the com- 
manders under him revolted from him, and he was altogether 
deserted, he at last surrendered to Hystaspes, on the under- 
standing that he should submit to the judgment of Cyrus. 
Hystaspes, leaving strong Persian garrisons in the forts, 
went away, and, together with his own men, carried off con- 
siderable numbers of the Phrygians, both cavalry and pel- 
tasts. 11. Cyrus sent orders to Adusius to join Hystaspes, 
and to bring with him such of the Phrygians as had taken 
his side, with their arms ; but from such as had shown an in- 
clination to fight, to take away both their horses and arms, 
and oblige them all to attend the army with slings. Adusius 
and Hystaspes acted according to his orders. 

12. Cyrus then set forward from Sardes, leaving there a 
numerous garrison of infantry, and taking with him Croesus, 
and a great many waggons loaded with abundance of valuable 
property of every kind. Croesus brought him an exact ac- 
count in writing of what was in each waggon, and, delivering 
the writings to Cyrus, said, "By having these, Cyrus," you 
will know who delivers correctly the things that he conveys, 
and who does not." 13. Cyrus said, "You have done well, 
Croesus, in taking this forethought ; however, those will con- 
vey the treasures for me, who are also worthy to possess 
them ; so that if they embezzle any of them, they will embezzle 
what belongs to themselves." As he spoke thus, he delivered 
the writings to his friends and officers, that they might know 
which of those who had charge of the property delivered it to 
them safe, and which of them did not. 14. He also took with 
him, under arms, such of the Lydians as he saw equipping 
themselves handsomely with arms, horses, and chariots, and 
using all their endeavours to do what they thought would 
please him ; but the horses of such as he saw follow him with 
dissatisfaction, he gave to the Persians that first took the 
field with him, and burned their arms ; and these also he 
obliged to attend the army with slings. 15. Indeed, all those 
that he disarmed, of the several nations that became subject 
to him, he obliged to practise the sling, regarding it as quite 
a servile weapon : for slingers, in conjunction with other 
forces, may sometimes be of very great use ; but an army 
consisting wholly of slingers would not, by themselves, with- 



220 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VII. 

stand a very small force coming upon them with weapons for 
close combat. • 

16. In his march to Babylon he subdued the Phrygians of 
Greater Phrygia ; he subdued also the Cappadocians, and re- 
duced the Arabians to submission. Out of all these he made 
up not less than forty thousand Persian horsemen ; l and 
many of the horses, that belonged to the prisoners, he dis- 
tributed amongst the body of his allies. He arrived at Baby- 
lon, with a vast number of cavalry, a vast number of archers 
and javelin-men, and of slingers a countless multitude. 



CHAPTER T. 

Cyrus draws iiis army round the city of Babylon, but, after seeing the 
strength of the place, retires. He then forms broad and deep trenches, 
as if with a view to a siege ; at length, by drawing off the water of the 
Euphrates into the trenches, he surprises the Babylonians while sunk in 
revelry and sleep. Arrangement of affairs in the city. Cyrus artfully 
signifies to his friends that he ought but seldom to show himself in public. 
Speech of Artabazus on this point, showing how Cyrus had for a long 
time past been occupied. Cyrus's views supported by Chrysantas. Cyrus 
chooses a body-guard of eunuchs, and appoints officers of the palace and 
a garrison for the city. His speech to his friends on the general discipline 
to be instituted. 

i. When Cyrus reached Babylon, he ranged his whole 
army round the city, and then rode round it himself, with his 
friends, and the principal men of the allies. 2. When he had 
taken a view of the walls, he prepared to draw oif the army 
from before the city ; and a deserter coming off, told him, that 
they intended to fall upon him when he was leading the army 
away. " For, as they surveyed it from the walls," said he, 
" your line appeared to them to be but weak." Nor was it 
strange that such was the case ; for, as his men encompassed 
a great extent of wall, his line was, of necessity, of little 
depth. 3. Cyrus, having heard this, took his. stand in the 
centre of his army, with those that were about him, and gave 
orders that the heavy-armed men, drawing back their line 

1 ΎΙίρσών ιππέας.] That is, horsemen armed after the Persian 
manner. 



CH. 5.] CYRUS SURROUNDS BABYLON. 221 

from each extremity, 1 should move towards that part of the 
army that stood still, till each wing came over against him- 
self and the centre. 4. As they made this movement, those 
who kept their place felt more confidence, from being of double 
depth ; and those that changed their place felt more confidence 
likewise, for they that stood were of course next to the 
enemy. When, moving thus from each wing, they had united 
the extremities, they stood their ground with much more 
firmness ; those who had altered their position by reason of 
those in front, and those in front by reason of those who had 
come up behind them ; 5. and as the line was thus drawn 
back, the best soldiers were necessarily in the front and rear, 
while the worst were ranged in the middle. 2 A disposition of 
this kind seemed to be well adapted both for fighting and to 
prevent flight ; and the horse and light-armed men from the 
wings came up always so much nearer the commander-in- 
chief, as the line became less extended by being doubled in 
depth. 6. When they were thus collected together, they re- 
treated, as long as weapons could reach them from the wails, 
with their face toward the enemy ; but when they were out 
of the reach of the weapons, they wheeled about, and moving 
forward at first but a few steps, wheeled again to the left, and 
halted facing the walls ; and the farther they drew off, the 
less frequently they faced about ; and when they thought 
themselves safe, they marched off without stopping till they 
reached their tents. 

7. When they had encamped, Cyrus summoned to him the 
principal officers, and said, " Friends and allies, we have taken 
a view of the city round about, and I am unable to see how 
any enemy can take walls of such strength and height by 
assault. But the greater the number of men in the city is, 

1 See Anab. i. 10. 9. Άναπτύσσειν must doubtless be interpreted 
in the same way in both passages ; part of the men were drawn back 
from the wings, (from one only in the manoeuvres described in the 
Anabasis,) and ranged in the rear to deepen the line. Fischer 
observes that the line would be tripled in depth by the movements 
here described. 

2 We are to suppose, it would seem, that in the line of troops 
drawn round the city, the best men were posted in front. When 
the wings drew back, and passed behind the front, a portion of the 
best men would then be thrown into the rear; and from what 
Xenophon says here, we must conceive that they were sent rear- 
most of all, behind the inferior troops. 



222 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VII. 

so much the sooner, (since they do not come out to fight,) I 
conceive that they may be reduced by famine. Unless you 
have some other method to propose, therefore, I think that 
the people must be besieged and taken by that means." 8. 
Chrysantas then said, " Does not this river, that is above two 
stadia in breadth, run through the midst of the city ? " 
"Yes, indeed," said Gobryas, "and is of so great a depth, 
that two men, one standing upon the other, would not reach 
above the water ; so that the city is still better defended by 
the river than by its walls." 9. Cyrus then said, " Chry- 
santas, let us think no more of what is beyond our power ; l 
it must be our business, as soon as possible, to dig as broad 
and as deep a trench as we can, measuring out the proper 
portion for each division, so that we may want the fewer men 
to keep guard." 

ίο. Measuring out, accordingly, the ground around the 
wall, and leaving a space by the side of the river sufficient 
to hold large towers, he dug on each side of the wall a very 
deep trench, and the men threw up the earth towards them- 
selves. 2 li. He then, in the first place, built towers upon 
the bank of the river, laying their foundation with palm-trees 
not less than a hundred feet in length ; for there are some 
that grow even to a yet greater length ; and palm-trees 
that are pressed by a weight, bend up under it, 3 like asses 
used to carrying loads. 12. He placed these below, with this 
object, that he might make it appear, as much as possible, 
that he was preparing to blockade the city, and in order that, 
if the river forced its way into the ditch, it might not carry 
off the towers. He raised likewise a great many other towers 
upon the earth which was thrown up, that he might have as 
many places as possible for stationing men on guard. Thus the 
troops of Cyrus employed themselves. 13. But those who 
were on the walls laughed at this blockade, as being furnished 
with provisions for more than twenty years. Cyrus, hearing 

1 Let us make no attempt to ford the river. 

2 The men threw up the earth on that side of the' trench which 
was towards their own camp, not on that side which was towards 
the city. Fischer. 

3 This quality in the wood of the palm-tree is also mentioned by 
Theophrastus, Hist. Plant, v. 6; Pliny, H. N. xvi. 81 ; Strabo, xiv. 
p. 1063; Plutarch, S- P. viii. probl. 4; Aulus Gellius, iii. 6; John 
of Salisbury, Polycrat. v. p. 270. Schneider. 



CH. Ο.] THE EUPHRATES DRAINED. 223 

this, divided his army into twelve parts, as if he intended that 
each part should keep guard one month in the year. 14. 
When the Babylonians heard this, they laughed yet more 
than before; reflecting that Phrygians, Lydians, Arabians, 
and Cappadocians were to keep guard over them, men who 
were better affected to them than to the Persians. 

15. The trenches were now dug; and Cyrus, when he 
heard that there was a festival in Babylon, in which all the 
Babylonians drank and revelled the whole night, took, during 
the time of it, a number of men with him, and, as soon as it 
was dark, opened the trenches on the side towards the 
river. 16. When this was done, the water ran off in the night 
into the trenches, and the bed of the river through the city 
allowed men to walk along it. 17. When the river was thus 
prepared, Cyrus gave orders to the Persian captains of thou- 
sands, of infantry and cavalry, to attend him, each with his 
thousand drawn up two abreast, and the rest of the allies to 
follow in the rear, ranged as they used to be before, is. 
They accordingly came ; and he, causing those that attended 
his person, both foot and horse, to go down into the dry chan- 
nel of the river, ordered them to try whether the bed of the 
river was passable. 19. When they reported that it was pass- 
able, he called together the officers both of infantry and 
cavalry, and spoke to them as follows : 

20. " The river, my friends, has yielded us a passage into 
the city ; and let us boldly enter, fearing nothing within, but 
considering that these people, on whom we are now going to 
fall, are the same that we defeated when they had allies with 
them, and were all awake, sober, armed, and in order. 21. 
We shall now fall upon them at a time when many of them 
are asleep, many intoxicated, and all in confusion ; and when 
they discover that we are in the city, they will, by reason of 
their consternation, be yet more unfit for service than they 
are now. 22. Bat if any one apprehend, (what is said to be 
terrible to those that enter a city,) lest, mounting to the tops 
of their houses, they throw down missiles upon us from every 
side, be quite at ease as to this point ; for, if any of them 
climb upon the houses, we have the god Vulcan to fight on 
our side ; their porches are easily set on fire, their doors are 
made of the palm tree, and anointed over with bitumen, a 
most combustible material. 23. We have torches in abund- 



224 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VII. 

ance, that will presently take fire ; we have plenty of pitch 
and tow, that will soon raise a strong flame ; so that the peo- 
ple must, of necessity, flee from their houses at once, or at 
once be burnt. 24. Come then ; take your arms, and, with 
the help of the gods, I will lead you on. You, Gobryas and 
Gadatas," added he, " show us the ways ; for you are ac- 
quainted with them, and, when we are in, conduct us by the 
readiest approach to the palace." 25. " Indeed," said they 
that were with Gobryas, " it would not be at all wonderful 
if the doors of the palace were open, for the whole city seems 
to-night to be in a revel ; but we shall meet with a guard in 
front of the gates, for there is always one placed there." " We 
must not then be remiss," said Cyrus, " bat march, that we 
surprise them as little prepared as possible." 

28. As soon as these words were spoken, they went for- 
ward ; and, of those that met them, some were struck down 
and killed, some fled, and some raised a shout. They that 
were with Gobryas joined in the shout with them, as if they 
were revellers themselves, and, marching on the* shortest way 
that they could, arrived at the palace. 27. Those who at- 
tended Gadatas and Gobryas, found the doors of the palace 
shut ; those who were appointed to attack the guards, fell upon 
them, as they were drinking at a large fire, and dealt with 
them as with enemies. 28. As a great clamour and noise en- 
sued, those who were within heard the tumult, and as the 
king ordered them to see what was the matter, some of them 
threw open the gates and rushed out. 29. Those who were 
with Gadatas, as soon as they saw the gates unclosed, burst 
in, and, pursuing those who fled, and dealing blows amongst 
them, came up to the king, and found him in a standing pos- 
ture with his sword drawn. 30. The party of Gadatas and 
Gobryas, being numerous, mastered him ; those who were 
with him were killed, one holding up something before him, 
another fleeing, and another defending himself in whatever 
way he could. 31. Cyrus sent troops of horse through the 
streets, bidding them kill those that they found abroad, and 
ordering some, who understood the Assyrian language, to tell 
those who were in the houses to remain within, and to say 
that, if any were found abroad, they would be killed. 32. 
These directions they obeyed. Gadatas and Gobryas now 
came up, who first paid their adoration to the gods, because 



CH. 5.] ARRANGEMENTS AT BABYLON. 225 

they had taken revenge upon their impious king, and then 
kissed the hands and feet of Cyrus, shedding many tears in 
the midst of their joy and satisfaction. 

33. When day came, and they that held the towers of the 
city perceived that the place was taken and the king dead, 
they gave up the towers. 34. Cyrus immediately took pos- 
session of them, and sent commanders, with garrisons, into 
them. He gave up the dead to their relatives to bury, and 
ordered heralds to make proclamation, that all the Babylonians 
should bring out their arms, and gave notice, at the same time, 
that in whatever house any arms should be found, all the peo- 
ple in it should be put to death. They accordingly brought 
out their arms, and Cyrus had them deposited in the towers, 
that they might be ready, if he should ever want to use them. 

35. When these matters had been settled, he first sum- 
moned the Magi, and directed them to select the first-fruits of 
the spoil for the gods, with certain portions of ground for 
sacred use, as from a city taken by the sword. He next dis- 
tributed houses and palaces to those whom he regarded as 
sharers with him in what had been performed. He made the 
assignments in the manner that had been determined, 1 the best 
things to the most deserving ; and if any thought that they 
had less than they merited, he desired then! to come and state 
their case to him. 36. He gave notice to the Babylonians 
to cultivate their land, to pay their tribute, and to serve those 
under whom they were placed. The Persians, who shared 
with him in everything, and such of the allies as chose to re- 
main with him, he ordered to communicate with those whom 
they took under them as masters. 

37. Soon after, Cyrus, desiring now to make such arrange- 
ments for himself as he thought becoming a king, resolved to 
effect his object with the concurrence of his friends ; his inten- 
tion being to appear in public rarely and with dignity, yet so 
as to incur as little unpopularity as possible. He took his 
measures, therefore, in the following manner. Taking his 
station, in the morning, in some place which he thought 
eligible, he received any one that wished to speak with him, 
and, after giving him his answer, dismissed him. 38. The 
people, as soon as they knew that he would receive* them, re- 
sorted to the place in unmanageable multitudes, and there was 
1 See ii. 3. 16. 

VOL. II. Q 



226 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VII. 

a great strife and contention among them as they struggled to 
effect an approach ; while the attendants, making distinctions as 
well as they could, let them in. 39. When any of his friends, 
having pushed their way through the crowd, appeared before 
him, Cyrus, holding out his hand, drew them to him, and 
spoke to them thus : " Wait here, my friends, till we have de- 
spatched the crowd, and then we will confer at leisure." His 
friends accordingly waited, and the crowd flocked in more 
and more, till the evening came before he was at leisure to 
speak to his friends. 40. Cyrus then said, " Now, my friends, 
it is time to separate ; come again to-morrow morning, for I 
wish to have some conversation with you." His friends, 
hearing this, hurried off with great satisfaction, having long 
suffered from all the wants of nature. Thus then they went 
to rest. 

41. The next day Cyrus attended at the same place ; and a 
much greater multitude of people, that were desirous to ap- 
proach him, stood round about, attending much earlier than 
his friends. Cyrus, therefore, forming a large circle of Persian 
spear-men, bid them let none pass but his friends, and the 
generals of the Persians and allies. 42. When these were 
met, he spoke to them to this effect : 

" Friends and allies, we have nothing that we can lay to 
the charge of the gods, as not having hitherto effected what- 
ever we wished. But if the performance of great actions 
be attended with such consequences, that a person cannot 
obtain a little leisure for himself, or enjoy the company of his 
friends, I bid farewell to such good fortune. 43. You ob- 
served," continued he, "yesterday, that, beginning in the 
morning to give audience to those that came, we did not make 
an end before the evening; and now you see those and 
others, more numerous than those who attended yesterday, are 
here ready to give us trouble. 44. If I submit myself, therefore, 
to these calls, I imagine that a very small part of me will fall 
to your share, arid a very small part of you to mine ; and of 
myself I know very well that I shall have no share at all. 
Besides," added he, " there is another ridiculous thing that I 
observe. 45. I stand affected to you as it is natural that I 
should ; tut, of those that stand here around, I know one or 
two, or, perhaps, none ; and these men range themselves in 
such a manner, as if they expected that if they can but get 



CH. 5.] HOW CYRUS STUDIED HIS DIGNITY. 227 

the better of you by pushing, they will obtain what they de- 
sire from me sooner than you will. But I should think it 
right that such persons, if any of them want anything of me, 
should make their court to you that are my friends, and ask 
for an introduction. 46. Somebody, however, may ask, per- 
haps, ' Why I did not arrange matters thus from the begin- 
ning, but devoted myself in common to all?' I answer, 
Because I knew that the affairs of war are of such a na- 
ture, that a commander ought not to be the last to know 
what is proper to be known, or to execute what occasion 
may require ; and I believed that such commanders, as were 
seldom to be seen, omitted many things that ought to be 
done. 47. But, since this most laborious war has now 
ceased, my own mind seems to me to require some rest. 
As I am at a loss, therefore, what to do, that our own affairs 
and those of others, of whom we ought to take care, may be 
regulated in the best manner, let some one recommend to us 
what he thinks most advantageous." 

48. Thus spoke Cyrus ; and Artabazus, he who had once 
said that he was his relation, 1 rose up after him and said, 
" You have done well, Cyrus, in entering on this subject ; for, 
while you were yet very young, I conceived an earnest desire 
to become your friend, but seeing that you were not at all in 
want of me, I felt great reluctance to seek your notice. 49. 
But when you happened once to want me, to convey promptly 
the orders of Cyaxares to the Medes, I conceived that, if I 
performed this service for you with zeal, I should become 
your intimate friend, and have liberty to converse with you 
as long as I pleased. 50. The service was indeed executed in 
such a way that you gave me your commendation. But soon 
after the Hyrcanians (first of all) became our friends, when 
indeed we were much in want of supporters ; so that, in our 
love for them, we almost carried them about in our arms. 
Afterwards, when the enemy's camp was taken, you had no 
leisure, I imagine, to concern yourself about me ; and I ex- 
cused you. 5i. Soon after, Gobryas became your friend, and 
I was rejoiced that it was so; then Gadatas also; and it now 
became a downright labour to gain any share of your atten- 
tion. When again the Sacians and Cadusians became your 

1 i. 4. 27. 
q 2 



228 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VII. 

allies, it was justly your part to make much of them, for they 
had made much of you. 52. When we came back again to 
the place from whence we set out, I, seeing you occupied with 
your horses, your chariots, and your machines, thought that, 
when you were at leisure from all that business, you would 
" then have leisure to attend to me. But when the terrible 
news came that all mankind were assembling against us, I 
supposed that this would be the decisive struggle; and, if 
things succeeded well, I thought myself sure that there would 
be abundance of opportunity for enjoying each other's com- 
pany. 53. We have now fought the important battle, and 
conquered; we have Sardes and Croesus in our power; we 
have taken Babylon ; and have borne down all before us ; and 
yet, by Mithras, yesterday, had not I made my way with my 
fist through the multitude, I had not been able to come near 
you ; and, when you had taken me by the hand, and bid 
me stay by you, I then stood to be gazed at, for passing the 
whole day with you without either meat or drink. 54. Now, 
therefore, if any means can be found, that we, who have de- 
served best of you, may have the greatest share of your com- 
pany, it is well ; if not, I would wish, again to give orders 
from you that all should depart, excepting us, that have been 
your friends from the beginning." 

55. At this speech Cyrus and many others laughed ; and 
Chry santas, the Persian, stood up and spoke thus : " Hitherto, 
Cyrus, you very properly presented yourself openly to all, 
both for the reasons which you have yourself expressed, and 
because we were not the people that you were chiefly to 
court ; for we attended for our own sakes ; but your business 
was, by every method, to gain the multitude, that they 
might, with all possible satisfaction, be ready to undergo la- 
bours, and meet dangers with us. 56. But, since you are now 
not only in circumstances to effect this object, but are able to 
acquire other friends for whom you may have occasion, it is 
fit that you have a house yourself; or what enjoyment could 
you have in empire, if you were the only person destitute of a 
home, than which there is no place more sacred, more agree- 
able, or more dear to men ? Besides," added he, " do you 
not think that we should be ashamed to see you enduring 
hardships abroad, while we ourselves should be in houses, and 



CH. 5.] HIS CHOICE OF MINISTERS. 229 

appear to have the advantage of you ?" 57. When Chry- 
santas had expressed this opinion, many more concurred with 
him in it. 

Cyrus accordingly entered upon the possession of the palace, 
and those who had brought the treasures from Sardes deliver- 
ed them up to him there. When Cyrus went in, he first 
sacrificed to the goddess Vesta, then to Jupiter the king, and 
to whatever other deity the Magi directed. 

58. Having completed these proceedings, he now began to 
regulate other affairs ; and reflecting what his object was, 
and that he was taking upon him the government of great 
multitudes of men ; that he was preparing to fix his abode in 
the greatest city of all that were of note in the world, and 
that this city was as hostile to him as any city could be 
to a man, he, taking these things into his consideration, 
thought himself in want of a guard for his person ; 59. and 
well knowing that men are at no time so easy to be attacked 
as while they are eating, or drinking, or bathing, or upon 
their bed, or asleep, he reflected with himself what sort of 
people he could have about him, who might be best trusted 
on such occasions ; and he came to the conclusion, that 
no man could ever be trusted, who should love another more 
than the person that wanted his protection. 60. Such men, 
therefore, as had sons or wives, that were agreeable to them, 
or youths that were objects of their affection, he deemed to be 
under a natural necessity of loving them best ; but observing 
that eunuchs were destitute of all these ties, he thought 
that they would have the greatest affection for those that were 
able to enrich them the most, to vindicate them if they were 
wronged, and to bestow honours upon them ; and he thought 
that no one could exceed himself in showing them kindness. 
61. In addition to these considerations, eunuchs, being objects 
of contempt to other men, are, for this reason, in want of a 
master to protect them; for there would be no man that 
would not think himself entitled to take advantage of a 
eunuch in everything, unless some superior power were to 
prevent him ; but nothing hinders even a eunuch from being 
superior to all in fidelity to his master. 62. What most peo- 
ple are inclined to think, that eunuchs are destitute of all 
vigour, did not appear to him to be the case, and he formed 
his opinion from other animals ; for vicious horses, when they 



230 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VII. 

are castrated, give over biting, indeed, and being spiteful, but 
are not at all the less fit for service in war ; bulls, that are 
castrated, lose their fiery spirit and unruliness, but are not 
deprived of their strength and fitness for labour ; dogs, like- 
wise, when castrated, cease to desert their masters, but are 
not at all less fitted for watching and the chase ; 63. and men, 
also, by being deprived of this desire, become more gentle, 
but are not less careful of things that are given them in 
charge, or at all worse horsemen, or less able to throw the 
javelin, or less desirous of honour; 64. for they have shown, 
both in war and in hunting, that they still retain emulation in 
their minds. Of fidelity, on the fall of their masters, they 
have given the strongest proofs ; for none have shown greater 
instances of attachment under the misfortunes of their masters 
than eunuchs. 65. And if they be thought to lose something 
in bodily strength, arms are able to make the weak equal to 
the strong in the field of battle. Having adopted these opi- 
nions, he made all the attendants about his person, from the 
door-keepers upwards, eunuchs. 

66. But, thinking that this was not a sufficient guard against 
the multitude of people that were disaffected towards him, he 
considered whom he should take from among all the rest, to 
form the most faithful guard for him around the palace. 67. 
Knowing, therefore, that the Persians, while at home, were 
those that led the hardest of lives by reason of their poverty, 
and lived by the severest labour on account of the ruggedness 
of their country, and the necessity of working with their own 
hands, he thought that these would be the most pleased with 
that sort of life that they would lead with him. 6-8. He 
selected from among them, therefore, ten thousand spear-men, 
who were to keep guard, night and day, round about the 
palace, when he was at home ; and, when he went abroad, 
were to be his attendants, ranged in military order on each 
side of him. 69. Thinking it necessary, too, that there should 
be a guard sufficient for the whole city of Babylon, whether 
he were present or absent, he established a strong garrison in 
Babylon, and obliged the Babylonians to furnish pay for it, 
wishing them to be as poor as possible, that they might be 
most humble and most easily managed. 70. These guards, 
that were then established about his own person and in Baby- 
lon, are maintained on the same footing to the present day. 



OH. 5.] ENCOURAGEMENT TO EXERTION. 2&1 

Taking into his consideration, also, how his whole domi- 
nion might be maintained, and more added to it, he judged 
that these mercenaries 1 were not so much braver than the 
people subjected, as they were fewer in number, 2 and deter- 
mined, accordingly, that he ought to retain those brave men, 
who had, with the assistance of the gods, secured him victory, 
and to take care that they should not grow remiss in the exercise 
of valour. 71. But that he might not seem to lay this as an 
obligation on them, but that they themselves, deeming such a 
course of conduct to be the best, might persevere in what was 
honourable, and cultivate it, he called together the Equals-in- 
honour, and all the superior officers, and. such as appeared to 
him most worthy to share in his toils and gains ; and, when 
they were met, he addressed them to this effect : 

72. " My friends and allies, the greatest thanks are due to 
the gods, for having granted us to attain those things of which 
we thought ourselves worthy ; for we are now masters of a 
large and valuable country, and of people who will maintain 
us by its cultivation. 73. We have houses, and furniture in 
them ; and let none of you imagine that, in possessing these 
things, he possesses what belongs to another ; for it is a per- 
petual law amongst all men, that, when a city is taken from 
an enemy, both the persons and property of the inhabitants 
belong to the captors. You will not, therefore, possess what 
you have, unjustly; but, whatever you suffer the people to 
retain, it will be from benevolence that you do not take it away. 
74. As to the time to come, my conviction is, that if we resign 
ourselves to indolence, and to the luxury of the vicious, who 
think labour to be the greatest misery, and to live without 
labour to be pleasure, we shall soon become of little value 
to ourselves, and shall soon lose all our advantages. 75. 
For to have been once brave is not sufficient for continu- 
ing to be so, unless a man constantly keep that object in view. 
As other arts, when neglected, become of less worth ; and as 
bodies in good condition, when we abandon them to inac- 
tivity, again become unhealthy ; so prudence, temperance, and 

1 Those mentioned in the preceding section. 

2 Cyrus saw that the soldiers of the garrison, however brave and 
trustworthy they might be, were yet so far out-numbered by the 
people in the city, that they could not put them down, if they raised 
a rebellion. Fischer. 



2|2 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VII. 

courage, when a man ceases to cultivate them, turn thence- 
forth again to vice. 76. We ought not, therefore, to be remiss, nor 
to give ourselves up to present pleasure ; for I think it a great 
thing to acquire dominion, but a yet greater to preserve it 
after having acquired it. For to acquire has often happened 
to him who has displayed nothing but boldness ; but to pre- 
serve, after having acquired, is not effected without prudence, 
or without self-control, or without much care ; 77. and, know- 
ing that such is the case, it behoves us to practise virtue much 
more now, than before we made these valuable acquisitions ; 
being well assured, that, when a man has most in his posses- 
sion, most people are then ready to envy him, to form designs 
against him, and to become his enemies ; especially if he hold 
possessions and service, as we do at present, from men against 
their wills. The gods, we ought to believe, will be with us ; 
for we do not possess these dominions unjustly, from having 
formed iniquitous designs upon them, but, from having had 
designs formed against ourselves, have taken revenge. 78. 
But we must secure for ourselves what is next best after this ; 
which is, to think ourselves worthy to rule only by being 
better than those under our rule. In heat, therefore, and in 
cold, in meat and drink, in labours and sleep, we must, of 
necessity, allow our dependants a share ; but, while we give 
them a share, we should first endeavour to appear their supe- 
riors in them. 1 79. In the knowledge and practice of military 
affairs, however, we must not allow any share at all to such 
as we wish to have as labourers and tributaries ; but in exer- 
cises of this kind, we must preserve the ascendency, feeling 
convinced that the gods have set these things before men, as 
the means of liberty and happiness. And as we have taken 
arms from others, so ought we never to be without arms our- 
selves; well knowing, that to those who have always their 
arms nearest at hand, what they desire is most at command. 

so. "If any one think thus within himself, 'What ad- 
vantage is it to us to have effected what we desired, if we 
must still bear hunger and thirst, labour and. application V 
he ought to learn, that good things give a man so much the 
more delight, as he has exerted the more labour beforehand to 
attain them ; for labour gives a relish to all good things ; and 

1 That is, we must endeavour to prove ourselves superior in en- 
during heat, cold, labour, and abstinence from meat, drink, and sleep. 



CH. 5.] NECESSITY OF PERSEVERANCE. 233 

without desire in a person to obtain a thing, there is nothing 
that can be acquired at such expense as to be pleasant to him. 
81. If some divinity has assisted us in providing for ourselves 
those things that men most desire, and each individual of us 
will so order these things for himself as that they may appear 
most pleasant, he will, by acting thus, have so far the advan- 
tage of those who are less supplied with necessaries, that he 
will secure the most agreeable food when he is hungry, enjoy 
the most agreeable drink when he is thirsty, and, when he 
wants rest, experience the most agreeable sleep. 82. For 
these reasons, I say, we must now be intent on acting as 
brave men, that we may enjoy our advantages in the best and 
most agreeable manner, and that we may not experience the 
most grievous of all things ; for it is not so distressing not to 
have acquired advantages, as it is painful to be deprived of 
them after having acquired them. 83. Consider, too, what 
pretence we can have to desire to be less meritorious than be- 
fore. Is it because we hold dominion ? But it does not be- 
come a prince to be a worse character than those who are 
under his command. Or is it because we seem to be more pros- 
perous now than before ? But will any man say that vice is an 
ornament to prosperity ? Or is it that, since we have gotten 
slaves, we shall punish them if they are vicious ? But how 
does it become him that is himself vicious to punish others for 
vice and sloth ? 84. Consider further, that we are preparing 
to maintain numbers of men, as guards to our houses and 
persons ; and how would it be otherwise than disgraceful to 
us, if we should think it becomes us to secure safety by means 
of others acting as guards, and should not act the part of 
guards to ourselves ? You ought to be well assured, indeed, 
that there is no other guard so secure as for each of us to be hon- 
ourable and brave. This persuasion must keep you company ; 
for, with him who is destitute of virtue, nothing can go well. 
85. How then do I say that you should act ? where practise 
virtue, and where apply to the exercise of it ? I have nothing 
new, my friends, to tell you ; but as, among the Persians, the 
Equals-in-honour pass their time about the courts, so, I say, 
it is our part, being all honoured here, to practise the same 
things that are practised there ; and it behoves you, keeping 
your eyes upon me as you attend here, to observe if I con- 
tinue studious of the things of which I ought to be studious ; 



234 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VIII. 

while I shall keep my eyes intent upon you, and such as I 
see practising what is good and excellent, I shall reward. 86. 
Our children, also, to whomsoever of us any shall be born, we 
may instruct here ; for we ourselves shall be better men by 
being desirous to show ourselves as the best possible examples 
to our children ; and our children will not easily become 
vicious, even though they incline to be so, when they neither 
see nor hear anything unbecoming, but pass their whole time 
in honourable and virtuous pursuits." 



BOOK VIII. 



CHAPTER I. 

Chrysantas expresses his assent to the propositions of Cyrus, and recom- 
mends that all respect and honour should be paid him. Duties of the 
palace appointed by Cyrus. His regulations for the frequent attendance 
of the noblemen at court. He excites others to a virtuous life by his ex- 
ample. He promotes the exercise of hunting. He encourages splendour. 
He prohibits slaves from the use of arms, and all liberal culture. His 
power of attaching all classes of people to himself, and rendering them 
his friends. 

i. Thus said Cyrus. After him Chrysantas rose, and 
spoke as follows : " I have frequently observed, my friends, 
at other times, that a good ruler differs in no respect from a 
good father ; for fathers take thought for their children, in 
order that what is for their advantage may never be wanting 
to them ; and Cyrus seems to me to recommend to us, on the 
present occasion, a course of conduct by which we may con- 
tinue to enjoy the greatest happiness. But what he appears 
to me to have stated less fully than was necessary, I will en- 
deavour to explain to those who are not aware, of it ; 2. for 
consider what city belonging to an enemy can possibly be 
taken by men who are not obedient to command ; or what 
friendly city can be preserved by men who are not obedient ; 
or what army, consisting of disobedient soldiers, can obtain 
victory ; or how can men be sooner defeated in battle, than 



CH. 1.] ATTENDANCE AT THE PALACE. 235 

when they begin separately to consult each for his own safety ; 
or what other important object can be accomplished by such 
as do not submit to the direction of their superiors. What 
cities can be governed according to laws ? What families can 
be preserved ? 2. How do ships arrive at the place to which 
they are bound ? By what other means have we obtained the 
advantages that we possess, more than by being obedient to 
our commander ? By observing this duty, we have reached, 
by night and by day, the places to which we had to march ; 
by following our commander in compact order, we have been 
irresistible; and of whatever has been commanded us, we 
have left nothing half- finished. If obedience to command 
therefore be of the greatest importance in order to the accom- 
plishment of excellent objects, be assured that it is also of the 
greatest importance for preserving what is necessary for us to 
preserve. 4. Hitherto most of us have had the command of 
none, but have been subject to the command of others ; but 
now, all of you that are here present, are placed in such a 
condition that you have command, some over more, some over 
fewer. As you shall think it right, therefore, to rule those 
that are under you, so let us submit to those to whom it be- 
comes us to submit. We ought so far to distinguish ourselves 
from slaves, that slaves do service to their masters against 
their wills ; while it behoves us, if we desire to be free,, to 
perform willingly what appears to be of the highest import- 
ance. And you will find," added he, " that even where a 
people are governed without a monarchy, that state which is 
most willing to obey its rulers, is always least liable to the 
necessity of submitting to its enemies. 5. Let us, therefore, 
attend at the palace as Cyrus directs ; let us practise those 
things by which we may be best enabled to preserve what we 
ought to preserve ; and let us submit ourselves to Cyrus, to 
employ us in whatever service he may think proper ; for we 
ought to be well assured, that Cyrus can find nothing in which 
he will employ us for his own advantage, and not for ours, 
since the same things are profitable for us both, and we have 
both the same enemies." 

6. When Chrysantas had spoken thus, many others, both of 
the Persians and allies, rose up to speak to the same effect ; 
and it was determined, that the men of quality should attend, 
from time to time, at Cyrus's door, and offer themselves for 



236 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VIII. 

his service, in whatever way he might think fit, till he him- 
self should dismiss them ; and as it was then determined, so 
also the people in Asia, that are under the king, continue to 
do to the present day, attending at the doors of their princes. 
7. And as it has been shown in this book how Cyrus estab- 
lished things, in order to secure dominion to himself and the 
Persians, so the kings who have succeeded him, continue to 
observe the same institutions to the present time. 8. But it 
is the same with these regulations as with others ; when there 
is a better governor, the rules are observed more strictly, and 
when there is a worse, more negligently. The men of quality, 
therefore, attended at the gates of Cyrus with their horses 
and lances, as had been agreed by the chief of those who had 
assisted him in the overthrow of the Assyrian empire. 

9. Cyrus next appointed different officers to attend to dif- 
ferent affairs. He had his receivers of the revenues, his pay- 
masters, his overseers of works, keepers of his treasures, 
and persons to provide whatever was proper for his table. 
He appointed, as masters of his horses and dogs, such as he 
thought would maintain those animals in the best condition for 
his use. io. But as to those whom he thought fit to make 
joint guardians of his power, he himself took care, that they 
should be the most eligible persons possible, and did not assign 
the care of the selection to others, but considered it as peculi- 
arly his own business. He knew that if ever he should have 
to fight a battle, it was from these that he must choose his 
staff and supporters, with whom the greatest dangers must be 
faced ; he knew that from these he must appoint commanders 
of his infantry and cavalry ; and if he should require generals 
to serve where he himself was not present, he knew that it 
was out of these they must be sent, n. Some of them he 
knew that he must employ as guardians and satraps of cities 
and whole nations ; and some of them must be sent as ambas- 
sadors, an office which he thought of the greatest consequence 
for obtaining what he might desire without war. 12. If 
those, therefore, by whom the most important and most numer- 
ous affairs were to be conducted, should not be such as they 
ought to be, he thought that matters would go ill with him ; 
but if they should be such as they ought to be, he expected 
that all would go well. 

With such sentiments, he took this care upon him, and con- 



CH. 1.] ASSIGNMENT OF DUTIES. 237 

sidered that the same exercise of virtue was to be observed by 
himself ; for he thought it impossible for a man who was not 
himself such as he should be, to incite others to honourable 
and virtuous actions. 13. As he made these reflections, he 
thought that leisure, in the first place, was necessary, if he 
would have it in his power to attend to affairs of the highest 
importance. He indeed thought he must not be negligent of 
his revenues ; foreseeing that, in a great government, he must 
of necessity be at great expense ; but, on the other hand, as 
his possessions were very great, he saw that to be always 
himself occupied about them would leave him no leisure to 
attend to the safety of the whole. 

14. Meditating, accordingly, how the economy of his empire 
might be properly arranged, and he, at the same time, might 
have leisure, he began to reflect on the order of an army. For 
as the captains of ten, in most matters, have the command of 
their several decads ; the captains of twenty-five of the cap- 
tains of ten ; the captains of a thousand of the captains of 
twenty-five ; l and the captains of ten thousand of the cap- 
tains of thousands ; so that no one is left without superin- 
tendence, even if the army consists of very many myriads of 
men ; and when the general wishes to employ the army on any 
service, it is sufficient if he gives his orders to the command- 
ers of ten thousand; 15. as these affairs, therefore, were re- 
gulated, Cyrus accordingly arranged under certain heads his 
civil affairs ; so that he was enabled, by speaking with a few 
persons only, to keep every department of his affairs under 
superintendence ; and he had consequently more leisure than 
another man, who had charge but of a single house or a single 
ship. Having thus arranged his own business, he taught 
those about him to adopt the same method. 

16. In this manner he secured leisure both for himself and 
his ministers ; and he then began to study that the partici- 
pators of his cares should be such as they ought to be. In the 
first place, whoever were able to subsist by the labour of 
others, and did not attend at his gate, he inquired for themj 
believing that such as attended would not do anything base or 

1 Bornemann supposes that the taxiarchs, or centurions, are here 
omitted, perhaps by the negligence of a transcriber, and that the 
passage may have originally stood thus : λοχαγοί δε δεχαδάρχων, 
ταξίαρχοι δε λοχαγών, χιλίαρχοι δε ταξιάρχων, μνρ'ιαρχοι δε χιλίαρχων. 



238 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VIII. 

dishonourable, both by reason that they would be near their 
prince, and that, whatever they did, they would be observed 
by the most respectable men. Such as did not attend, he 
suspected of absenting themselves, either to indulge in some 
vicious passion, some unjust practices, or neglect of duties. 
17. We shall first, therefore, state how he obliged such men 
to attend. He would desire one of those about him, that were 
his chief friends, to take possession of what belonged to the 
person that did not attend, declaring that he was taking pos- 
session of his own property. When this was done, they that 
were dispossessed would immediately come to complain to 
him, as persons that had been wronged, is. Cyrus, for a 
long while, would not be at leisure to give such men a hear- 
ing ; and, when he had heard them, would defer the decision 
of the matter for a long while. By acting thus, he expected 
to accustom them to pay their court to him, incurring, at the 
same time, less ill-will from them, than if he had himself 
forced them to attend, by inflicting punishments upon them. 
19. This was one of his modes of instruction to make men at- 
tend upon him. Another was, to give those {hat attended 
such commissions as were most easy and most profitable. 
Another was, never to allow the absent a share in any ad- 
vantage. 20. But his chief method of compulsion was, if a 
man was regardless of any other, to take from him what he 
had, and to give it to another that he thought would make it 
his business to attend on proper occasions. Thus he gained a 
useful friend, instead of a useless one ; and the present king 
still makes inquiry if any one of those be absent whose duty 
it is to attend. 

21. In this manner did he conduct himself to those who did 
not attend upon him : but those who afforded him their ser- 
vices he thought that he should best excite to honourable and 
virtuous actions, if, as he deemed himself rightfully their 
prince, he should endeavour to prove himself to those whom 
he governed the most accomplished of all men in virtue ; 22. for 
he felt convinced, indeed, that men were rendered better by 
written laws ; but a good prince, he considered, was to men 
a living law, because he was able both to direct, to ob- 
serve, and to punish, any one that misconducted himself. 

23. Such being his judgment, he showed himself, in the 
first place, most anxious to discharge his duties to the gods, 



CH. 1.] PIETY AND SELF-RESPECT OF CYRUS. 239 

at the time when he was in the greatest prosperity ; and it was 
then that the Magi were first established under him ; ! and he 
used to sing a hymn to the gods always at break of day, and 
to sacrifice every day to such deities as the Magi directed. 
24. The regulations that were thus instituted at that time are 
continued under the kings, as they succeed to the throne from 
time to time, to the present day. In these respects, accord- 
ingly, the other Persians were the first to follow his example, 
trusting that they should be the more fortunate, if they wor- 
shipped the gods as he did, who was the most fortunate of all, 
and their prince ; and they thought that, by acting thus, they 
should please Cyrus. 25. But Cyrus accounted the piety of 
those about him an advantage to himself; feeling like those 
who choose to undertake a voyage in company with men of 
piety, rather than with such as are thought to have been 
guilty of anything impious. He also considered, that, if all 
his associates were religious, they would be the less likely to 
commit any impiety towards each other, or towards him, 
who deemed himself the benefactor of such as shared his 
power. 26. By manifesting, too, that he esteemed it of great 
importance to do no injury to any friend or ally, but to adhere 
strictly to justice, he thought that others would abstain the 
more from dishonourable gains, and would take care to acquire 
property only by just means. 27. He was of opinion, more- 
over, that he should the better inspire other men with a sense 
of propriety, if he himself should appear to pay so great a 
respect to all, as never to say or do anything unbecoming. 28. 
He conjectured that such would be the case from the follow- 
ing consideration, that in regard not only to a prince, but even 
to such persons as men do not fear, they pay more. respect to 
those that observe decency than to the shameless ; and that to 
women, whom they see respect themselves, they more readily 
pay respect in turn. 29. He thought also that a disposition 

1 Hitherto, during his expedition, Cyrus had consulted the priests 
either of the Persians or Medes, but he now received into his newly 
settled empire, and into his palace, the Magi who had been priests 
of the Medes. See Heeren, Ideen, vol. i. p. i. p. 455, seqq. Borne- 
mann. Instead of the imperfects νμνιι and ίθυε, Fischer reads in 
the infinitive νμνεΊν and θνειν, giving the sense that " the Magi were 
appointed to sing," &c. Hutchinson, and many of the older editors, 
have the infinitives ; but all the modern editors have adopted the 
imperfects. 



240 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VIII. 

to obedience would be the more firmly established in those 
about him, if he were seen to bestow greater rewards upon 
such as obeyed him without hesitation, than upon such as 
seemed to display the greatest and most laborious virtues. 30. 
In this opinion, and in this practice, he always continued ; and 
by showing modesty in his own conduct, he caused every one 
else to practise it the more readily ; for when men see one, that 
has it most in his power to behave with insolence, conducting 
himself with modesty, those even of inferior rank are the more 
solicitous not to be seen doing anything insolent. 31. He 
distinguished shame and natural modesty in this manner ; 
that those who felt shame, avoided what was unbecoming 
while they were under observation, but that the naturally 
modest avoided it even in secret. 32. He thought, likewise, 
that a command of the passions would be best practised, if he 
showed that he himself was not drawn away by present plea- 
sures from the pursuit of what was right, and that he pre- 
ferred labouring for a noble end before all delights. 33. 
Observing, therefore, such conduct himself, he established 
extreme good order among the inferior officers at his gates, 
(who readily submitted to their superiors,) and produced in 
them great respect and politeness of demeanour one towards 
another. You would not see any one there in anger, break- 
ing out into loud clamour, or expressing pleasure with insult- 
ing laughter ; but, as you looked on them, you would have 
thought that they lived in reality only with a view to the at- 
tainment of honour. 34. In the practice and contemplation 
of such things they passed their days at the doors of Cyrus. 

In order to inure them to exercises suitable for military 
men, he led out all those to hunt who, he thought, ought to 
take that exercise ; considering this indisputably the best pre- 
paration for warlike employments, as well as the most efficient 
exercise in the art of riding ; 35. for it renders men, more than 
any other exercise, able to sit firm on horseback, in all sorts 
of ground, through pursuing the wild beasts in their flight ; 
and it makes them, more than any other exercise, capable of 
acting on horseback, from their eagerness to gain com- 
mendation in it, and desire of taking their game. 36. By 
this exercise he effectually accustomed his associates to be 
able to bear a restraint upon themselves, as well as toi), 
cold, heat, hunger, and thirst ; and the king that now 



CH. 1.] HIS NOTIONS OF GOVERNMENT. 241 

reigns, together with those about him, continue still the same 
practice. 

37. It is evident, therefore, from all that has been said, that 
he thought no one had any business with government, who 
was not himself better than those whom he governed ; and 
that by thus exercising those about him, he inured himself, 
most of all, to self-command, and to military arts and exercises ; 
38. for he led out others to hunt, when there was no necessity 
for him to stay at home ; and, when there was such neces- 
sity, he used to hunt the beasts that were maintained in his 
parks. He never took his dinner till he had well exercised 
himself, nor did he ever allow food to be thrown to his horses 
before they were exercised ; and he invited also the eunuchs 
with him to these hunting-matches. 39. He himself, therefore, 
greatly excelled in all noble attainments, as did also those who 
were about him, by reason of their constant exercise. Such 
an example did he show himself to others ; and, besides, whom- 
soever he saw the most zealous in the pursuit of what was 
honourable, he rewarded them with presents, with commands, 
with the principal seats, and with all kinds of honours ; so 
that he raised great emulation in all, to strive that each might 
appear to Cyrus most worthy of distinction. 

40. We believe that we have also observed in the character 
of Cyrus, that he thought that princes ought not to differ from 
those under their dominion, merely in being more accom- 
plished than they, but that they ought even to impose upon 
them. He at least chose to wear the Median dress himself, 
and persuaded his associates to wear it ; for, if a man had any 
defect in his person, this dress seemed to him adapted to con- 
ceal it, and to make the wearers appear extremely handsome 
and tall; 41. for the Medes have a sort of shoe, into which 
they may easily and secretly fit something under their feet, so 
as to seem taller than they really are. He allowed them also 
to colour their eyes, that they might appear to have finer eyes 
than they really had, and to paint themselves, that they might 
appear of better complexions than they naturally were. 42. 
He made it his care, likewise, that they should not be seen 
spitting, or blowing the nose, or turning aside to gaze at any- 
thing ; as if they were men that admired nothing. All these 
things, he thought, tended in some degree to make them less 
likely to lose respect in the eyes of those under their authority. 



242 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b.-VIII. 

43. Such as he thought worthy to govern, he, of himself, 
trained in this manner, both by exercise, and by presiding 
over them with dignity. But those whom he trained for 
servitude, he never incited to practise any liberal pursuit, or 
allowed them to possess arms, but took care that they should 
never go without their meat and drink for the sake of such 
liberal exercises ; 44. for when, with the cavalry, they were to 
drive out the wild beasts into the plains, he ordered food to 
be carried to the chase for their use, 1 but not for any of the 
well-born. When he was on a march, he led them to water 
like beasts of burden, and when the time for dinner came, he 
used to wait till they had eaten something, that they might 
not suffer from excessive hunger. 2 So that this class of people, 
as well as the nobles, called him their father, for taking care 
that, beyond all doubt, they should always continue slaves. 3 

45. He thus secured stability for the whole Persian em- 
pire ; and he felt very confident that he himself was, in no 
danger of suffering any harm from the conquered, 4 for he 
thought them spiritless, and saw that they were destitute of 
all order ; and, besides, none of them ever came near him by 
night or clay. 46. But such as he observed to be of the better 
class, he saw armed and united ; some of them he knew to be 
captains of horse, some of foot, and many of them he found 
to be possessed of such abilities as to be competent to govern ; 
these associated much with his own guards, and many of 
them were frequently in company with himself, (for it was 
necessary that it should be so, if he were to make any use of 
them,) and from this sort of persons there was danger in the 
greatest degree that he might suffer harm in many ways. 47. 
Meditating, therefore, how he might enjoy security also from 
these, he did not approve of taking away their arms and 
rendering them unfit for war, both deeming it unjust, and be- 
lieving it would tend to a dissolution of his empire ; but, on 
the other hand,, not to admit them to his presence, and to ap- 
pear openly distrustful of them, he thought likely to prove the 

1 It would have been foreign to the policy of Cyrus to have 
taught the servile class to endure privations equally with those of 
higher rank. 

2 Βον\ιμιψεν.~] See Anab. iv. 5. 7. 

3 An ironical observation of Xenophon. Lange. 

4 That is, those of the lower class, as appears from what follows. 



CH. 2.] HIS LIBERALITY. 243 

commencement of an insurrection. 48. Instead of any of these 
expedients, there was one that he thought to be most for his 
security, and most honourable of all, which was, to try if he 
could make the nobles more friendly to himself than to one 
another. By what means, then, he appears to me to have 
come to be loved, I will endeavour to relate. 



CHAPTER II. 



Cyras's attention and liberality to his friends. His conversation with 
Croesus on this subject. His institution of physicians, His encouragement 
of games and contests for prizes. 

l. In the first place, he displayed, on all occasions, as much 
as he could, a humanity of feeling ; reflecting that, as it is 
not easy for men to love those who seem to hate them, or to 
bear good- will to the ill-intentioned, so those that were known 
to love and bear good-will, could not be hated by such as 
thought themselves beloved by them. 2. Whilst, therefore, he 
had not so much power l to bestow benefits in money, he en- 
deavoured to gain friendship by taking forethought for those 
about him, by appearing pleased at their successes, and con- 
cerned at their misfortunes ; but when he had the means of 
gratifying his friends with presents, he seems to me to have 
been well aware that there is no kindness interchanged by 
men with one another, at the same expense, more acceptable 
than that of sharing meat and drink with them. 

3. Being of this opinion, he first appointed, with regard to his 
table, that of whatever dishes he ate, a number of dishes similar 
to these, sufficient for several persons, should always be set 
before him ; and all that was placed on the table, except what 
himself and his guests consumed, he distributed to those of 
his friends of whom he wished to testify remembrance or 
love. He sent portions also to those with whose conduct he 
happened to be pleased, whether on guard, in attendance on 
himself, or in whatever other employments ; thus signifying, 
that those who were desirous to please him, could not escape 
his notice. 4. He paid the same honour from his table to his 

1 Before he had made his great conquests of Sardis and Babylon. 

ε 2 



244 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VIII. 

own domestics, when he was inclined to praise any one of 
them ; and he had all the food of his domestics placed upon 
his own table, thinking that this practice would inspire them, 
like dogs, with a certain attachment to him. If he wished any- 
one of his friends to be courted by many people, he sent him 
presents from his table ; for, even to this day, all pay greater 
court to those to whom they see presents sent from the king's 
table, regarding them as men in great honour, and capable of 
effecting for them whatever they may want. Nor is it on 
these accounts only, that have been mentioned, that the things 
sent from the king are pleasing, but dishes that come from the 
king's table are in reality superior in flavour ; 5. and it is not at 
all wonderful that such is the case ; for as other arts, in great 
cities, are brought to a high degree of excellence, so the meats 
on the king's table are dressed in the best possible manner. 
In small towns, the same man makes a couch, a door, a 
plough, and a table ; and frequently the same person is a 
builder too, and is very well content if he can thus find cus- 
tomers enough to maintain him ; and it is impossible for a 
man who works at many things to do them all well ; but, in 
great cities, because there are numbers that want each parti- 
cular thing, one art alone suffices for the maintenance of each 
individual ; and frequently indeed, not an entire art, but one 
man makes shoes for men, and another for women ; some- 
times it happens, that one gets a maintenance merely by 
stitching shoes, another by cutting them out, another by cut- 
ting out upper-leathers 1 only, and another by doing none of 
these things, but simply putting together the pieces. He, 
therefore, that is employed in a work of the smallest compass, 
must, of necessity, do it best. 6. Matters relating to the table 
are in the very same case ; for he that has the same man to 
spread the couches, to set out the table, to knead the dough, to 
dress sometimes one dish, and sometimes another, must neces- 

1 χιτώνας.'] The word χιτώνες, applied to the shoemaker's art, 
means " the upper and under leathers " of shoes. At least Aristotle 
calls " the upper leather of a shoe " χιτώνα υποδήματος, as Casau- 
bon has observed, ad Trebell. Poll. p. 210, Par. Fischer. The pass- 
age of Aristotle, in which χιτών is used with reference to a shoe, is 
Rhet ii. 19. 10. Zeune and Bornemann, however, think that 
χιτών is here used by Xenophon in its usual sense, for "a coat," 
but it seems decidedly better to understand the whole passage as 
having reference to shoemakers only. 



CH. 2.] THE KING'S EYES AND EARS. 245 

sarily, I think, fare in each particular as it may happen ; but 
where there is employment enough for one man to boil meat, 
for another to roast it, for one to boil fish, for another to broil 
it, and for another to make bread, (and that not of every sort 
either, but it is enough for him to furnish one sort good,) each 
man, in my opinion, must of necessity bring the things that 
are thus made to very great perfection. Cyrus therefore, by 
such means, greatly exceeded all other people in making pre- 
sents of dishes from his table. 

7. How he excelled in attaching men to him by every other 
means, I will now proceed to relate. As he far exceeded 
other men in the greatness of his revenues, he exceeded them 
still more in the multitude of his presents. Cyrus, therefore, 
began this custom ; and the practice of making abundance of 
presents continues, to this day, among the Persian kings. 8. 
Who is known to have richer friends than the king of Persia ? 
Who is known to adorn those about him with finer habits 
than that monarch ? Whose presents are known to be like 
some of those bestowed by this king, bracelets, collars, and 
horses with bits of gold? for no one there is allowed to 
possess such things but he to whom the king gives them. 9. 
What other man can be said to make himself preferred before 
brothers, before fathers, before children, by the greatness of 
his presents ? What other man has such power to chastise 
his enemies, that are distant from him many months' journey, 
as the Persian king has ? What other man but Cyrus, after 
having overturned an empire, ever died with the title of 
Father from the people whom he had brought under his 
power ? For it is plain that this is a name for one that be- 
stows rather than for one that takes away. 

ίο. We understand, too, that he gained those men that are 
called the eyes and the ears of the king, by no other means, 
than by bestowing presents and honours upon them ; for, by 
being very bountiful to such as told him what was proper for 
him to know, he caused numbers of people to watch both 
with ears and eyes, to find something to report by which 
they might gratify the king. ll. The eyes of the king were 
accordingly thought very numerous, and his ears equally 
numerous. But if any one thinks that one person only should 
be chosen by the king as his eye, he judges erroneously ; for 
one man would see but few things, and one man would hear 



246 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VIII. 

but few ; and, if such charge were given to one only, it would 
be as if others were ordered to neglect it ; besides, whom- 
soever people knew to be this eye, they would be aware that 
they must be on their guard against him. But such is not 
the case ; for the king gives audience to every one that says 
he has heard or seen anything worth his attention. 12. Thus 
the ears and eyes of the king appear to be very many ; 
and people are everywhere afraid of saying anything offensive 
to the king, just as if he himself could hear them ; and of 
doing anything offensive, just as if he himself were present. 
Not only, therefore, did no one dare to say anything unfavour- 
able of Cyrus to anybody, but every one felt as if he was 
always amidst the eyes and ears of the king perpetually at- 
tending him. 

For this disposition of men towards him, I know not what 
cause we can better assign, than that he desired to bestow 
great benefits in return for small ones. 13. Nor is it to be 
wondered at, that he, who was the richest of all, should ex- 
ceed all in the greatness of his presents ; but that one holding 
royal dignity should exceed others in service and attention to 
his friends, is more worthy of record. He is said to have been 
evidently ashamed of nothing so much as of being outdone 
in serving his friends, 14. and a saying of his is recorded, 
signifying, " That the business of a good herdsman and that 
of a good king were similar; for a herdsman," he said, 
"ought to keep the herd in happiness, such as the happiness 
of cattle can be, while using them, and that a king ought, in 
like manner, to make cities and men happy, while making use 
of them." It is no wonder, therefore, if such were his senti- 
ments, that he had an ambition to surpass all other people in 
doing service to men. 

15. Cyrus is said to have given the following excellent 
lesson to Croesus, on a certain occasion when Croesus suggest- 
ed to him that, by making so many presents, he would become 
poor, while it was in his power to lay up at home vast trea- 
sures of gold for the use of himself individually. It is said 
that Cyrus then asked him, " What sums do you think I 
should now have in my possession, if I had been hoarding up 
gold, as you bid me, ever since I have been in power ?" 16. 
That Croesus, in reply, named some large sum ; and that Cy- 
rus rejoined, " Well, Croesus, send, with Hystaspes here, some 



CH. 2.] CONVERSATION WITH CRCESUS. 247 

person in whom you have full confidence ; and you, Hys- 
taspes," added he, " go round among my friends, tell them that 
I am in want of money for a certain object, (and, in reality, I 
am in want of some,) and bid them supply me with as much 
as they respectively can, writing down the sum, sealing up 
the writing, and giving it to Croesus's officer to bring to me." 
17. Then, writing down what he had said, and sealing it, he 
gave it to Hystaspes to carry to his friends, adding in the 
letter to them all, " That they should receive Hystaspes as his 
friend." After he had gone round, and Croesus's officer 
brought the letters, Hystaspes said, " Ο Cyrus, my king, you 
must now treat me as a rich man, for I come to you with 
many gifts in consequence of your letter." 18. "This, then," 
said Cyrus, "is one treasury for me, 1 Croesus; but look over 
the others, and count up what money is ready for me, if I 
want to use it." Croesus, upon calculation, is said to have 
found many times the sum that he told Cyrus he might now 
have had in his treasury, if he had hoarded. 19. Such being 
plainly the case, Cyrus is reported to have said, 

" You see, Croesus, that I have my treasures too ; but you 
bid me hoard them up in my own possession, to be envied and 
hated for them, and to set hired guards over them, and trust 
in them ; but by making my friends rich, I consider them as 
my treasures, and as guards both to myself and to all things of 
value that belong to us, and more trust- worthy ones than if I 
were to appoint a guard of hirelings. 20. I will also tell you 
another thing ; I am not able to get the better of that passion 
which the gods have put into the minds of men, and thus 
made them all equally poor, but am, like other men, insatiably 
desirous of wealth ; 21. 1 seem, however, to differ from most men 
in this respect ; that they, when they have acquired more goods 
than are sufficient for them, bury some of them in the ground, 
allow some to go to decay, and take great trouble about other 
portions, counting, measuring, weighing, airing, and watch- 
ing them, and yet, though they have so many things in their 
houses, they neither eat more than they are able to bear, for 
they would then burst, nor put on more clothes than they can 
bear, for they would then be suffocated, but have all their super- 
fluous riches only as so much trouble ; 22. whereas, I serve the 
1 Meaning Hystaspes. 



248 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VIII. 

gods, and am very desirous of getting more; but, when I 
have got it, whatever I find to be more than suffices me, I 
satisfy the wants of my friends with it, and, by enriching and 
benefiting other men with it, I gain their good-will and their 
friendship, from which I enjoy security and glory, things that 
do not decay, and do not injure by over-abundance ; but 
glory, the more of it there is, the greater and more noble is it, 
and the lighter to bear, and it often makes those that bear it 
lighter. 23. That you may be convinced of this, Croesus," 
said he, " I do not consider those who possess most, and keep 
guard over most, to be the happiest men ; for then guards 
upon the walls would be the happiest of all men, since they 
have the custody of all that there is in whole cities ; but I count 
him the happiest man, who acquires the most with strict re- 
gard to justice, and who uses the most with honour." Such 
maxims he evidently practised, in conformity with his words. 

24. Having, besides, observed that most men, if they enjoy 
uninterrupted health, take care to have everything in accord- 
ance with it, and lay up what is adapted for the course of life 
of men in health, while he saw that they were by no means 
solicitous how they should have necessaries if they fell sick, 
he thought proper to provide himself with such matters also, 
and collected round him, through willingness to bear the ex- 
pense, the very best physicians ; and whatever instruments, 
medicines, meats, or drinks, any one of them told him would 
be of use, there was not one of them that he did not provide 
for himself, and treasure up. 25. And when any of those, of 
whom it was proper for him to take care, fell ill, he went to 
see them, and furnished them with whatever they wanted ; 
and was thankful to the physicians whenever they wrought a 
cure on any one, and took the things with which they effected 
it from his store. 1 26. These and many other such methods 
did he contrive, in order to gain the principal place in the 
affections of those by whom he desired to be beloved. 

The things, also, in which he appointed games, and offered 
prizes, from a desire to raise an emulation in men with regard 
to noble and beneficial objects, gained Cyrus the applause of 
being solicitous that what was honourable should be kept in 

1 'Οπότε τις ίάσαιτό τίνα τοϊς παρ* εκείνου λαμβάνων.] For τοις 
παρ' εκείνου, λαμβάνων αυτά. Ρορρο, 



CH. 3.] SACRIFICIAL PROCESSION. 249 

practice. These games indeed created among the nobles a 
mutual strife and emulation ; 27. and besides, Cyrus establish- 
ed as a law, that in whatever required adjudication, whether 
it were a matter of right, or a dispute relating to games, the 
parties requiring such decision should have joint recourse to 
certain judges ; and it is plain that both the parties at vari- 
ance would aim at obtaining such judges as were the best, and 
most friendly to them ; and that he who lost his cause would 
envy him that gained it, and hate the judges that did not pro- 
nounce in favour of himself; while he that gained his cause 
would attribute his success to the justice of it, so that he 
would consider he owed nobody any thanks. 28. Those, too, 
who wished to have the first place in the friendship of Cyrus, 
were, like others in cities, envious of each other, so that most 
of them rather wished one another out of the way, than sought 
to act in concert together for any good to each other. These 
things make it evident by what means he made all the emi- 
nent men more friendly towards himself than they were to- 
wards one another. 



CHAPTER III. 



Procession of Cyrus to sacrifice at the temples. The sacrifices followed by- 
equestrian games. Conversation on riches between Pheraulas and a poor 
Sacian, to whom Pheraulas gives all that he had, except what was just 
sufficient to procure him food and apparel. 

i. But we shall now relate how Cyrus, for the first time, 
marched in procession out of the palace ; for the majesty of 
this procession seems to me to have been one of those arts that 
made his government not to be despised. In the first place, 
then, before he commenced the procession, he summoned to 
him those, both of the Persians and his other allies, that held 
commands, and distributed to them Median robes ; and it was 
then that the Persians first put on the Median robe. After 
distributing these, he told them, that he intended to march in 
procession to those portions of ground that had been set apart 
for the gods, and to offer a sacrifice, accompanied by them. 
2. " Be present, therefore," said he, " at the gates, before the 
risng of the sun, dressed in these robes, and form yourselves 



250 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VIII. 

as Pheraulas the Persian shall give you directions from me ; 
and, when I lead the way, follow in the places assigned you. 
But if it shall appear to any of you that we may march in a 
better order than that in which we shall now go, let him in- 
form me as soon as we return, for we ought to dispose every- 
thing as may appear to you to be most becoming and eligible." 
3. When he had distributed the finest robes to the greatest 
men, he produced other Median robes ; for he had provided 
them in great numbers, and was sparing neither in purple 
habits, nor in those of a murrey colour, nor in scarlet, nor 
in dark red. Having distributed a certain number of these 
to each of the commanders, he bid them adorn their friends 
with them, " as I," said he, " adorn you." 4. One of those 
that were present then asked him, " But when will you, 
Cyrus, adorn yourself?" "Do I not appear to you," replied 
he, " already adorned in adorning you ? Certainly," added 
he, " if I am but able to serve my friends, whatever robe I 
wear, I shall appear graceful in it." 5. They accordingly 
went away, and, sending for their friends, adorned them with 
the robes. 

Cyrus, regarding Pheraulas, one of the inferior class of 
people, as a man of good understanding, a lover of beauty and 
order, and not negligent in trying to please him, (the same 
that had formerly spoken for every one being rewarded ac- 
cording to his desert,) sent for him, and consulted with him 
how he might make this procession most pleasing in the eyes of 
their friends, and most intimidating to such as were disaffected. 
6. And when, after consideration, they came to the same con- 
clusion, he ordered Pheraulas to take care that the procession 
should be made, the next morning, in the manner on which 
they had decided as most eligible. " I have directed every 
one," said he, " to obey you as to his place in the procession ; 
and that they may attend to your directions the more cheer- 
fully, take these coats," said he, " and carry them to the com- 
manders of the guards; give these riding cloaks 1 to the 

1 Κάσας.] In giving this word the sense of saga militum equestria, 
I follow Leunclavius, Sturz, Hutchinson, and Bornemann, the last 
of whom observes that this acceptation of the word is favoured by 
a passage of Agatharchides in Photius's Bibl. p. 445. Fischer, how- 
ever, and others, take it in the sense of stragula quibus equi inster- 
nwntur ) " housings for horses," Fischer being a good deal confirmed 



CH. 3.] ORDER OF THE PROCESSION. 251 

officers of the cavalry, and these other coats to the commanders 
of the chariots." 7. He accordingly took them and carried 
them off. When the commanding officers saw him, they said 
to him, " You are a great man, Pheraulas, since you are to 
order us what we must do." " Not only so, by Jupiter, as it 
appears," said Pheraulas, "but I am .to be a baggage-bearer 
too : at least I now bring you these two cloaks, one for your- 
self, the other for some one else ; but take which of them you 
please." 8. He that received the cloak in consequence forgot 
his envy, and immediately consulted him which he should 
take. Pheraulas, giving his opinion which was the best, 
added, "If ever you accuse me of having given you your 
choice, you shall find me, when I officiate again, a different 
sort of manager ;" l and, having made his distribution as he was 
ordered, he immediately gave his attention to the affairs of the 
procession, that everything might be arranged in the best 
manner. 

9. On the morrow, everything was fairly arranged before 
day-light ; there were rows of troops standing on each side of 
the way, as they yet stand at this day, wherever the king is to 
ride forth ; and within these rows none but men of high rank 
are allowed to come ; and there were men posted with scourges 
in their hands, who struck any that made a disturbance. There 
stood in front, before the gates, four thousand of the guards 
drawn up four deep ; and two thousand on each side of the 
gates. 10. The cavalry also were in attendance, having 
alighted from their horses, and with their hands passed 
through their robes, as they still pass them at this day when 
the king takes a view of them. The Persians stood on the 
right hand, and the other allies on the left hand side of the 
way. The chariots, in the same manner, stood half of them 
on each side. 1 1 . When the gates of the palace were thrown 
open, there were first led forth some very beautiful bulls, four 
abreast, consecrated to Jupiter, and such of the other gods as 
the Magi directed ; for the Persians think that they ought to 

in that notion by the epithet ίφιππίονς, which, he says, " will then 
have its proper signification." But surely ίφιππίονς may be under- 
stood of the rider sitting on the horse as well as of the horse itself. 

1 If Cyrus, on any other occasion, shall tell me to bring you 
garments, or any other presents, I will not again give you your 
choice. Fischer. 



252 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VIII. 

consult professional instructors in affairs relating to the gods 
more than in others. 12. Next to the bulls, there were horses 
led for a sacrifice to the sun. After these was led forth a 
chariot with white horses, with golden yokes on their necks, 1 
crowned, 2 and sacred to Jupiter ; and after this another 
chariot with white horses, crowned like the preceding. After 
this a third chariot was led forth, its horses adorned with 
scarlet coverings, and behind it followed men carrying fire 3 
upon a large altar. 13. After these Cyrus himself made his 
appearance in his chariot from the gates, with his tiara up- 
right on his head, 4 and a vest of a purple colour, half mixed 
with white, (this mixture of white none else is allowed to 
wear;) and having on his legs loose trousers of a scarlet 
colour, and a robe wholly purple. He had also a band about 
his turban ; and his relatives had likewise this mark of dis- 
tinction, and retain it to this day. 14. His hands he kept out 
of their coverings. 5 With him rode his driver, a tall man, but 
shorter than himself, whether in reality, or from whatever 
cause, but Cyrus certainly appeared much the taller. All the 
people, on seeing him, paid adoration, either from some hav- 
ing been before appointed to begin it, or from being struck 
with the pomp, and thinking that Cyrus appeared exceedingly 
tall and handsome ; but no Persian ever paid Cyrus adoration 
before. 15. When the chariot of Cyrus advanced, the four 
thousand guards preceded it, and the two thousand 6 attended 
on each side of it. The wand-bearers 7 about his person fol- 

1 "Αρμα λενκον χρνσόζυγον.~] Currus, cujus equorum cervicibtcs juga 
aurea imposita sunt, Fischer. 

2 Έστεμμενον.~\ Crowned with the leaves of the oak or the olive- 
tree, for both were sacred to Jupiter. See Paschalius de Coronis, 
vii. 12. With what leaves the chariot of the sun was crowned, is 
not apparent. Fischer. 

3 The sacred fire, supposed to have fallen from heaven. See 
Ammianus Marcell. xxiii. 6 ; Q. Curtius, iii. 3. 9. 

* Cyrus seems to have been the first that wore the upright tiara, 
which was afterwards a distinction of royalty. See note on Anab. 
ii. 5. 23. Rectam capite tiaram gerens : id solis datum regibus. Sen. de 
Benef. vi. 31. "See Brisson. i. 46; Gronov. ad Herod, p. 119, 
Wess. ; Reland. Diss. viii. p. 282 ; Gataker, Advers. posth. c. 24, p. 
691 ; vv. dd. ad Anac. lv. 3." Fischer. 

5 Έξω των χειρίΰων.'] Out of the sleeves of his robe. Compare 
sect. 10. In ch. 8, sect. 9, the word χεφις has another signification. 

β Those mentioned in sect. 9. 

7 See note on vii. 3. 16. 



CH. 3.] EXCELLENT MANAGEMENT OF CYRUS. 253 

lowed on horseback, splendidly equipped, with javelins in 
their hands, to the number of about three hundred. 16. Next 
were led the horses kept for Cyrus himself, with bits of gold, 
covered with striped cloths, in number about two hundred. 
Next to these marched two thousand spear-men ; next to these 
the first-formed 1 body of horse, ten thousand in number, 
ranged in a square of a hundred on each side ; and Chrysantas 
had the command of them. 17. Next to these another body 
of ten thousand Persian horse, ranged in like manner, and of 
these Hystaspes had the command. Next to these another 
body of ten thousand, drawn up in the same manner ; these 
Datamas led. Next to these followed another body of cavalry, 
whom Gadatas commanded. 18. After these marched the 
Median cavalry ; after these the Armenian ; then the Hyr- 
canian ; then the Caducian ; then the Sacian. Behind the 
cavalry went the chariots, ranged four abreast; and Arta- 
bates, a Persian, had the command of them. 

19. As he marched along, abundance of people, outside of 
the lines of soldiers, 2 attended him, petitioning Cyrus about 
different matters. Sending to them, therefore, some of the 
wand-bearers who attended him, three on each side of his 
chariot, for the very purpose of delivering messages, he bid 
them tell them, " That if any of them wanted anything of 
him, they should make known to some of the cavalry officers 
what they required, and they," he said, " would communicate 
it to him." They immediately drew back, and went to the 
horsemen, and consulted to which of them they should sever- 
ally apply. 20. But Cyrus, sending to those of his friends to 
whom he wished the greatest court to be paid by the public, 
called them severally to him, and said to them, " If any of 
those that follow by my side communicate anything to you, 
give no attention to any one that appears to you to say nothing 
of importance, but whoever seems to desire what is just, give 
me information of it, that we may consult together, and settle 
his business for him." 21. Others, when he called them, 

1 Ot πρώτου γενόμενοι.] Those that were first organized. See iv. 
5. 55 ; vii. 4. 14. 

2 *£ξω τών σημείων.] These σημεία are the same as the στοίχοι^ or 
ranks of soldiers, which Xenophon has previously said were ranged 
on each side of the road along which Cyrus was to go, and within 
which none of the common people were to pass. Fischer, 



254 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VIII. 

rode up with despatch, and obeyed, contributing to the sup- 
port of Cyrus's authority, and showing that they obeyed with 
promptitude ; but one Daipharnes, a man somewhat uncouth 
in his manners, thought that, if he did not obey hastily, he 
should appear more independent. 22. Cyrus accordingly per- 
ceiving this, sent one of the wand-bearers to him, before he came 
up and spoke to him, bidding him tell Daipharnes, that he had 
no more occasion for him ; and he never sent for him after- 
wards. 23. But as one who was called later, rode up to him 
sooner than he, Cyrus gave him one of the horses that fol- 
lowed in his train, and ordered one of the eunuchs to conduct 
the horse for him wherever he should direct. This appeared, to 
those that saw it, to be a very great honour ; and after this 
many more people paid their court to this man. 

24. When they came to the sacred enclosures, they sacrificed 
to Jupiter, and made a holocaust of the bulls ; then to the 
Sun, and made a holocaust of the horses ; then sacrificing cer- 
tain victims to the Earth, they did with them as the Magi 
directed. Afterwards they sacrificed to the heroes, the guar- 
dians of Syria. 

25. After this, the country thereabouts being very fine, he 
marked out a piece of ground of about five stadia, and told 
them, nation by nation, to put their horses to their speed. 
He himself rode with the Persians, and had greatly the superi- 
ority, for he had given great attention to horsemanship. Of 
the Medes, Artabates had the best ; for Cyrus had given him 
a horse ; of the Syrians, their commander ; of the Armenians, 
Tigranes ; of the Hyrcanians, the son of the commander 
of the horse ; of the Sacians, a private youth, with his horse, 
left the other horses behind by almost half the course. 

26. Cyrus is then said to have asked the young man, if he 
would accept of a kingdom in exchange for his horse ? and the 
young man is said to have replied, " I would not accept a 
kingdom for him, but I would consent to gain a worthy 
man's favour for him. ,, 27. " Come then," said Cyrus, " and 
I will show you where, if you throw even with your eyes 
shut, you will not miss a worthy man." " Show me then, by 
all means," said the Sacian, " for I shall throw with this clod," 
taking one up. 28. Cyrus then pointed to a place where a 
great many of his friends were collected, and the man, shut- 
ting his eyes, threw his clod, and hit Pheraulas who was 



CH. 3.] HONOUR DONE TO PHERAULAS. 255 

riding by ; for Pheraulas happened then to be despatched with 
some orders from Cyrus, and, when he was struck, did not 
even turn aside, but went forward upon the business with 
which he was commissioned. 29. The Saeian, on opening his 
eyes, asked whom he had hit. " None, by Jove," said Cyrus, 
" of those that are present." " But surely," rejoined the young 
man, " it was none of those that are absent." " Yes, indeed," 
said Cyrus, " you hit that man who is riding on at full speed 
yonder by the chariots." 30. " And how is it that he does 
not turn back?" said he. "It is some madman," replied 
Cyrus, " as it appears." The young man, hearing this, went 
off to see who it was, and found Pheraulas with his chin 
covered with dirt and blood, for the blood had gushed from his 
nose when he was struck. 31. When the young man came 
up with him, he asked him, " Whether he had received a 
blow?" Pheraulas answered, "Yes, as you see." "I make 
you a present, then," said the young man, " of this horse." 
Pheraulas asked, "For what?" When the Saeian gave him 
an account of the matter, and, in conclusion, added, " And I 
believe I have not failed to hit a worthy man," 32. Phe- 
raulas rejoined, " But if you had been wise, you would have 
given it to a richer man than I am ; but I now accept it, and 
beseech the gods, who have caused me to be hit by you, to 
grant that I may not make you repent of your present to me ; 
and now," added he, " mount my horse, and ride off upon 
him, and I will soon join you." Thus they separated. 

Amongst the Caducians, Rathonices had the superiority. 
33. Cyrus also put the chariots severally to their spe^d ; and 
to all the victors he gave oxen and cups, that they might 
sacrifice and feast. He himself took the ox that was his 
prize, but his share of the cups he gave to Pheraulas, because 
he thought that he had arranged the procession from the 
palace very happily. 

34. This mode of procession, then settled by Cyrus, con- 
tinues to be the king's procession to this day, except that the 
victims are omitted when he is not going to sacrifice. When 
these ceremonies were at an end, they returned again to the 
city, and those who had houses assigned them, quartered in 
the houses, and they that had not, in companies. 

35. Pheraulas, inviting the Saeian that presented him with 
the horse, not only entertained him with other things in abund- 



256 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VIII. 

ance, but, after they had supped, filled the cups that he had 
received from Cyrus, drank to him, and made him a present 
of them. 36. The Sacian, observing a great many fine cover- 
ings for couches, a great deal of fine furniture, and a large 
number of domestics, " Tell me," said he, " Pheraulas, were 
you one of the rich men when you were at home?" 37. 
"What sort of rich men 1 do you mean?" said Pheraulas: 
"I was one of those that lived directly by the work of their 
own hands ; for my father, maintaining me but poorly by his 
own labour, bred me up in the discipline of the boys ; but, 
when I became a youth, not being able to maintain me in 
idleness, he took me into the country, and ordered me to work. 
38. Here I maintained him in return, as long as he lived, 
digging and sowing, with my own hands, a little piece of land, 
not indeed an ungrateful one, but the most just in the world ; 
for the seed that it received it returned me handsomely and 
justly with interest, though not very great; yet sometimes, 
out of its generosity, it gave me back double of what it re- 
ceived. Thus I lived at home : but now Cyrus has given 
me all these things that you see." 39. The Sacian then said, 
" Happy are you, as well in other respects as in this, that, 
from being poor, you have become rich ! for I think that you 
must possess your riches with the more pleasure, as you have 
become rich after having earnestly longed for riches." 40. 
Pheraulas replied, "And do you think, Sacian, that I live 
with the more pleasure the more I possess? Do you not 
know," said he, " that I neither eat, nor drink, nor sleep, with 
a particle more pleasure now than when I was poor ? But, 
by having this abundance, I gaiu merely this, that I have to 
guard more, to distribute more to others, and to have the 
trouble of taking care of more ; 41. for a great many domes- 
tics now demand of me their food, their drink, and their 
clothes ; some are in want of physicians ; one comes and brings 
me sheep that have been torn by wolves, or oxen killed by 
falling over a precipice, or tells me of a distemper that has fall- 
en on the cattle : so that I seem to myself," said. Pheraulas, "in 
possessing abundance, to have more afflictions than I had before 
in possessing but little." 42. " But certainly," said the Sacian, 
"when all is well, you have, in seeing your numerous posses- 

1 For even the poor, who are content with their lot, may be called 
rich. Fischer. 



CH. 3.] GENEROSITY OF PHERAULAS. 257 

sions, many times more pleasure than I." Pheraulas replied, "It 
is not so pleasant, Sacian, to possess riches, as it is annoying 
to lose them ; and you will find that what I say is true ; for 
none of those that possess riches are forced to lose their rest 
by the pleasure attending them ; but of those that lose them, 
you will see none that are able to sleep for concern." 43. 
" No, by Jupiter," said the Sacian, " nor will you see any of 
those that are obtaining wealth able to sleep for pleasure." 
44. " You say the truth," said Pheraulas, " for if to possess 
riches were as pleasant as to obtain them, the rich would very 
much exceed the poor in happiness. But, Sacian," continued 
he, "it is obligatory on him that possesses abundance to ex- 
pend abundance, both on the gods, on his friends, and on 
strangers. Whoever, therefore, is greatly pleased with the 
possession of riches, w T ill, be assured, feel much annoyed at 
the expenditure of them." 45. " By Jupiter," said the Sa- . 
cian, " I am not one of those ; but I think it a happiness for 
a man having abundance to spend abundance." 46. " Why, 
then," said Pheraulas, " in the name of all the gods, do you 
not, this instant, become happy, and make me also happy? 
For take all these things, keep them, and use them as you 
please ; maintain me only as a stranger, or yet more sparingly 
than a stranger ; since it will be enough for me to share with 
you in what you have." " You jest," said the Sacian. 47. 
Pheraulas asserted, with an oath, that he spoke seriously. 
" I will also obtain you, Sacian, something more 1 from Cyrus : 
namely, that you shall not attend at his doors, or go with him 
to the field, but that you shall stay at home in the midst of 
your riches. My present proposal I will carry into effect for 
your sake and my own ; and, if I gain any additional property 
by my attendance upon Cyrus, or by any military expedition, 
I will bring it to you, that you may still have the command of 
more ; only do you," said he, "free me from this care ; for, if I 
can but have leisure from these occupations, I think that you 
will be of service in many ways both to me and to Cyrus." 48. 
After thus conversing, they made an arrangement accordingly, 
and carried it into effect. The one thought himself made happy 
by having the command of great riches, and the other esteemed 

1 Something in addition to the oxen and cups which the Sacian 
had already received from Cyrus. Fisclier. 
vol. π. s 



258 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VIII. 

himself the most fortunate of all men, inasmuch as he should 
have a steward who would secure him leisure to do whatever 
was agreeable to him. 

49. The disposition of Pheraulas was very companionable, 
and nothing appeared to him so pleasing or profitable, to be- 
stow attention upon, as mankind ; for man, he thought, was 
of all creatures the best and most grateful ; because he saw 
that those who were commended by any one, readily gave 
commendation in return ; that they strove to do kindness to 
such as had done kindnesses to them ; that they were benevo- 
lently disposed towards those whom they knew to be benevo- 
lently disposed towards them ; that they could not hate those 
whom they knew to feel love for them ; and that they were 
much more inclined than any other creatures to pay a tribute 
of respect to their parents, both while living and after death. 
All other animals he regarded as more ungrateful and less 
mindful of kindnesses than man. so. Thus Pheraulas was 
greatly delighted, that, by being freed from the care of other 
possessions, he should be at liberty to attend to his friends ; and 
the Sacian was greatly delighted, because he was to have much 
and to spend much. The Sacian loved Pheraulas, because he 
was always bringing him something ; and Pheraulas loved the 
Sacian, because he was willing to take all ; and because, 
though he had the charge of more and more, he yet gave him 
no additional trouble. Thus did these two men live. 



CHAPTEK IV. 



Cyrus entertains his friends at a banquet ; the conversation that occurred 
at it. He arranges a marriage between Hystaspes and the daughter of 
Gobryas, and makes presents to the other guests. He sends home a part 
of the allies, and allows others to remain with him at Babylon •, his 
munificence to them all. His address to his friends and courtiers on 
riches. 

i. When Cyrus had sacrificed, and proceeded to give an 
entertainment in honour of his victory, he invited those of his 
friends, who appeared the most desirous to increase his author- 
ity,' and who paid him honour with the greatest cheerfulness. 
With them he invited Artabazus the Mede, Tigranes the Ar- 



CH. 4.] PRECEDENCE AT TABLE. 259 

menian, the commander of the Hyrcanian cavalry, and Go- 
bryas. 2. Gadatas was the chief of his eunuchs ; and all the 
arrangements within doors were made as he ordered. When 
there were any persons supping with him, Gadatas did not 
sit down, but attended ; but when they were alone, he supped 
with him ; for he was pleased with his conversation ; and, in 
return, Gadatas was honoured with many valuable presents, 
both by Cyrus himself, and by others upon Cyrus's account. 

3. When those who were invited to supper came, he did 
not make every one sit down where he chanced to be, but the 
man that he most esteemed he placed upon his left hand, as 
if this side were more exposed to treacherous designs than the 
right. The next in his esteem he placed upon the right hand ; 
the third again upon his left, and the fourth upon his right ; 
and, if there were more, he proceeded in the same manner. 
4. He thought it right that it should be shown how far he 
esteemed every one ; because, where men think that he who 
excels others will neither have his praises published, nor 
receive rewards, it is plain that they feel no emulation with 
respect to each other ; but where he that excels is seen to 
have some advantage, there all appear to contend with the ut- 
most zeal. 5. Thus Cyrus made those known that were 
highest in his esteem ; beginning first with their place, as 
they sat or stood by him. Yet this appointed place of sitting 
he did not make perpetual, but made it a rule, that a man 
might advance, by honourable conduct, to a more honourable 
seat ; or, if he grew negligent of his duties, might sink down 
to a less honourable. Cyrus also felt ashamed if he who had 
the principal seat, did not appear to have received the greatest 
number of valuable things at his hand. These practices, 
that were established in the time of Cyrus, we find constantly 
observed to the present day. 

6. When they were at supper, it did not seem at all 
wonderful to Gobryas, that everything should be in great 
abundance with a man who had the command of many ; 
but that Cyrus, who had achieved such great exploits, 
should, if he found that he had got anything delicate, con- 
sume no portion of it alone, but take the trouble of requesting 
those who were present to share it, appeared very striking ; 
and frequently he saw him send to some of his absent friends 
such things as he happened to be pleased with himself; 7. 

s 2 



260 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VIII. 

so that after they had supped, and Cyrus had sent away from 
his table all that plenty that was upon it, Gobryas said, " Hi- 
therto, Cyrus, I thought that you most excelled other men in 
being most skilful in commanding an army ; but now, I swear 
by the gods that I think you excel more in benevolence than 
in generalship." 8. " By Jupiter," said Cyrus, " I have much 
more pleasure in showing deeds of kindness than of military 
skill." "How so ?" said Gobryas. "Because," said he, " I 
must show the one by doing mischief to men, and the other by 
doing them good." 

9. Afterwards, when they had drunk a little, Hystaspes put 
this question to Cyrus : " Would you be offended, Cyrus," 
said he, " if I should ask you something that I am desirous to 
learn from you ?" "No, by the gods," said Cyrus; "on the 
contrary, I should feel displeased if I found that you did not 
mention what you wish to ask." " Tell me, then," said he, 
" when you have called me, did I ever refuse to come ? " 
" Do not talk foolishly," said Cyrus. " Or when I obeyed 
you, did I ever obey slowly?" " Certainly not." " Have I 
ever neglected to do anything that you have ordered me ? " 
" I accuse you of nothing of the kind," said Cyrus. " And, 
as to what I have done, have you ever accused me of having 
done anything otherwise than with alacrity and pleasure ? " 
" That," said Cyrus, " least of all." io. " In the name of all 
the gods, then, Cyrus," said he, " on what account is it, that 
you have written down l Chrysantas as to be placed in a 
more honourable seat than myself?" "Shall I tell you?" 
said Cyrus. " By all means," said he. " And you will not 
be offended with me when you hear the truth ?" n. " No, I 
shall be pleased," said he, " if I find that I am not wronged." 
" Then," said he, " Chrysantas here, in the first place, never 
waited my call, but, before he was called, was ready for my 
service ; and he then did, not only what he was ordered, but 
whatever he himself thought best for us to be done. When it 

1 Έγραψας.] Hystaspes uses the word γράφειν in jest, as if Cyrus 
had made written laws, appointing each guest his proper seat. Others 
however think that a list of the guests had previously been given to 
Gadatas with their names in the order in which they were to sit. 
But no allusion is made to any such list at the beginning of the 
chapter; and, from sect. 1 and 2, it rather appears that Cyrus as- 
signed the guests their places when they took their seats. Borne- 



CH. 4.] TABLE-TALK. 261 

was necessary to say anything to our allies, he suggested to 
me what he thought was proper for me to say ; and what he 
saw that I wished our allies to know, but was ashamed to say 
concerning myself, he stood forward to express as his own 
opinion. 1 So that, in regard to such matters, what hinders 
him from being esteemed of more use to me, even than my- 
self? As to himself, he always says that whatever he has is 
sufficient for him ; but for me he is always to be seen look- 
ing out, to find what acquisition may be of service to me ; 
and at any good fortune that befalls me, he is much more 
delighted and pleased than myself." 12. To this Hystaspes 
replied, "By Juno, Cyrus, I am pleased that I have asked 
you these things." " On what account, chiefly ? " said Cyrus. 
" Because I also will endeavour to practise them. Only there 
is one thing," said he, " that I do not know ; and that is, how 
I must make it evident that I rejoice at your good fortune, 
whether I must clap my hands, or laugh, or what I must do ?" 
Artabazus upon this said, "You must dance the Persian 
dance ; " 2 a remark at which a laugh arose. 

13. As the entertainment proceeded, Cyrus put this ques- 
tion to Gobryas : " Tell me," said he, " Gobryas, do you think 
that you should give your daughter to one of the present com- 
pany now, with more pleasure than when you first became ac- 
quainted with us?" " Shall I then speak the truth ?" said 
Gobryas. " Yes, by Jupiter," said Cyrus, " since no question 
requires a false answer." " Be assured then," said he, " that 
I should give her with much more pleasure now." "And 
can you tell why?" said Cyrus. "I can." " Tell me then." 
14. " Because I then saw them bearing toils and dangers with 
alacrity ; but I now see them bearing prosperity with discre- 
tion. And to me, Cyrus, it appears more difficult to find a 
man that bears prosperity well, than one that bears adversity 
well ; for prosperity creates presumption in most men, but 
adversity brings sobriety to all." 15. Cyrus then said, " Do 

1 Alluding especially to the speeches of Chrysantas given ii. 2. 
17; 3. 5 ; iv. 3. 15 ; vi. 2. 21 ; vii. 5. 55 ; viii. 1. 1. Bornemann. 

2 To Πεοσικόν.] See Anab. vi. 1. 5 ; by a reference to which 
passage the jest of Artabazus will be readily understood ; for as 
Hystaspes doubted whether he should clap his hands, Artabazus re- 
commends to him to dance the Persian dance, in which he might 
clash together shields, and exhibit at the same time many other ges- 
tures.. Zeune. 



262 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VIII. 

you hear, Hystaspes, this saying of Gobryas?" "Yes. by 
Jove," said he, " I do ; and, if he utter many such, he shall 
much sooner have me as a suitor for his daughter, than if he 
were to show me a great number of cups." 16. " Indeed," 
said Gobryas, "I have a great many such in writing; 1 which 
I shall not grudge you, if you take my daughter for a wife ; 
but my cups," said he, "since you seem not to like them, I 
do not know but I shall give to Chrysantas here, especially 
since he has stolen your seat from you." 

it. "Well," said Cyrus, "if you, Hystaspes, and any of 
the rest that are here, will acquaint me when any one of you 
is seeking a wife, you will then find what sort of a helper I 
shall be to you." 18. "But if a man wishes to dispose of a 
daughter," said Gobryas, " to whom must one tell it ?" " To 
me also," said Cyrus ; " for I am a very extraordinary 
man in this art." "What art?" said Chrysantas. 19. 
" That of knowing what match will suit each particular man." 
"In the name of all the gods, then," said Chrysantas, "tell 
me what wife you think will best suit me." 20. " In the first 
place," said Cyrus, "she must be short; for you are short 
yourself; and if you marry a tall wife, and would ever kiss 
her when she is standing, you must leap up like a little dog." 
" You very properly take thought as to this particular," said 
Chrysantas, "for I am by no means a good jumper." 21. 
" In addition," said Cyrus, " one that is very flat-nosed would 
suit you." "Why should that be the case?" "Because," 
said Cyrus, "you have a prominent nose, and prominency 
would best suit flatness." " Do you say, then, that a fasting 
wife would best suit one that has feasted plentifully, as I have 
now?" "Yes, by Jove," said Cyrus, "for the stomachs of 
the full are prominent, and those of the fasting are flat." 22. 
" But, in the name of all the gods," said Chrysantas, " can you 
tell what wife will suit a cold king?" 2 At this Cyrus burst 
into a laugh, as did also the others. While they were laugh- 

1 See sect. 25. 

2 Ψνχρφ — /3ασιλ£7.] There is an ambiguity in the word ψυχρός, 
which may be applied either to one who makes frigid jokes, or to 
one who is averse to love or marriage ; for Cyrus, who was so ready 
to give wives to others, had not yet taken one himself. The answer 
to be expected to Chrysantas's question was, " A warm one;" 
hence the laugh which followed it. Bornemann. 



CH. 4.] HYSTASPES AND GOBRYAS. 263 

ing, Hystaspes said, 23. " Of all that belongs to your royal 
dignity, Cyrus, I envy you most for this." "For what?" 
said Cyrus. " That though cold, 1 you can excite laughter." 
" And would not you give a great deal, then," said Cyrus, 
"that these things had been said by you, and that it should be 
told to her, by whom you wish to be held in esteem, that you 
are a facetious man ?" Such were the jests that passed among 
them. 

24. Soon after, Cyrus produced a woman's attire for Ti- 
granes, and bid him give it his wife, because she bravely 
attended her husband in the field. To Artabazus he gave a 
golden cup ; to the Hyrcanian, a horse ; and many other 
noble presents he bestowed. " But to you, Gobryas," said he, 
" I will give a husband for your daughter." 25. " And shall 
not I," said Hystaspes, "be the husband that you will give, that 
I may get those writings?" 2 " Have you fortune enough," 
said Cyrus, " to match that of the girl?" " Yes, by Jove," 
said he, "I have a fortune worth several times as much 
as hers." " And where," asked Cyrus, " is this fortune of 
yours?" " There," replied Hystaspes, "where you, who are 
my friend, are sitting." " That is sufficient for me," said 
Gobryas ; and, holding out his right hand at once, " Give 
him to me, Cyrus," said he, " for I accept him." 26. Cyrus 
then, taking the right hand of Hystaspes, presented it to 
Gobryas, who took it. Immediately after, he made a great 
many noble presents to Hystaspes, that he might send them to 
the damsel. 27. And, drawing Chrysantas to him, he kissed 
him ; when Artabazus said, " By Jupiter, Cyrus, you have 
not given me my cup of the same gold 3 with the present 
which you have made Chrysantas." " But I will give you 
one of the same," said he. Hystaspes asked, "When?" 
" Thirty years hence," said he. " Be prepared for me, then," 
said he, " as I intend to wait, and not to die before the time." 
Thus the entertainment ended, and, when they rose, Cyrus 
rose with them, and conducted them to the door. 

28. The next day he sent home all those of the allies that 

1 Even if you are to be considered cold, frigidus ad venerem, you 
can yet raise a laugh. 

2 See sect. 16. 

3 Artabazus refers to the kiss which Cyrus had given Chrysantas, 
and which he intimates that he valued more than his golden cups. 



264 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VIII. 

had voluntarily attended him, excepting such as desired to 
settle near him, to whom he gave lands and houses, which 
the descendants of those who then staid still possess ; they 
were mostly Medes and Hyrcanians. To those that went 
away, he gave many presents, and dismissed them, both 
officers and soldiers, without giving them any cause to com- 
plain. 29. In the next place, he divided the treasure that he 
had taken at Sardes among the soldiers that were about him. 
To the commanders of ten thousand, and to the inferior of- 
ficers that were with him, he gave choice presents, according 
to the merit of each. The rest he divided into portions, and 
giving a share to each of the commanders of ten thousand*, he 
permitted them to distribute it in the same manner as he had 
distributed to them. 30. These other portions they accord- 
ingly distributed, each officer examining into the merits of the 
officers under him ; and what remained at last, the captains of 
nye 9 inquiring into the merits of the private soldiers under 
them, gave away according to the desert of each. Thus they 
all received their just share. 

31. When they had received what was then given them, 
some of them spoke of Cyrus in this manner : " Surely he 
has abundance, when he gives so much to each of us." 
Others said, " What is the abundance that he has ? Cyrus's 
disposition is not such that he should heap up treasure for 
himself ; but he is more pleased to give it away than to keep 
it." 32. Cyrus, hearing of this talk, and the opinions formed 
of him, called his friends and all the principal persons toge- 
ther, and spoke to this effect : " My friends, I have seen men 
that were willing to be thought possessed of more than they 
really had, and who expected, by that means, to appear the 
more generous ; but such persons seem to me drawn into 
the very reverse of what they intend ; for that a man should 
seem to possess abundance, and yet should not appear to do 
service to his friends in proportion to his substance, seems to 
me to fix upon him the character of illiberality. 33. There 
are some," continued he, " on the other hand, who wish that 
what they have may be concealed ; and those also appear to 
me to be faulty to their friends ; for frequently friends that 
are in want do not tell their necessities to their companions, 
from being ignorant of what they have, and are thus de- 
ceived. 34. But it is, in my opinion, the part of a straight- 



CH. 5.] CYRUS GOES TO PERSIA. 265 

forward man to let his means be known, and strive to gain a 
character for generosity according to them. I intend, there- 
fore," he added, " to show you all that is possible for you to 
see of what I have ; and of what you cannot see, to give you 
an account." 35. Having spoken thus, he showed them some 
portions of many valuable treasures ; and of others, laid 
up so as not to be easily seen, he gave them an account ; and, 
in conclusion, said, 36. u All these things, my friends, you must 
consider not more mine than yours ; for I have collected them, 
not that I may spend them myself, or that I may wear them 
out ; for I should not be able to do so ; but that I may always 
have something to give to him among you that achieves any- 
thing honourable, and that if any one of yon feels in want of 
anything, he may come to me and take what he happens 
to need." 



CHAPTER V. 



Description of the march of Cyrus into Persia. Cyrus visits Cyaxares, who 
offers him his daughter, with Media for her dowry. Agreement made 
between Cyrus and the Persians, at the suggestion of Cambyses, respect- 
ing the tenure and administration of the kingdom of Persia. Cyrus 
marries the daughter of Cyaxares. 

l. But when affairs in Babylon appeared to him so favour- 
ably settled, that he might absent himself from thence, he 
prepared, and directed others to prepare, for a journey into 
Persia. AVhen he thought that he had enough of such things 
as he was likely to want, he took his departure. 2. We shall 
now give an account, how his army, though of such magni- 
tude, encamped, and resumed its march, in good order, and 
how each part at once arranged itself in its proper place. 

Wherever the king encamps, those who are about his per- 
son occupy the ground under tents, both winter and summer. 
3. Cyrus at once adopted the custom of pitching his own tent 
fronting the east. He then directed, first, at what distance 
from the royal tent the guards should pitch theirs ; and next 
appointed the bakers their station on the right, and the cooks 
their station on theleft. For the horses, 1 he appointed a place 
1 The horses that were used in conveying the baggage. 



266 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VIII. 

on the right, and for the other beasts of burden on the left. 
The other parts of the army were so disposed, that each knew 
its own ground both as to dimension and position. 4. When 
they are to prepare for marching, each man packs up such 
baggage as he is appointed to use, while others place it upon 
the beasts of burden ; so that all the baggage- carriers come 
up, at the same time, to the baggage appointed them to carry, 
and all, at the same time, place it, severally, upon their beasts. 
So that the same time suffices for one and for all the tents to re- 
move. 5. The case is the same with regard to the pitching 
of the tents. In order, too, that everything necessary may 
be done at its proper time, it is appointed to each man, in 
like manner, what he is to do ; and, by this means, the same 
time suffices for doing things in one part and in all. 6. And 
as the attendants, that made ready the provisions, had each 
his proper station, so they that carried arms had their stations 
in the encampment suitable to the sort of arms which they 
severally bore ; they knew what their station was, and all 
arranged themselves in it without hesitation. 7. For Cyrus 
thought the proper arrangement of things an excellent prac- 
tice in a house ; for when a person wants anything, it is 
known whither he must go to get it ; but the judicious ar- 
rangement of the several divisions of an army he esteemed a 
much nobler thing, inasmuch as the occasions for using what 
is wanted, in affairs of war, are more sudden, and the miscar- 
riages arising from such as are dilatory in them are of worse 
consequence ; and he saw that the most valuable advantages 
in war arose from having all things ready for the occasion. 
Upon these accounts, therefore, he paid the utmost attention 
to propriety of arrangement. 

8. First, then, he located himself in the middle of the camp, 
as being the most secure position ; then those in whom he 
chiefly confided, he had, according to his custom, immediately 
about himself. Next to these, he had in a circle the horse- 
men and charioteers ; 9. for he thought that a secure station 
was necessary for these, because they are encamped without 
having any of the arms in readiness with which they fight, 1 
and require a considerable time to arm themselves, if they are 
to act to any purpose. io. To the right and left of himself 

1 Compare iii. 3. 26 ; vi. 4. 1 . 



CH. 5.] ORDER OF ENCAMPMENT. 267 

and the cavalry, was the station of the peltasts. The station 
of the archers was before and behind himself and the horse- 
men. 11. The heavy-armed men, and such as had large 
shields, he ranged in a circle round all, as a rampart, that, if 
there should be occasion for the cavalry to equip themselves, 
those who were best able to make a stand, being placed before 
them, might secure them time to arm in safety. 12. As the 
heavy-armed men slept in order around him, so did the pel- 
tasts and archers; in order that, if it should be necessary to 
act in the night-time, as the heavy-armed men were prepared 
to repel such as closed with them, so the archers and javelin- 
men, if any attacked them, might promptly discharge their 
javelins and arrows in defence of the heavy-armed. 13. All 
the generals had ensigns on their tents ; and as, in cities, 
intelligent servants know the houses of most people, and 
especially of the most respectable, so the inferior officers of 
Cyrus knew the positions of the chief leaders in the camp, 
and could distinguish the ensigns that belonged to each of 
them ; so that whomsoever Cyrus might want, they had not 
to seek for him, but could run the shortest way to each of 
them. 14. From the several divisions being kept distinct, too, 
it was much more readily observed when any one was orderly, 
and when any one failed to do what was ordered. Such an 
arrangement being maintained, he was of opinion, that if any 
body attacked him, whether by night or day, the assailant 
would fall into his camp as into an ambuscade. 

10. He thought it a part of strategy, not only for a man to be 
able to draw out a phalanx cleverly, or to increase its depth, 
or to form the men from the wings in line, 1 or to wheel round 
skilfully if the enemy appeared on the right, the left, or the 

1 'Ε* κέρατος εις φάλαγγα καταστήσαι.~\ Of this phrase none of the 
commentators give any satisfactory explanation. Fischer suggests 
that it may signify to lengthen the line, to extend it on the 
wing; but it will then mean nothing more than ίκτεΊναι, which pre- 
cedes : or that it may signify to take cavalry from the wings, and 
range them among the light and heavy-armed infantry ; but for 
this interpretation the text affords no ground. Again, if we sup- 
pose that it means to take men from the wins:, and place them in 
the main body, it will be much the same as βαθνναι, which also pre- 
cedes. However, we must imagine that Xenophon meant the words 
to be taken in some such signification as to unite the wing more 
closely, by some manoeuvre, to the main body, or to incorporate it 
with the main body. 



268 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS; [b. VIII. 

rear ; but be thought it also a part of strategy to divide one 
battalion into several l when it was necessary, to post each 
division where it might be most of service, and to use de- 
spatch where it might be requisite to anticipate the enemy. 
All these qualifications, and such as these, he considered to be 
necessary in a skilful tactician ; and he paid equal attention 
to them all. On the march, he proceeded in such order as 
was adapted to circumstances ; but in pitching his camp, he 
disposed his troops, for the most part, as has been described. 

17. When, in the course of their march, they came to Media, 
Cyrus turned aside to visit Cyaxares. When they had em- 
braced each other, Cyrus first told Cyaxares that there was 
a private house, and palaces, set apart for him in Babylon ; 
that when he came thither, he might take up his abode in his 
own home ; and he also made him a great many other hono- 
rary presents, is. Cyaxares received them, and sent to him 
his daughter with a crown of gold, bracelets, a collar, and a 
Median robe as magnificent as could be made ; and the dam- 
sel put the crown upon Cyrus's head. 19. Cyaxares then 
said, " Cyrus, I give you the damsel herself, too, who is my 
own daughter, for your wife. Your father married my father's 
daughter, and you are her son. This is she, whom, when you 
were a boy, and amongst us, you used to nurse; and when 
any one asked her whom she would marry, she used to say, 
6 Cyrus.' With her I give you all Media as her dowry, for 
I have no legitimate male issue." 20. Thus he spoke, and 
Cyrus replied, " Ο Cyaxares, I am delighted with the family, 
the damsel, and the presents ; and, with the consent," he 
added, " of my father and mother, I am ready to accept your 
offer." Thus, indeed, Cyrus expressed himself; yet he pre- 
sented the damsel with whatever he thought would gratify 
Cyaxares. Having done so, he continued his march to Persia. 
21. When, in due course, he arrived at the borders of Per- 
sia, he left the rest of the army there ; but he himself, with 
his intimate friends, went forward to the city, taking with 
him such numbers of beasts for sacrifice as were sufficient for 
all the Persians to slaughter and make feasts. He took with 
him also such presents as were suitable for his father and 
mother, and the rest of his friends ; as well as others adapted 

1 Αιασπάν.^ Distrahere in plura agmina aciem. Bornemann. 



CH. 5.] SPEECH OF CAMBYSES. 269 

for the magistrates and elder men, and for all the Equals-in- 
honour. He gave likewise to all the Persians, both men and 
women, such presents as the king still makes when he comes 
into Persia. 22. After this Cambyses assembled the elder 
Persians, and such of the magistrates as held the highest offices, 
(he invited also Cyrus,) and spoke to this effect : 

"I have justly an affection both for you, men of Persia, 
and for thee, Cyrus ; for over you I am king, and thou, Cyrus, 
art my son. It is right for me, therefore, to lay before you 
whatever I consider to be of advantage for each of you. 23. 
With respect to the time past, you have advanced the inter- 
ests of Cyrus, by granting an army, and by constituting him 
the commander of it ; and Cyrus, in the conduct of that army, 
has, with the help of the gods, rendered you, Ο Persians, 
famous amongst all men, and honoured throughout all Asia ; 
while of those that served with him, he has enriched the most 
deserving, and has provided pay and maintenance for the 
multitude, and, by instituting a Persian cavalry, has given 
the Persians a share in the command of the plains. 24. For 
the future, therefore, if you retain the same feelings, you 
will be the authors of many advantages to eacri other ; but if 
either you, Cyrus, elevated with your present good fortune, 
shall attempt to rule the Persians, like other nations, 1 only for 
your own benefit ; or if you, citizens, envying him his power, 
shall endeavour to deprive him of his command, be assured 
that you will hinder each other from enjoying many blessings. 
25. That such may not be the case, therefore, but that good 
fortune may attend you, it seems proper to me," continued he, 
" that we should offer a sacrifice in common, and, calling the 
gods to witness, should engage, you, Cyrus, on your part, that 
if any one make war upon the Persian territory, or attempt 
to overthrow the Persian laws, you will assist, in their de- 
fence, with your whole force ; and that you, Persians, on 
your side, if any one attempt to deprive Cyrus of his author- 
ity, or if any of those under his power attempt to revolt, you 
will yield such assistance, in defence of yourselves and of Cy- 

1 Έπι πλεονεξίφ ώσπερ τών άλλων.] Sc. άρχεις εθνών. Bornemann 
observes that Persia was not accounted a tributary country, though 
the people were probably expected to make presents to the king, as 
appears from Herod, iii. 07; and adds that there is no reason why 
we should not understand Ιττί πλεονεξία as having reference to 
tribute. 



270 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [B. VIII. 

rus, as lie shall demand. 20. Whilst I live, the royal dignity 
amongst the Persians is mine ; when I am dead, it will doubt- 
less belong to Cyrus, if he is alive. And when he comes into 
Persia, it should be a point of religion with you, that he 
should make such sacrifices for you as I now make ; but, 
when he is abroad, I think it will be well for you, if that mem- 
ber of our family who appears to you to be the most worthy 
perform the sacrifices to the gods." 

When Cambyses had spoken thus, his proposals were ap- 
proved both by Cyrus and the Persian magistrates ; and as 
they thus agreed at that time, calling the gods to witness, so 
the Persians and the king continue still to act one towards 
another. After these affairs were ended, Cyrus took his de- 
parture. 

When he arrived in Media, on his return, he married, with 
the consent of his father and mother, the daughter of Cyax- 
ares, of whom there is still a report that she was extremely 
beautiful. [Some writers say that he married his mother's 
sister ; but she must doubtless have been a woman far ad- 
vanced in years.] l Having married her, he soon departed, 
taking her with him. 



CHAPTER VI. 



Cyrus appoints governors of the provinces, and exhorts them to adopt a 
similar system of government to that which he himself had adopted in the 
city. He appoints inspectors to make a yearly progress through the pro- 
vinces, attended by a body of troops. His regulations for the conveyance 
of letters. His dominion being extended throughout Asia from Syria to 
Egypt, he decides on living sometimes at Babylon, sometimes at Susa, 
and sometimes at Ecbatana. 

i. When he was at Babylon, it seemed proper to him to 
send satraps to govern the conquered nations. But the com- 
manders of the garrisons in the fortresses, and the command- 
ers of thousands in the forces throughout the country, he 
allowed to obey the orders of no one but himself. He used 

1 The original of the words in brackets is condemned by Borne- 
mann, Schneider, Dindorf, and indeed all other critics of any au- 
thority, as a gloss that has crept from the margin into the text. 



CH. 6.] SATRAPS APPOINTED. 271 

this foresight, on consideration that, if any one of the satraps, 
by reason of his wealth, and the number of his people, should 
grow insolent, and attempt to withdraw his obedience from 
him, he might immediately meet with opposers on the spot. 
•2. Desiring, therefore, to make this arrangement, he deter- 
mined first to call together those whom it concerned, and to 
declare his intentions to them, that they who went might know 
on what conditions they went ; for he thought that they would 
thus more readily submit ; but that if any of them should be 
first appointed rulers, and should then be informed of his 
determination, they would be likely to be discontented at 
it, imagining it to be made from want of confidence in them. 
3. Having assembled them accordingly, he addressed them 
to this effect : 4i My friends, in the cities that have been con- 
quered, there are garrisons, and governors over them, whom 
we left there at the time ; and, when I came away, I gave 
them orders to employ themselves about no other object than 
merely to preserve the fortresses ; these men therefore, since 
they have honourably guarded what was intrusted to them, I 
shall not deprive of their posts ; but it is my purpose to send 
other governors, who shall take upon them the rule of the in- 
habitants, and who, receiving the revenues, shall pay the gar- 
risons, and discharge whatever else is necessary. 4. And to 
those of you who remain here, and to whom I shall give em- 
ployment, by sending them l to any of these nations to transact 
business, I think it proper that lands and houses should be as- 
signed there, that the tribute may from thence be sent hither, 
and that when they go thither they may reside in their own 
dwellings." 5. Thus he spoke ; and to many of his friends 
he gave houses and people to serve them throughout all the 
conquered cities. These lands, situate some in one country 
and some in another, remain to this day in possession of the 
descendants of those who then received them, though they 
themselves reside with the king. 6. " We ought," he then 
proceeded, " to look out for such satraps, to go to these coun- 
tries, as will think of sending us hither whatever is excellent 
and valuable in each country, that Ave, who are here, may 
have a share of what is good everywhere ; especially as we, if 

1 Extraordinary legates or commissioners are meant, who might 
be sent by the king to look into the state of affairs in any province. 
Zexme. 



272 THE INSTITUTION OP CYRUS. [b. VIII. 

any danger threaten them, shall have to exert ourselves for 
their defence." 

7. With these words he concluded his speech ; and then 
from such of his friends as he knew were desirous to go upon 
the terms expressed, he selected such as he thought most 
eligible, and sent out, as satraps, Megabyzus to Arabia, Arta- 
batas to Cappadocia, Artacamas to the Greater Phrygia, Chry- 
santas to Lydia and Ionia, Adusius to Caria, as the Carians 
themselves had desired, and Pharnuchus to Phrygia on the 
Hellespont, and ^ZEoiia. s. To Cilicia, to Cyprus, and to the 
Paphlagonians, he sent no Persian satraps, because they seem- 
ed to have joined him of their own accord 1 in his expedition 
against Babylon ; to them, however, he appointed also a tri- 
bute to pay ; 9. and as Cyrus then ordered, so there are, at 
this day, garrisons belonging to the king in the fortresses, and 
commanders of thousands appointed by the king over those 
garrisons, and enrolled in the king's list. 

ίο. All the satraps that were sent out, he directed to imi- 
tate whatever they saw him practise ; in the first place, to 
form out of the Persians and allies that attended them a 
number of horsemen and charioteers ; to oblige such as had 
land and palaces to attend at his doors, and, observing a dis- 
creet behaviour, to oifer themselves to the service of the 
satrap, if occasion should require ; to discipline at his doors 
the sons of those men, according to his own practice ; and to 
take those that attended at his doors out with him to hunt, 
and exercise himself and those about him in military occupa- 
tions, li. "And whosoever," said he, " in proportion to his 
ability, produces me the most chariots, and the most and the 
best horsemen, 1 will reward him, as an excellent fellow- 
soldier, and as an excellent fellow-guardian of the empire for 
both the Persians and myself. Let the best men with you, 
as with me, be honoured with the principal seats; and let 
your table, like mine, maintain, in the first place, your domes- 
tics, and let it be also sufficiently furnished for your friends to 
partake of it, and to allow you every day to• honour any one 
that may have done a worthy action. 12. Provide yourselves 
parks, and maintain wild beasts ; and neither set meat at any 
time before yourselves without having taken exercise, nor 
throw food to your horses until they have taken it. For I, 
1 See vii. 4. 1. 



CH. 6.] HIS INSTRUCTIONS AND REGULATIONS. 273 

who am but a single individual, cannot, with all the virtue 
that belongs to human nature, secure the possessions of you 
all ; but it is my part, as an honourable man, with honourable 
men about me, to be a support to you ; and it is your parts, 
likewise, as honourable men, with other honourable men about 
you, to be supporters to me. 13. I desire that you would ob- 
serve also, that of all these directions that I now give you, I 
give none to those that are of servile condition ; and that 
whatever I say you ought to do, I endeavour myself also to 
practise. As I, therefore, exhort you to imitate me, so do 
you instruct those that hold command under you to imi- 
tate you." 

14. Cyrus having thus regulated affairs at that time, all the 
garrisons under the king are, in consequence, still maintained 
in the same method ; all doors of the commanders are at- 
tended in like manner ; all houses, great and small, are regu- 
lated in a similar way ; the most deserving men in all com- 
panies are honoured with the principal seats ; all marches are 
conducted in the same order ; and in every nation a great 
multitude of affairs is included under the management of a 
few governors. 

15. Having instructed them how they were severally to 
manage these affairs, and having given each of them a body of 
troops, he sent them away, giving them all notice to be pre- 
pared, as an expedition would be undertaken in the following 
year, and a review of men and arms, horses and chariots. 

ig. We have heard also of the following regulation, that 
Cyrus having, as they say, begun it, it continues in force to 
the present day. A certain person, at the head of an army, 
makes a progress through the country every year, in order that, 
if any one of the satraps want assistance, he may afford it ; and 
that, if any one grow rebellious, he may humble him ; and 
that, if any neglect the payment of his tribute, or the protec- 
tion of the inhabitants, or to see that the land be cultivated, or 
omit to fulfil any other of his duties, he may rectify such 
matters ; or, if he is unable to do so himself, may report the 
affair to the king ; who, when he hears of it, considers how to 
deal with the offender. And those to whom allusion is so 
often made, when it is said that the king's son, or the king's 
brother, or the king's eye, is coming down, and who some- 
times do not make their appearance, (for each of them returns 

VOL. II. X 



274 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VIII. 

whenever 1 the king sends orders,) are those who make these 
progresses. 

17. We have likewise been informed of another contrivance 
of his, which was suited to the extent of his empire, and by 
means of which he could speedily learn in what state the most 
remote parts of it were ; for, ascertaining how long a journey 
a horse could accomplish in a day, being ridden at such a pace 
as to keep his strength, he built stables at that distance, and 
put horses in them, and persons to take care of them ; and he 
appointed, at each of these stations, a proper person to receive 
letters that were brought, and to deliver them to other mes- 
sengers ; and to take in the tired horses and men, and furnish 
fresh ones. 18. They say that sometimes this conveyance 
was not interrupted even during the night, but that a night 
messenger immediately succeeded the day one. In this man- 
ner some say that they make their way swifter than cranes ; 
but though they are wrong in that assertion, yet it is manifest 
that this is the quickest of all modes of travelling for men by 
land ; and it is right that a sovereign should have immediate 
intelligence of everything, and give immediate attention to it. 

19. When the year was ended, Cyrus assembled his army at 
Babylon, and it is said that there were in it cavalry to the 
number of a hundred and twenty thousand, chariots armed 
with scythes to the number of two thousand, and infantry to 
the number of a hundred and twenty thousand. 20. This 
force being in readiness for him, he proceeded on that expe- 
dition, in which he is reported to have subdued all those na- 
tions which extend from the entrance into Syria to the Red 
Sea. After this, his expedition to Egypt is said to have 
taken place, and to have brought Egypt into subjection. 21. 
In consequence the Red Sea bounded his empire on the east, 
the Euxine Sea on the north, Cyprus and Egypt on the west, 
and Ethiopia on the south. The extreme parts of these 
countries are uninhabitable, some from heat, some from cold, 
some from too great abundance of water, others from a 
scarcity of it. 

1 See vii. 4. 2. 'Αποτρέπεται — οπόθεν αν 6 βασιλεύς κελενη.^\ " Re- 
turns from that point from which the king orders him to return." Be- 
fore οπόθεν we must understand εκείθεν, and άποτρεπεσθαι after 
κεΧεύφ. Ike legate turns back if the king has occasion, before he 
reaches the end of his journey, to recall him to Babylon, or to de- 
spatch him into any other province. Bomemann* 



CH. 7.] HE FEELS DEATH APPROACHING. 275 

23. Cyrus, fixing his residence in the centre of these coun- 
tries, spent the winter season, seven months, at Babylon, be- 
cause the climate there is warm ; the spring season, three 
months, at Susa ; and the middle of summer, two months, at 
Ecbatana. By this means they say that he enjoyed a per- 
petual spring, with respect to heat and cold. 23. Men were 
so affected towards him, that every nation thought they failed 
in their duty if they did not send Cyrus whatever valuable 
things either grew, or were bred, or manufactured, in their 
country ; every city acted in the same manner ; and every 
private man thought that he should enrich himself, if he 
could but oblige Cyrus ; for Cyrus, accepting from every 
one that of which the givers had abundance, bestowed on 
them, in return, what he saw that they needed. 



CHAPTER VII. 



Cyrus is admonished by a dream to prepare for death. His address, when 
he was dying, to his children and friends. 

i. Time thus advancing, Cyrus, now growing old, made a 
journey into Persia for the seventh time during his reign, when 
his father and mother had probably been for some time dead. 
Cyrus made the usual sacrifices, led the dance among the 
Persians according to the practice of the country, and dis- 
tributed to every one presents, as he had been accustomed. 
2. Afterwards, as he was sleeping in the royal palace, he had 
the following dream. A being, of more than human dignity, 
seemed to advance towards him, and to say, " Cyrus, prepare 
thyself, for thou art now going to the gods!" After seeing 
this vision, he awoke, and seemed almost to be certain that his 
end was drawing near. 3. He therefore immediately took 
victims, and sacrificed on the summit of a mountain, as is the 
custom in Persia, to Jupiter Patrius, the sun, and the rest of 
the gods, uttering this prayer: 

" Ο Jupiter Patrius, thou sun, and all ye gods ! receive this 
sacrifice, as an acknowledgment for assistance in the achieve- 
ment of many honourable deeds, and as an offering of grati- 
tude to you for having signified to me by victims, by signs 

τ 2 



276 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VIII. 

from heaven, by birds, and by omens, what it became me to do, 
and what it became me not to do. Abundant thanks are due 
to you, that I have been sensible of your care and protection ; 
and have never in the course of my prosperity been elated in 
thought above what became a man. I beseech you now to 
grant happiness to my children, my wife, my friends, and my 
country ; and to myself, a death similar to the life which you 
have given me." 

4. Having concluded these ceremonies, and having returned 
home, he felt inclined to rest, and lay down. At the proper 
hour, the attendants, whose business it was, came to him, and 
signified that he should bathe. He told them that he had 
rested very well. Other attendants, at the proper hour, 
brought him his meal, but his appetite was not inclined for 
food, but he seemed thirsty, and drank with pleasure. 5. As 
he was similarly affected on the second and third days, he sent 
for his sons, who happened to have attended him, and were 
then in Persia. He summoned likewise his friends and the 
magistrates of Persia. When they were all come, he began 
to speak to them in this manner : 

6. " My children, and all of you, my friends, who are pre- 
sent, the termination of my life is now at hand, as I certainly 
know from many indications. It behoves you, when I am 
dead, to speak and act with reference to me, in every way, as 
a happy man. For, when I was a child, I seem to have 
profited by what is thought becoming in children, when I was 
a youth, from what is thought becoming in young men, and 
when I was a man, from what is thought becoming in men. 
I have always, too, seemed to feel my strength increase with 
the advance of time, so that I have not found myself weaker 
in my old age than in my youth, nor do I know that I have 
attempted or desired anything in which I have not been suc- 
cessful. 7. By my means, I have seen my friends made 
happy, and my enemies enslaved ; and I leave my country, 
previously undistinguished in Asia, now in the highest honour. 
Of what I have acquired, moreover, I know of nothing that I 
have not preserved. But though, in time past, I succeeded 
according to my wishes, yet an apprehension attending me, 
lest I should hereafter see, hear, or suffer some trouble, has 
not allowed me to think altogether highly of myself, or to feel 
extravagantly delighted, s. Now, whenever I die, I leave 



CH. 7.] HIS SPEECH ON HIS DEATH-BED. 277 

you, my children, whom the gods have given to be born to 
me, surviving, and I leave my country and my friends happy. 
Why, then, should I not always, with justice, be remembered 
as fortunate? 

9. " But I must likewise declare to whom I leave my king- 
dom, lest, the succession being left doubtful, it should here- 
after cause disturbance among you. I love you both, my 
children, equally; but to plan for the future, and to take the 
lead in whatever occasion may require, I commit to the elder, 
who has, as is natural, greater experience. 10. I was myself 
so instructed by my country and yours, to give place to those 
elder than myself, not only brothers, but fellow- citizens, both 
in walking, sitting, and conversing ; and thus have I in- 
structed you, my children, from your youth, to pay honour to 
your elders in preference to yourselves, and to receive honour 
from the younger in preference to them. Submit then to this 
arrangement, as I speak according to what is ancient, custom- 
ary, and legal. n. You, therefore, Cambyses, possess the 
throne, for the gods give it you, and I, as far as is in my 
power. 

" You Tanaoxares, I appoint to be satrap of the Medes, 
Armenians, and Cadusians ; and in giving this office to you, 
I think tli at while I leave to your elder brother the greater 
power and the title of king, I allot to you a station of greater 
happiness ; l for what human pleasure you will want, 1 do not 
see ; all that appears to delight mankind will be at your com- 
mand. 12. But to desire objects difficult of execution, to be 
anxious about many affairs, to be unable to remain quiet, from 
being excited by an emulation of my actions to form designs 
against others, and to be exposed to machinations, are things 
which must more necessarily affect the king than yourself, 
and which, be assured, must cause many interruptions to 
pleasure. 

13. " As for you, Cambyses, you must be aware that it is not 
this golden sceptre that must preserve your kingdom, but that 
faithful friends are to kings the safest and most trustworthy 
sceptre. But do not imagine that men are by nature made faith- 
ful ; (for the same persons would then appear faithful to all, as 
other natural productions appear the same to all;) but every 

1 Ενδαιμονίαν άλνποτίραν.^ " A happiness more free from 

trouble. " 



278 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VIII. 

one must make faithful friends for himself; and the acquisi- 
tion of them is by no means to be effected with violence, but 
rather by beneficence. 14. If, therefore, you shall seek to 
make others joint-guardians of your kingdom with yourself, 
begin with no one sooner than with him who is of the same 
blood with yourself. Fellow-citizens are more united to us 
than strangers, and those who eat with us than those who live 
at a distance from us. But how can those who are sprung 
from the same stock, who have been nourished by the same 
mother, who have grown up in the same house, who have 
been beloved by the same parents, and who have called upon 
the same mother and father, be otherwise than the most closely 
united to us of all men ? 15, The advantages, therefore, for 
which the gods lead brothers to union, see that you never 
render vain ; but build upon them other friendly acts ; and 
thus will your friendship always be impregnable. He that 
cares for his brother cares for himself. To whom is a brother, 
become great, so much an ornament as to a brother ? Or who 
else will be honoured, on account of a man high in power, so 
much as his brother? Or whom will any one fear to injure so 
much as a powerful man's brother? 1 16. Let no one, there- 
fore, obey his wishes with greater alacrity, or support him 
with greater zeal, than yourself; for to no one can his good 
or ill fortune be more a matter of concern than to you. Take 
this also into consideration : can you hope for greater ad- 
vantages from obliging any one than from obliging your 
brother? Or could you, by assisting any other, secure a 
more powerful ally ? Whom is it more disgraceful not to love 
than a brother ? Whom, of all men, is it more laudable to 
prefer in honour than a brother ? Indeed, Cambyses, it is 
only when a brother is advanced to the chief place of honour 
by a brother, that no envy arises on the part of other men. 

17. "In the name of the gods who protect fathers, then, 
my sons, do honour to one another, if you have any care 
to do what is acceptable to me. For you cannot, I am 
sure, imagine, that, after I have ended my period of hu- 
man life, I shall no longer exist ; for neither hitherto did 
you see my soul, but merely discovered that it existed from 

1 Τίνα νε φο£ήσεταί τις άδικην αδελφού μεγάλου οντος όντως ώς τον 
άδελφόν.~\ " Whom will any one fear to injure so much as the 
brother of a brother who is powerful ?" 



CH. 7.] HIS ADMONITIONS TO HIS CHILDREN. 279 

what it did. 18. Have you never observed as to the souls of 
those who have suffered a violent death, 1 what terrors they 
strike into those who are stained with their blood, and what 
avenging deities they send upon impious offenders ? Do you 
suppose, too, that honours paid to the dead would still con- 
tinue, if their souls were utterly without influence? 19. For 
my part, my sons, I have never been persuaded that the soul 
lives only as long as it is in a mortal body, and dies when it is 
separated from it ; for I see that it is the soul which keeps 
mortal bodies alive, as long as it remains in them. 20. Nor do 
I feel convinced that the soul will be devoid of sense when it 
is separated from the senseless body ; but it is probable that 
when the mind is separated, unmixed, and pure, it is then also 
most intelligent. When the frame of man is dissolved, every 
part of him is seen returning to that which is of the same 
nature with itself, except the soul, which alone is seen neither 
present nor departing. 21. Reflect too," continued he, "that 
nothing more closely resembles the death of man than sleep ; 
but it is in sleep that the soul of man appears most divine, and 
it is then that it foresees something of the future ; for then, as 
it seems, it is most free. 22. If, therefore, these things are 
as I think, and the soul leaves the body, do what I request of 
you from regard to my soul ; but if it be not so, and the soul, 
remaining in the body, dies with it, yet, from fear of the gods, 
who are eternal, who behold all things and can do all things, 
who maintain this order of the universe unimpaired, undecay- 
ing, and without defect, neither do, nor meditate, on any occa- 
sion, anything impious or unjust. 

23. "Next to the gods, have respect to the whole race of 
mankind, rising up in perpetual succession ; for the gods do 
not shroud you in obscurity, but there is a necessit}' that 
your actions should always live in the view of all. If they 
seem to be virtuous and free from injustice, they will render 
you powerful among all men ; but if you meditate what is un- 
just against each other, you will lose credit with all men ; 
for none could any longer place confidence in you, though he 
should have the strongest inclination to do so, when he sees 
him, who is most closely united to you in friendship, wronged 

1 Ίών άδικα παθόντων.] Οϊ άδικα παθόντες are those who have 
been put to death unjustly, violently, as appears from μιαιφύνοι, 
which follows. Fischer. 



280 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VIII. 

by you. 24. If, then, I sufficiently instruct you how you 
ought to conduct yourselves towards one another, it is well ; 
if not, learn it from those who lived before us, for this is the 
best mode of learning. Many parents have lived in affection 
with their children, and many brothers with their brothers ; 
and some have acted towards each other an entirely opposite 
part ; to whichsoever of these you shall find their conduct to 
have been beneficial, you will determine well in choosing it for 
your imitation. But on these subjects I have perhaps said 
sufficient. 

25. " When I am dead, my children, do not enshrine my 
body in gold, or in silver, or in any other substance ; but re- 
store it to the earth as soon as possible ; for what can be more 
desirable than to be mixed with the earth, which gives birth 
and nourishment to everything excellent and good ? I have 
always hitherto borne an affection to men, and I feel that I 
should now gladly be incorporated with that which is beneficial 
to men. 26. And now," he added, " my soul seems to be leaving 
me, in the same manner as, it is probable, it begins to leave 
others. If, therefore, any one of you is desirous of touching 
my right hand, or is willing to see my face, while it has life, 
let him come near to me ; but when I shall have covered it, I 
request of you, my sons, let no man, not even yourselves, look 
upon my body. 27. Summon however all the Persians, and 
the allies, to my tomb, to rejoice for me, as I shall then be safe 
from suffering any evil, whether I be with the divine nature, 
or be reduced to nothing. As many as come, do not dismiss until 
you have bestowed on them whatever favours are customary 
at the funeral of a rich man. 28. And remember this, as my 
last admonition : by doing good to your friends, you will be 
able also to punish your enemies. Farewell, dear children, 
and say farewell to your mother as from me ; farewell, all 
my friends, present and absent." Having said this, and 
taken every one by the right hand, he covered his face and 
expired. 



CH. 8.] DEGENERACY OF THE PERSIANS. 281 

CHAPTER VHI. 1 

Conclusion. Gradual degeneracy of the Persians after the death of Cyrus. 

ι . That Cyrus's empire was the finest and most extensive of 
all those in Asia, it testifies for itself. It was bounded on the 
east by the Erythraean Sea, on the north by the Euxine Sea, 
on the west by Cyprus and Egypt, on the south by Ethiopia ; 
and, though of such an extent, was governed by the single 
mind of Cyrus ; and those who were subject to him, he treated 
with esteem and regard, as if they were his own children, 
while his subjects themselves respected Cyrus as a father. 2. 
But when Cyrus was dead, his sons soon fell into dissension, 
cities and nations speedily revolted, and everything changed 
for the worse. That what I say is true, I will begin to show 
by speaking of things relating to the gods. 

I know that, in former times, the king, and those that were 
under him, if they took an oath, observed it, or if they made 
engagements, adhered to them, even in regard to persons who 
had committed the greatest offences. 3. Had they not been 
such characters, and borne such a reputation, no person would 
have trusted them, 2 as no one any longer trusts them now, 
since their impiety is known ; so neither should the generals 
of the troops that went up with Cyrus 3 have trusted them on 
that occasion, but, relying on their ancient character, they 
put themselves into their hands, and being taken to the 

1 Whether this chapter be genuine or spurious, has been much 
disputed. David Schulze wrote a dissertation (Hal. 1806) to prove 
it spurious, which Bornemann answered, (Lips. 1819,) but without 
satisfying Beck or Lange, who, with Valckenaer ad Xen. Mem. p. 
238, ed. Ern., decidedly pronounce it a forgery. For my own part, 
I think, with Fischer, (ad sect. 9,) that the affected elegance, but 
dry uniformity, of its style, so different from that of the rest of the 
book, and of Xenophon in general, are sufficiently decisive against 
its genuineness. That Athenaeus (xii. 2) should quote it as genuine, 
may seem somewhat strange, but will prove nothing but that it ex- 
isted before Athenaeus wrote, leaving it not at all the less a forgery. 

2 The words uiic άν ύς αύτοΊς ίπίστβνεν, which are in Hutchin- 
son's text, have been omitted by all the recent editors, but I have 
thought it well to give an equivalent for them in the translation. 

3 Cyrus the younger. 



282 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VIII. 

king, had their heads cut off; and many of the Barbarians 
engaged in that expedition also perished, some deluded by one 
promise and some by another. 

4. They are also greatly degenerated in regard to the fol- 
lowing particulars ; for formerly, if any one hazarded his life 
for his king, or subdued a city or nation, or performed any 
other honourable or serviceable action, he was distinguished 
with honour ; but now, if any one betrays his father, as 
Mithridates betrayed Ariobarzanes ; or if any one, like Leo- 
mi thres, having left his wife and children, and his friends' 
children, as hostages with the king of Egypt, and having 
violated the most solemn oaths, appears to have served the 
king by that means, he is loaded with the highest honours. 
5. All the people of Asia, being spectators of these pro- 
ceedings, give themselves up to impiety and injustice ; for 
whatever be the character of the rulers of a state, that 
of their subjects will be for the most part similar. It is 
thus that they have become more lawless than they were 
formerly. 

6. With respect to money, too, they show themselves more 
unprincipled in the following ways. They seize, not only 
such as have committed many crimes, but such as have done 
no wrong, and compel them, for no just cause, to pay fines ; 
so that those who appear to possess much property, live under 
no less apprehension than those who have been guilty of many 
offences ; they are neither willing to come into the society of 
the more powerful, nor do they dare to join the army of the 
king. 7. Thus, whoever goes to war with the Persians, may 
fix his abode in the country, just as he pleases, without fight- 
ing, in consequence of their impiety towards the gods, and 
their injustice towards men. In this respect their minds are 
altogether in a worse condition than formerly. 

8. I will now show that they do not take the same care as 
formerly to exercise their bodies. It was customary with 
them not to spit, or blow the nose ; a rule which, it is mani- 
fest, they did not observe in order to spare the moisture in 
their bodies, but from a desire to harden their bodies by exer- 
cise and perspiration. The custom of not spitting or blowing 
the nose, indeed, still continues, but that of taking exercise is 
wholly disregarded. 9. Originally, too, it was their practice 



CH. 8.] DEGENERACY OF THE PERSIANS. 283 

to make only one meal l a day, that they might employ the rest 
of the day in business and exercise, and the custom of taking 
one meal is still observed ; but, commencing their meal at the 
same time as those who dine earliest, they continue eating and 
drinking till the latest sitters-up go to bed. 

10. It was likewise a rule among them, not to bring pro- 
choides 2 to their banquets ; evidently thinking that abstinence 
from drinking to excess would tend less .to impair their bodies 
and their minds ; and the custom of not bringing such vessels 
still continues ; but they drink to such excess, that instead of 
bringing in, they are themselves carried out, since they are no 
longer able to walk out upright. 

ii. It was also a custom of the country, not to eat or drink 
when they were journeying from one place to another, or to be 
seen doing what are the necessary consequences of both. 
Abstinence in these particulars still continues ; but they make 
their journeys sB short, that no one can any longer wonder 
that they abstain from yielding to those calls of nature. 

12. Formerly they went out hunting so often, that those ex- 
peditions were sufficient exercises for themselves and their 
horses ; but, since King Artaxerxe3 and his courtiers have 
yielded to the influence of wine, they have neither gone out 
so frequently themselves, nor have sent out others, to the 
chase ; and if some, from a fondness for exercise, have gone 
out hunting with their horsemen about them, the other Per- 
sians have manifestly envied and hated them for presuming to 
seem superior to themselves. 

13. To educate the youth at the gates of the palace is still 
the custom ; but the attainment and practice of horsemanship 
are extinct, because they do not go where they can gain ap- 
plause by exhibiting skill in that exercise. Whereas, too, in 
former times, the boys, hearing causes justly decided there, 
were considered by that means to learn justice, that custom is 

1 Νονοσίτπν.~\ That is, to take only one principal meal in the 
day, the ctnrvov : for that they took a meal in the early part 
of the day, the άριστον, is shown by many passages of the Cyro- 
paedia. 

2 Υ1ροχοίοας.~\ In what sense this word should be taken is by no 
means agreed. Hesychius, Gataker, (Miscell. Crit. v. 5,) Borneniann, 
interpret it matulae. ; but Athenaeus, (xi. p. 469, c.,) Brisson, (de Keg. 
Pen. Princip. p. 218,) Sturz, and others, think that large cups are 
meant. 



284 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [b. VIII. 

altogether altered ; for they now see those gain their causes 
who offer the highest bribes. 14. Formerly, also, boys were 
taught the virtues of the various productions of the earth, in 
order that they might use the serviceable, and avoid the 
noxious ; but now they seem to be taught those particulars 
that they may do as much harm as possible ; at least there are 
nowhere so many killed or injured 1 by poison as in that 
country. 

15. They are, moreover, far more luxurious now than in the 
time of Cyrus, for then they still adhered to the institutions 
and temperance of the Persians, combined with the dress and 
delicacy of the Medes ; but now they have suffered the tem- 
perance of the Persians to become extinct, while the effeminacy 
of the Medes they retain. 16. Of their luxury I wish to give 
some illustrations. In the first place, it is not sufficient for 
them to have soft couches spread for them, but they place the 
feet of their couches upon carpets, that the'floor may offer no 
hard resistance, but that the carpets may yield. Of meats 
cooked for their tables, whatever were invented in former 
times, not one is discontinued ; but they are always contriv- 
ing new dishes, as well as sauces, for they have cooks to find 
out varieties in both. it. In winter, it is not sufficient for 
them to have their heads, their bodies, and their feet covered, 
but they have hair-gloves for their hands, and coverings for 
the fingers. In summer, the shade of trees and of rocks does 
not satisfy them ; but, under these, men stand near them con- 
triving additional shade. 2 is. If they possess a great number 
of cups, they are proud of possessing them ; and if they be 
evidently acquired by unjust means, they are not at all 
ashamed, for dishonesty and a sordid love of gain are greatly 
increased among them. 

19. It was once the custom of the country, that they should 
never be seen travelling on foot, for no other reason, but that 
they might become more skilful horsemen ; now they have 

1 Ούτε άποθνήσκονσιν οντε διαφθείρονται.'] Some have taken the 
former verb in the sense of se interficiunt, and the latter in the sense 
of ab aliisocciduntur. But Camerarius very properly gave them the 
senses of moriuntur and pemiciose Iceduntur ; the cnly senses that at 
all accord with the context. 

2 By the aid of fans and umbelloe, which may be seen represented 
on the monuments found in the ruins of Persepolis. See Heeren, 
i. p. 245. Bornemami. 



CH. 8.] DEGENERACY OF THE PERSIANS. 285 

more coverings on their horses than on their couches ; for they 
are not so desirous of skill in horsemanship, as of sitting at 
their ease. 20. With regard to the affairs of war, therefore, 
how can it be otherwise than probable that they should now 
be inferior in every respect to what they were at first ? It 
was customary, in past times, that those who possessed lands 
should furnish horsemen from them for the arm}', and that the 
soldiers in garrison, if it should be necessary to take the field, 
should fight as paid troops in defence of the country ; but now 
the great men enrol porters, bakers, cooks, cup-bearers, 
bathers, men who set dishes on the table and remove them, 
men who assist people to bed and to get up, dressers who 
anoint people, paint their faces, and trick them out in other 
ways, and all such characters, in the cavalry, that they may 
serve instead of themselves. 21. Of these, accordingly, the num- 
ber makes a show ; but there is no profit in them for war, as 
events indeed prove, for their enemies find a residence in 
their country more easily than their friends. 22. Cyrus, 
having broken them of the custom of skirmishing at a dis- 
tance, armed with breastplates both them and their horses, 
gave every one a javelin in his hand, and trained them to 
close fight ; but now they neither skirmish from a distance 
nor engage hand to hand. 23. The foot have yet shields, 
bills, and swords, as if they were going to battle under Cyrus, 
but neither will they venture to come to an engagement. 24. 
Nor do they any longer use the chariots armed with scythes 
for the purpose for which Cyrus intended them ; for he, by 
distinguishing the charioteers with honours, and making them 
brave, had such as would attack a body of heavy-armed in- 
fantry ; but the Persians of the present day, scarcely knowing 
the men in the chariots, imagine that those who are unexer- 
cised will be as serviceable as those that have practised ; 25. 
they do, indeed, make an attack, but, before they penetrate 
the enemy's ranks, some unintentionally fall out, and others 
jump out, so that the chariots and horses, being without 
drivers, frequently do more injury to their friends than to their 
enemies. 26. But since they are sensible of the condition of 
their troops, they yield to others, and none of them engage in 
a war without the aid of the Greeks, whether when they con- 
tend with one another, or when the Greeks take the field 



286 THE INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. [β. VUL 

against them ; for they resolve not to make war with Greeks 
without the assistance of Greeks. 

27. I think that I have now executed what I undertook ; 
for I suppose it has been proved that the Persians, and those 
incorporated with them, are less regardful of piety towards 
the gods, less just towards their relations, less equitable in 
their dealings with others, and less vigorous in war, in the 
present than in former times. If any one thinks differently 
from me, he will, on considering their conduct, find it verify 
my statements. 



HELLENICS, 

OR 

GRECIAN HISTORY. 



BOOK I. 
CHAPTER I. 



The power of Athens considerably restored by the aid of Alcibiades. De- 
feat and death of the Spartan admiral Mindarus in the battle of Cyzicus. 
Pharnabazus assists the Lacedaemonians. Banishment of Hermocrates, 
the Syracusan, and his colleagues. Repulse of Agis before the walls of 
Athens. 

1. After these things, 1 but not many days later, Thymo- 
chares came from Athens with a few ships ; and immediately 
the Lacedasmonians and Athenians again engaged by sea, and 
the LacedaBmonians, under the command of Hegesandridas, 
gained the victory. 

2. A little subsequent to this, Dorieus, the son of Diagoras, 
sailed from Rhodes into the Hellespont with fourteen ships, 
at the beginning of winter, at day-break. And the day- 
watch of the Athenians having observed him, gave notice to 
the generals, who put out against him with twenty ships ; 
but Dorieus having escaped them to the shore, ran his ships 
aground on Rhooteum, as he was clearing 2 it. 3. When the 

1 i. e. after the defeat of Mindarus by the Athenian commanders, 
Thrasybulus and Thrasylus, in the sea-fight between Sestus and 
Abydus; the last fact of importance related by Thucydides. 

2 yvoiyt.~\ For a similar use of this verb, with reference to the 
land in general, as in this passage to a projecting part of it, see eh. 
v. 14, and vi. 21, of this first book. 



288 HELLENICS. [β. I. 

Athenians had come to close quarters with them, they fought 
both from their ships and from the shore ; until the Athe- 
nians sailed away to Madytus to the rest of their force with- 
out having gained any advantage. 4. Now Mindarus had a 
sight of the battle, as he was sacrificing to Athena at Ilium, 
and went down to the sea to support them; and having 
launched his own galleys, sailed off to rescue those of Dorieus. 
5. But the Athenians, putting out against him, engaged him off 
Abydus, along the beach, from morning till evening. And 
while they were alternately victorious and vanquished, Al- 
cibiades sailed up into the straits with eighteen ships. 6. Upon 
that the Lacedaemonians fled to Abydus ; when Pharnabazus 
came to their aid, and advancing on his horse into the sea 
fought as long as was possible, and cheered on the rest of his 
men, both horse and foot. 7. And the Peloponnesians having 
closed in with their ships and formed them in line, engaged 
near the shore. So the Athenians sailed away, having taken 
thirty of the enemy's vessels unmanned, and having recovered 
those which they had themselves lost ; and went to Sestus. 
8. Thence, with the exception of forty ships, they departed in 
different directions beyond the Hellespont to collect money ; 
while Thrasylus, being one of the generals, sailed to Athens 
to carry tidings of these things, and to ask for land forces 
and ships. 

9. After these events Tissaphernes came to the Hellespont ; 
and on Alcibiades' coming to him w T ith a single galley, taking 
him tokens of friendship and presents, he arrested and con- 
fined him at Sardis, alleging that the king commanded him 
to make war upon the Athenians. io. But thirty days after- 
wards, Alcibiades in company with Mantitheus, who had 
been taken prisoner in Caria, being provided with horses 
escaped from Sardis by night to Clazomenae. n. Now the 
Athenians at Sestus, finding that Mindarus was about to sail 
against them with sixty ships, retreated by night to Cardia. 
Thither Alcibiades. also came from Clazomenas, with nve gal- 
leys and a small vessel. And on hearing that the ships of the 
Peloponnesians had set sail from Abydus for Cyzicus, he himself 
came to Sestus by land, and ordered his ships to sail thither. 
1 2. On his arrival, when he was now on the point of putting out 
for an engagement, Theramenes too sailed in with twenty ships 
from Macedonia, and at the same time Thrasybulus also with 



CH. L] BATTLE OF CYZICUS. 289 

twenty more from Thasus, both of them having collected sup- 
plies of money. 13. Alcibiades told these also to pursue him, 
having taken down their large sails ; and himself sailed to 
Parium : and all their ships being united at Pari urn, to the 
number of eighty-six, put out to sea the following night, and 
the next day, about breakfast time, arrived at Proconnesus. 
There they heard that Mindarus was at Cyzicus, and Phar- 
nabazus with his land force. 14. That day, then, they remain- 
ed there ; and the day following, Alcibiades, having called an 
assembly, told them in his address that it was necessary for 
them to fight both by sea and by land, and even against forti- 
fied places; "for," said he, "we have no money, but the 
enemy receive abundance of it from the king." 15. Now the 
day previous, after they had come to their moorings, he had 
brought together all the vessels and the smaller craft to his own 
position, in order that no one might report to the enemy the 
number of his ships ; and had made proclamation that who- 
ever should be caught sailing over to the opposite coast, death 
was the penalty., 16. After the assembly he made prepara- 
tions for a naval action, and set sail for Cyzicus under a heavy 
rain. When he was near Cyzicus, the weather having cleared 
up and the sun broken out, he descries the ships of Mindarus, 
to the number of sixty, exercising at a distance from the har- 
bour, and intercepted from it by his fleet. 17. The Pelopon- 
nesians, on seeing the galleys of the Athenians, both much 
more numerous than before, and near the harbour, fled to the 
land ; and having anchored their ships together gave battle to 
their opponents, as they came up. 18. Now Alcibiades, having 
sailed round with twenty of his vessels, disembarked on the 
shore. Mindarus seeing this, disembarked also, and was 
killed fighting on the land, while those that were with him 
took to flight. And the Athenians went away to Procon- 
nesus, with all the ships, except those of the Syracusans ; but 
these the Syracusans themselves had fired. 19. Thence the next 
day the Athenians sailed to Cyzicus ; and the inhabitants ad- 
mitted them, the Peloponnesians and Pharnabazus having 
evacuated the place. 20. After remaining there twenty days, 
and levying large contributions from the inhabitants, without 
doing any other harm to the town, Alcibiades sailed a\v r ay to 
Proconnesus, and thence to Perinthufl and Selymbria. 21. The 
Perinthians admitted the armament into their city : the Selym- 



290 HELLENICS. [β. I. 

brians did not admit them, but gave them money. 22. Thence 
they came to Chrysopolis in the territory of Chalcedon, which 
they fortified, and established a custom-house in it, and took 
tithes of the vessels coming from the Pontus. They also 
left there a guard of thirty ships, with two of the generals, 
Theramenes and Eumachus, to keep an eye on the place and 
on the outward-bound vessels, and to inflict whatever other 
injury they could on the enemy. The rest of the generals 
departed for the Hellespont. 

S23. Now a despatch from Hippocrates, second in command to 
Mindarus, which had been sent to Lacedsemon, was intercept- 
ed and brought to Athens, containing these words : "Our suc- 
cess is gone ; Mindarus is dead ; the men are hungry ; we are 
at a loss what to do." 

24. But Pharnabazus exhorted all the force of the Pelopon- 
nesians and the allies not to be disheartened for timber, as 
there was abundance of it in the king's country, so long as 
their persons were safe ; and he gave them a garment each, 
and supplies for two months ; and having armed the seamen 
he posted them as guardians of his own maritime territory. 
25. And having assembled the generals and captains from the 
cities, he urged them to build themselves galleys at Antan- 
drus, as many as they had severally lost ; both giving them 
money, and telling them to take their timber from Ida. 26. 
While they were building their ships, the Syracusans together 
with the Antandrians completed a part of the fortifications of 
the place, and while serving in the garrison made themselves 
most agreeable of all the force. For these reasons the Syra- 
cusans enjoy both the character of benefactors and the right 
of citizenship at Antandrus. Pharnabazus then, having ar- 
ranged these things, went to the succour of Chalcedon. 

27. In the mean time news was brought to the generals of the 
Syracusans, that they were banished from home by the people. 
They called together therefore their own soldiers, Hermo- 
crates taking the, lead, and deplored their misfortune, as being 
all banished contrary to the law ; and exhorted them to be 
zealous in future, as they had been in time past, and brave men 
in obeying the orders Jgiven them from time to time ; fyid they 
urged them to choose commanders, till those chosen in their own 
places should have arrived. 2s. The men with acclamations de- 
sired them to command them, especially the captains, soldiers, 



CH. 1.] EULOGY OF HERMOCRATES. 291 

and pilots. They replied, that they must not act seditiously 
against their own country ; though, if any one brought any 
charge against them, they said they ought to give them a 
hearing):•" remembering in how many sea-fights you have by 
yourselves gained the victory, and how many ships you have 
taken, and in how many instances, in conjunction with the 
rest, you have proved yourselves invincible under our com- 
mand, holding the best position both through our valour and 
your zeal, exhibited both by land and by sea." -29. When no one 
brought any charge against them, they remained, at their request, 
till the generals should arrive who had been chosen in their 
stead, namely, Demarchus the son of Pidocus, Myscon the son of 
Menecrates, and Potamis the son of Gnosias. And most of the 
captains having sworn to restore them on their return to Syra- 
cuse, let them depart wherever they pleased, with eulogies on 
all of them ; 30. but the associates of Hermocrates, in particular, 
most felt the loss of his attention, zeal, and affability. For 
whichever of the captains, pilots, and soldiers he considered 
most apt, every day, morning and evening, he assembled 
them in his own tent, and communicated to them whatever he 
intended to speak or do, and instructed them, urging them 
to express their views, in some cases impromptu, in others after 
deliberation. 31. By these means Hermocrates enjoyed a ge- 
neral reputation in the council, being thought both to speak 
and to form plans in the most able manner. Now Hermocrates 
had accused Tissaphernes at Lacedsemon, Astyochus also sup- 
porting him with his evidence, and was thought to have spoken 
the truth ; and at the present time, coming to Pharnabazus, he 
received money from him before asking for it, and began to 
prepare mercenaries and galleys, with a view to his return to 
Syracuse. In the mean time, the successors of the Syra- 
cusans came to Miletus, and took the command of the fleet 
and the army. 

32. Now a sedition having arisen in Thasos at this time, the 
partisans of Lacedoemon, and the Lacedaemonian harmost, 1 
Kteonicus, are driven out. Pasippidas, the Lacedaemonian, 
being charged with having effected this in conjunction with 
Tissaphernes, was banished from Sparta ; and Cratesippidas 
was sent out to the fleet which he had raised from the allies, 

1 αρμοστής.] The title of the governors sent to any foreign de- 
pendency of Sparta. 

Ό 2 



292 HELLENICS. [β. I. 

and took the command of it at Chios. 33. About this period, 
whilst Thrasylus was at Athens, Agis, in making a foray 
from Decelea, came to the very walls of Athens ; and Thra- 
sylus, having led out the Athenians and the rest who were in 
the city, drew them all up by the Lycean gymnasium, pre- 
pared to engage them if they came up to him. 34. Seeing this, 
Agis quickly withdrew, and some few of his men, such as 
were in the rear of all, 1 were killed by the light-armed. The 
Athenians therefore, in consequence of these things, were 
still more zealous supporters of Thrasylus, with regard to the 
objects of his coming ; and voted that he should muster a 
thousand heavy infantry, a hundred horse, and fifty triremes. 
35. But when Agis saw from Decelea many corn-ships running 
into Pirseus, he said that it was of no use for him and his 
troops to have been now for so long a time excluding the Athe- 
nians from the command of their land, unless some one 
should also stop those from whom the sea-borne corn was im- 
ported ; and that the best thing would be to send Clearchus 
the son of Ramphias, who was the proxenus of the Byzantines, 
to Chalcedon and Byzantium. 36. When this resolution had 
been adopted, fifteen ships having been manned from Megara 
and from the rest of the allies, he took his departure. And 
three of his ships were destroyed in the Hellespont, by the 
nine Athenian ones, which were always there on the look-out 
for vessels ; the rest fled to Sestus, and thence arrived safe at 
Byzantium. 37. And so the year ended in which the Cartha- 
ginians, having made an expedition against Sicily, under the 
command of Hannibal, with an army of a hundred thousand 
men, took in the course of three months two Grecian cities, 
Selinus and Himera. 

1 των Irri πάσιν.~\ Or the preposition may perhaps signify "at 
the mercy of — " "exposed to the attacks of — " as the extreme rear 
would be. 



CH. 2.] INROAD OF THRASYLUS INTO LTD! A. 293 



CHAPTER II. 

Thrasylus sails to Samos. Takes Colophon, but is defeated with severe loss 
at Ephesus. Takes four Syracusaa vessels off Lesbos. Joins the other 
Athenian armament at Sestus. During the winter the united forces, un- 
der the command of Alcibiades, attack Abydos, and defeat Pharnabazus, 
who came to succour the place. 

I. The next year, being the ninety-third Olympiad, at which 
the two-horsed chariot of Evagoras, the Elean, gained the 
prize, (this being a new addition to the games,) and in the 
foot-race Eubotas the Cyrenrean — while Euarchippus was 
ephor at Sparta, and Euctemon archon at Athens — the 
Athenians fortified Thoricus. And now Thrasylus, having 
taken the vessels voted for him, and made targeteers of five 
thousand of the seamen, sailed out at the beginning of sum- 
mer to Samos. 2. After remaining there three days, he sailed 
to Pygela, where he both ravaged the country and attacked 
the Avail. Now some troops from Miletus, having come to the 
succour of the Pygelans, pursued the Athenian light-armed, 
while they were dispersed about. 3. But the targeteers, and 
two divisions of the heavy-armed, having gone to the support 
of their light-armed, slew all who had come from Miletus, 
except a few, and took about two hundred shields, and erected 
a trophy. 4. The next day they sailed to Notium, and thence, 
after making their preparations, proceeded to Colophon, the 
inhabitants of which place surrendered to them. The follow- 
ing night they made an inroad into Lydia, when the corn was 
ripe, and burnt many villages, and took money and slaves, 
and other booty to a great amount. 5. Now Stages the Persian 
was in the neighbourhood ; and when the Athenians from the 
camp were scattered about, plundering on their own account, 
he took prisoner one of the horsemen who had come to their 
support, and slew seven. 6. After this, Thrasylus withdrew 
his force to the sea, with a view of sailing to Ephesus. Tis- 
saphernes, being aware of this object, began to collect a large 
army, and to despatch horsemen with orders for all to come 
to Ephesus, to the aid of Diana. 7. Thrasylus, the seventeenth 
day after his inroad into the country, sailed to Ephesus, and 
having landed his heavy infantry near Mount Coressus, and 
his cavalry and targeteers, and all the rest, near the marsh on 



294 HELLENICS. [β. I. 

the other side of the town, at day-break he brought up both 
his divisions. 8. The townsmen went out to defend themselves, 
with their allies whom Tissaphernes had brought, and the 
Syracusans, both those from the former twenty ships and 
from five others, which happened to have arrived at that 
time, being lately come with Eucles the son of Hippo, and 
Heraclides the son of Aristogenes, and two from Selinus. 9. 
These all marched, in the first instance, against the heavy in- 
fantry at the foot of Coressus ; and after routing them, and 
slaying about a hundred of them, and pursuing them down to 
the sea, they turned against those by tiie marsh. There, too, 
the Athenians fled, and there fell of them about three hun- 
dred, ίο. The Ephesians set up a trophy there, and another near 
Coressus. And to the Syracusans and Selinuntines, who had 
behaved most bravely, they gave rewards for their valour, 
both publicly, and, in many instances, privately ; and granted 
free permission to live there to any who might ever wish it ; 
while to the Selinuntines, since their city had been destroyed, 
they gave the rights of citizenship also. n. The Athenians, 
after taking back their dead under treaty, sailed away to Notium, 
and having buried them there sailed for Lesbos and the Hel- 
lespont. 12. While lying at anchor at Mitylene in Lesbos, they 
saw the five and twenty Syracusan ships sailing by from 
Ephesus ; and putting out against them, they took four with 
their crews, and chased the rest to Ephesus. 13. All the rest 
of the prisoners Thrasylus sent on° to Athens ; but Alcibiades 
the Athenian, who was a cousin and fellow-exile of Al- 
cibiades, he set at liberty. He then sailed to Sestus, to join 
the rest of the armament. 14. From that place the whole force 
crossed over to Lampsacus. And the winter now came on, 
during which the Syracusan prisoners who were confined in 
the quarries of Pirseus, having dug through the rock, made 
their escape, and went to Decelea, or in some instances to 
Megara. is. Now at Lampsacus, when Alcibiades wished to 
embody all the army, the former soldiers would not join in the 
same ranks with those of Thrasylus, considering that they 
themselves were unvanquished, while the others had come 
after being vanquished. There, then, they all spent the 
winter, fortifying Lampsacus, and making an expedition 
against Abydos. 16. Pharnabazus came to the rescue of that 
place with a large body of horse, and was defeated in battle 



CH. 3.] UNION OF THE ΤΛΥΟ ATHENIAN ARMAMENTS. 295 

and put to flight. Alcibiades pursued him with his cavalry and 
a hundred and twenty of his heavy infantry, commanded by 
Menander, till darkness rescued him. 17. After this battle the 
soldiers united with one another, and greeted those with 
Thrasylus. They went out also during the winter on other 
expeditions against the continent, and ravaged the king's 
country. 18. It was at this same time, too, that the Lacedaemo- 
nians dismissed under treaty from Malea those of the Helots 
who had revolted and established themselves at Coryphasium. l 
About the same time also the Achaeans at Heraclea in Tra- 
chis betrayed the new .settlers, while all of them were drawn' 
up for battle against the iEtaeans, who were hostile to them ; 
so that there fell of them to the number of seven hundred, 
with Labotas the harmost from Lacedaamon. 19. And so this 
year ended, in which the Medes, having revolted from Darius, 
king of Persia, again submitted to him. 



CHAPTER III. 



The Athenians attack Chalcedcn, which had revolted. Hippocrates, the 
Lacedaemonian harmost, falls in a vain attempt to defend it. The Athe- 
nians make peace with the Chalcedonians and Pharnabazus, who had 
come to the rescue of their town. They fail in an assault upon Byzan- 
tium, but get possession of it by the treason of some of the inhabitants. 

i. The next year the temple of Athena at Phocasa was 
burnt by a thunder-bolt falling on it. When the winter 
came to an end, while Pantacles was ephor, and Antigenes 
archon, at the beginning of spring, two and twenty years of 
the war having now elapsed, the Athenians sailed with all their 
armament to Proconnesus. 2. Thence they advanced against 
Chalcedon and Byzantium, and encamped near the former 
place. The Chalcedonians, having notice of the approach of the 
Athenians, deposited all their exposed property with the Bithy- 
nian Thracians who lived near their city. 3. But Alcibiades, 
taking a few of his heavy infantry and his cavalry, and com- 
manding the fleet to coast along in a line with him, came to 

1 το Κορυφάσων.] The Lacedaemonian name for Pylus. See 
Thucydides, iv. 3. 



296 HELLENICS. [β. I. 

ttie Bithynians, and demanded back the property of the 
Chalcedonians ; else, he said, he would proceed to hostilities 
with them. So they gave it back. 4. And when Alcibiades, 
having much booty, and having exchanged pledges of friend- 
ship with them, was come to the camp, he proceeded with all 
his force to circumvallate Chalcedon from sea to sea, and as 
much of the river 1 as he could with a wooden wall. 5. Upon 
that, Hippocrates, the Lacedaemonian harmost, led his soldiers 
out of the city to give him battle ; and the Athenians drew 
up against him ; while Pharnabazus, outside of the walls of 
circumvallation, came to his support with an army and a 
numerous cavalry. 6. Hippocrates therefore and Thrasylus, 
each with his heavy-armed, fought for a long time ; until Al- 
cibiades, with some heavy infantry and his cavalry, came to the 
assistance of the latter. And Hippocrates was killed, and those 
who were with him fled into the city. 7. At the same time 
Pharnabazus, not being able to effect a conjunction with 
Hippocrates, owing to the difficulties of the ground, the river 
and the wall of circumvallation being near, retreated to the 
precinct of Hercules in the Chalcedonian territory, where his 
camp was. 8. After this, Alcibiades went to the Hellespont 
and the Chersonesus to raise money ; but the rest of the 
generals made an arrangement with Pharnabazus, with re- 
gard to Chalcedon, that Pharnabazus should give the Atheni- 
ans twenty talents, and conduct an Athenian embassy up to 
the king. 9. And they took oaths to Pharnabazus, and adminis- 
tered them to him, that the Chalcedonians should give tribute, 
as much as they had been accustomed, to the Athenians, and 
pay up the arrears due ; and that the Athenians should not 
make war on the Chalcedonians until the ambassadors from 
the king arrived, ίο. Now Alcibiades was not present at this 
interchange of oaths, but was in the neighbourhood of Se- 
lymbria ; after taking which place he came to Byzantium, 
with the inhabitants of the Chersonesus in full force, and 
some soldiers from Thrace, and more than three hundred 
horse. 11. Pharnabazus, thinking that he also ought to take the 
oaths, was waiting for him at Chalcedon till he should come 
from Byzantium ; but when he came, he said he would not take 
them, unless Pharnabazus also took them to him. 12. After 

1 την ποταμού.'] i. e. the Chalcedon, which ran through a valley 
on one side of the town, to which it gave its name. 



CH. 3.] BYZANTIUM BETRAYED TO THE ATHENIANS. 297 

this he took them at Chrysopolis before commissioners from 
Pharnabazus — Metrobates and Arnapes, — and Pharnabazus 
took them at Chalcedon before commissioners from Alcibi- 
ades — Euryptolemus and Diotimus, — both taking the public 
oath, and giving mutually on their private account also assur- 
ances of friendship. 13. Pharnabazus then departed imme- 
diately, and told the ambassadors who were going to the king 
to meet him at Cyzicus. The Athenians who were sent were 
Dorotheus, Philodices, Theogenes, Euryptolemus, and Man- 
titheus ; and with them Cleostratus and Pyrrolochus from 
Argos ; there also went, as an embassy from the Lacedasmo- 
nians, Pasippidas and some others ; and with them Hermo- 
crates also, 1 being now exiled from Syracuse, and his brother 
Proxenus. 14. So Pharnabazus escorted these, while the Athe- 
nians were besieging Byzantium, after circumvallating it, and 
were skirmishing and making assaults on the Avail. 15. In the 
town was Clearchus the Lacedaemonian harmost, and with 
him some of the periceci, and a few of the newly enfran- 
chised, and a body of Megarians, with their commander 
Helixus of Megara, and another of Boeotians, with their com- 
mander Coeratadas. 16. When the Athenians could produce no 
effect by force, they persuaded some of the Byzantines to betray 
the place to them. n. But Clearchus, the harmost, not thinking 
that any one would do that, after arranging everything in the 
best way he could, and intrusting the command of the town to 
Coeratadas and Helixus, crossed over to Pharnabazus on the 
other side of the straits, to get from him money to pay the 
soldiers, and to collect vessels, of which there were some in 
the Hellespont, left as guard-ships by Pasippidas, and others 
at Antandrus, besides those which Hegesandridas (sailing as 
a passenger with Mindarus) had on the coast of Thrace ; and 
to provide that others should be built, and that all these being 
united should devastate the allies of the Athenians, and so 
draw off their armament from Byzantium. 18. When Clearchus 
had sailed away, those of the Byzantines who were pre- 
pared to betray the town, namely, Cydon, Ariston, Anaxi- 

1 τ/Γ// φίύγων Ικ Συρακουσών. ] As Hermocrates has already been 
spoken of as a banished man, (i. 27,) Schneider supposes these 
words to refer to a voyage home he had made in the mean time, 
and a fruitless attempt to get his sentence rescinded; quoting 
Diodorus, xiii. 63, in support of this view. 



298 HELLENICS. [β. I. 

crates, Lycurgus, and Anaxilaus, (who was afterwards tried 
for his life at Lacedaemon on account of his treason, but was 
acquitted, on the ground that he had not betrayed the town, 
but saved it, when he saw children and women dying of 
famine, he all the time being a Byzantine, and not a Lace- 
daemonian ; (for the corn that was in the place was given by 
Clearchus to the Lacedaemonian soldiers ;) for these reasons 
therefore he said that he had admitted the enemy, not for 
mercenary motives, nor from hatred of the Lacedaemonians) : 
20. these men, I say, when their preparations were completed, 
opened by night the gates — those which have their denomina- 
tion from looking towards the Thracian l square — and intro- 
duced the army and Alcibiades. 21. Helixus and Coeratadas, 
knowing nothing of this, went to the rescue with all the 
troops into the market-place ; but since the enemy were in 
possession on all sides, having nothing that they could do, 
they gave themselves up. 22. These, then, were sent off to 
Athens ; and while they were landing in Piraeus, Coeratadas, 
during the confusion, escaped unobserved, and arrived safe 
at Decelea. 



CHAPTER IV. 



Favourable reception of a Spartan embassy at the court of Persia ; the en- 
voys from Athens being stopped on their way by Pharnabazus at the in- 
stigation of Cyrus. Alcibiades is elected general while still in exile, and 
soon afterwards returns home. The different opinions entertained of him. 
He defends himself in the council and assembly, and being intrusted with 
the absolute command of the forces, sails against Andros, and thence to 
Samos. 

1. Pharnabazus and the ambassadors were at Gordium in 
Phrygia for the winter, when they heard of what had been done 
at Byzantium. 2. At the beginning of spring, as they were 
on their way to the king, there met them on their return to 
the coast the ambassadors 2 of the Lacedaemonians, — a man 

1 το θρακών.] Described in the Anabasis, vii. 1. 24, as a space 
within the walls ΐρημον οικιών και πεδινόν. 

2 Schneider observes that this Spartan embassy, under Boeotius, 
was evidently a different one from that under Pasippidas, mentioned 
in the previous chapter. 



CH. 4.] RETURN OF ALCIBIADES FROM EXILE. 299 

named Boeotius and his companions, — and the other messen- 
gers ; and told them that the Lacedaemonians had gained all 
their requests from the king. 3. And with them was Cyrus, 
who was to have the government of the whole sea-board, 
and to join the Lacedaemonians in the Avar; and he was 
bearer of a letter with the royal seal upon it to all on the 
coast, in which were the following words : " I send down 
Cyrus as Caranus of those who assemble at Castolus;" l the 
meaning of Caranus being u lord." 4. When, therefore, the 
Athenian ambassadors heard this, and saw Cyrus, they wished, 
if possible, to go up to the king ; but if not, to go back home. 
5. But Cyrus told Pharnabazus either to deliver up the ambas- 
sadors to him, or not to send them back home at present, as 
he wished the Athenians not to know what measures were 
being taken. 6. So Pharnabazus detained the ambassadors for 
some time ; telling them at one time, that he would take them 
up to the king ; at another, that he would send them back 
home in a way they would not object to. 7. But when three 
years had passed, he begged Cyrus to let them go; saying 
that he had sworn to take them back to the sea, since he had 
not taken them to the king. So they sent them to Ariobarzanes, 
and ordered him to escort them ; and he conducted them back 
to Cios in Mysia, whence they sailed back to the rest of the 
armament. 

8. Now Alcibiades, wishing to return home with his troops, 
put out immediately for Samos ; and thence, taking twenty 
of the ships, he sailed to the Ceramic Gulf on the coast of 
Caria. 9. Thence, after collecting a hundred talents, he came 
to Samos. Thrasybulus, with thirty ships, set out for Thrace, 
and subdued both the other places in that quarter which had 
gone over to the Lacedaemonians, and Thasos, which was being 
ravaged both by wars, and seditions, and famine. io. Thra- 
sylus, with the rest of the army, sailed home to Athens : but 
before his arrival the Athenians chose as their generals, 
Alcibiades, who was in banishment, and Thrasybulus, who was 

1 Καστωλόν.] Mentioned by Stephanus Byzantinus as a town in 
Lydia, and referred to in the Anabasis, i. 1. 2, under the title of 
Κασταλοϋ πεδίον. The assemblies mentioned both in this and 
that passage probably refer to periodical reviews of the troops in 
the district. 



300 HELLENICS. [β. I. 

absent, and for the third, Conon, from amongst those who 
were at home. 

11. Now Alcibiades sailed with his treasures from Samos to 
Paros, with twenty ships ; and thence put out straight for 
Gythium, to watch the triremes which he heard the Lacedae- 
monians were equipping there, to the number of thirty, and 
to observe, with regard to his return home, how the state was 
affected towards him. 12. When he saw that it was well dis- 
posed to him, and had chosen him general, and that in private 
his friends were sending for him, he sailed into Piraeus on the 
day on which the city was celebrating the Plynteria, when 
the statue of Athena was covered over ; which some con- 
sidered as an unfavourable omen both for him and for the 
state. For none of the Athenians would venture to transact 
any serious business on this day. 13. As he was sailing to shore, 
the multitude both from Piraeus and from the city crowded to 
the ships, wondering, and wishing to see Alcibiades ; saying, 
some of them, " that he was the best of the citizens, and alone 
had pleaded his own defence, as having been not justly 
banished, but plotted against by men who were less able than 
himself, and who spoke in a more unprincipled manner, and 
carried on the government for their own private gain ; 
whereas he always promoted the general good, both with his 
own resources, and with the power of the state. 1 14. And 
when, on that well-known occasion, he wished to be brought to 
trial immediately, when the charge was just brought against 
him of having been guilty of impiety with regard to the 
mysteries ; his enemies, putting off what seemed to be a fair 
demand, deprived him of his country in his absence. 15. At 
which time, submitting through helplessness, he was compelled 
to court his bitterest enemies, being continually in danger of 
perishing from day to day : and though he saw those nearest 
to him, his fellow-citizens and kinsmen, and the whole state, 
taking a wrong course, he had no means of helping it, being 
prevented by exile. ie. Further, they declared that such a man 
as he was had no need of innovation or revolution : for the 

1 από τον της πόλεως δυνατοί).'] Schneider thinks that this ex- 
pression cannot have the interpretation I have given to it: but the 
very common phrases dg το δυνατόν κατά το δ. seem fully to war- 
rant it. 



CH. 4.] HE IS MADE ABSOLUTE COMMANDER. 301 

fruits of the democracy were, in his case, to have more than 
his equals in age, and not less than his elders ; but in the case 
of his enemies, to be thought the same men as they had always 
been ; and afterwards, when they had raised themselves to 
power, to destroy the best men, and being themselves alone 
left, to be tolerated by their countrymen for this simple reason, 
because they could not secure the services of others who were 
better." 17. Others said " that he was the sole author of their 
past troubles, and seemed to have made himself the sole 
promoter of those which they had reason to fear might still 
fall on the state." is. After coming to anchor near the shore, 
Alcibiades did not land immediately, for fear of his enemies ; 
but standing on the deck, looked out to see if his friends were 
there. 19. When he saw Euryptolemus, the son of Peisianax, 
who was his own cousin, and the rest of his connexions and 
his friends with them, he then landed and went up the city, 
with a body of men prepared not to allow it, if any one should 
meddle with him. 20. In the council and the assembly he de- 
fended himself from the charge of impiety, and declared that 
he had been unjustly treated: and when much to this effect 
had been spoken, and no one contradicted him, (for the as- 
sembly would not have borne it,) he was declared absolute 
commander of all the forces, as being alone able to maintain 
the original power of the state. And whereas the Athenians 
before conducted the mysteries by sea, 1 on account of the 
war, he conducted them by land, leading out all the soldiers. 

21. After this he enrolled a force of fifteen hundred heavy foot 
and a hundred and fifty horse, with a hundred ships : and 
the third month after his return home, he sailed out against 
Andros, which had revolted from the Athenians ; and with 
him were sent Aristocrates and Adimantus, the son of 
Leucolophidas, who had been chosen as commanders by land. 

22. Alcibiades disembarked the army at Gaurium in the An- 
drian territory ; and when the Andrians came out against them, 
they routed them, and shut them up within their city, and 
killed some few of them, and the Lacedaemonians who were 
there. 23. He then erected a trophy, and after remaining there 
three days, sailed to Samos; from which place, as the base 
of his operations, he carried on the war. 

1 κατά θά\ατταν.~\ Because they had not dared to travel by the 
s:icrcd way to Eleusis since the occupation of Decelea by the enemy. 



302 HELLENICS. [β. I. 



CHAPTER V. 

Lysander, the Spartan admiral, is assisted by Cyrus in equipping his fleet. 
Alcibiades goes to meet Thrasybuhis at Phocaea. During his absence 
Antiochus, contrary to his orders, engages the enemy, and loses fifteen 
vessels. The Athenians depose Alcibiades and appoint Conon in his 
stead. 

l. A short time previous to these events, when the period 
for Cratesippidas being admiral had expired, the Lacedaemo- 
nians sent out Lysander in that office. He, after coming to 
Rhodes, and taking thence some vessels, sailed to Cos and 
Miletus, and thence to Ephesus, where he remained with 
seventy ships, till Cyrus arrived at Sardis. 2. When he was 
come, he went up to him with the ambassadors from Lacedae- 
mon. There, then, they told him of Tissaphernes, how he 
had acted ; and begged Cyrus himself to be very zealous in 
prosecuting the war. 3. Cyrus said, that both his father had 
given him such instructions, and he had himself no other 
views ; but would carry them all out ; and that he had come 
with five hundred talents ; and if these should fail, he would 
make use of his own money which his father had given him ; 
and if that also were insufficient, he would cut up even the 
throne on which he sat, which was made of silver and gold. 

4. They commended these sentiments, and desired him to agree 
to give an Attic drachma 1 a sailor; informing him that if 
that were made the pay, the sailors of the Athenians would 
desert their ships, and so he would have to expend less money. 

5. He told them that they said well, but it was not possible for 
him to act differently to what the king had commanded ; and 
the agreement was to this effect, that he should give thirty 
minae a month for each ship, whatever number the Lacedae- 
monians might wish to maintain. 6. Lysander was silent at the 
time ; but after supper, when Cyrus had drunk his health, 2 

1 δραχμήν Άττικήν.'] The sum mentioned by Thucydides, vi. 31, 
as paid to the Athenian sailors in the great Sicilian expedition, the 
usual pay being only half a drachma. See below, par. 7. 

2 αύτφ προπιών.'] The Greek fashion of paying this compliment 
was for a man to pass on the cup to another, after first drinking 
himself. 



CII. Ο.] ALCIBIADES DEPOSED FROItf HIS COMMAND. 303 

and asked him what he could do to oblige him most, he said, 
" If you would add to the pay an obolus a sailor." 7. From 
this time the pay was four oboli, but before it had been only 
three. And he both paid up the arrears, and further gave a 
month's pay in advance ; so that the armament was much 
more full of spirits. 8. The Athenians, on hearing these things, 
were disheartened, and sent ambassadors to Cyrus through 
Tissaphernes. 9. But he would not admit them, though Tissa- 
phernes begged him, and urged him to provide (as he him- 
self used to do, at the suggestion of Alcibiades) that none 
of the Greeks might be powerful, but all weak, through their 
party quarrels amongst themselves, ίο. When the fleet had 
been organized by him, Lysander hauled up his ships at 
Ephesus, ninety in number, and kept quiet, refitting them, 
and refreshing the crews. 

li. Now Alcibiades, hearing that Thrasybulus had come out 
of the Hellespont, and was fortifying Phocasa, sailed across to 
him, leaving in command of the fleet Antiochus, the master on 
board his own ship,-with instructions not to sail against Ly- 
sander's fleet. 12. But Antiochus, going with his own ship and 
another from Notium into the harbour of Ephesus, sailed along 
by the very prows of Lysander's ships. 13. Launching in 
the first instance but a few of his vessels, Lysander gave 
him chase ; but when the Athenians came to support Antio- 
chus with more ships, then indeed he drew up his whole 
number, and sailed against them. Afterwards the Athenians 
also launched the rest of their triremes at Notium, and put 
out to sea, as each cleared the shore. 14. Upon this they en- 
gaged, the Lacedaemonians being in line, but the Athenians 
with their ships dispersed, until they took to flight after 
losing fifteen triremes. Of the men the greater part escaped, 
but some were taken prisoners. After taking possession of 
the ships and erecting a trophy on Notium, Lysander sailed 
across to Ephesus, and the Athenians to Samos. 10. After this, 
Alcibiades came to Samos, and put out with all his ships to 
the harbour of Ephesus, and drew them up before the month 
of it, in case any one might wish to give him battle. But 
when Lysander did not put out against him, because he was 
inferior to him by many ships, he sailed back to Samos. The 
Lacedemonians, a little after, take Delphinium and Eion. 
1 6. And the Athenians at home, when news of the sea-fight was 



304 HELLENICS. [β. I. 

brought, were angry with Alcibiades, thinking he had lost 
the ships through carelessness and intemperance ; and they 
chose ten other generals, Conon, Diomedon, Leon, Pericles, 
Erasinidas, Aristocrates, Archestratus, Protomachus, Thrasy- 
lus, and Aristogenes. 17. Alcibiades therefore, being in ill 
favour with the army also, took one trireme, and sailed away 
to the Chersonesus, to his own castle. 18. And subsequently 
Conon came from Andros, with the twenty ships he had under 
him, as voted by the Athenians, and sailed to Samos to join 
the fleet. In the place of Conon they sent Phanosthenes to 
Andros, with four ships. 19. He, having fallen in with two 
Thurian triremes, took them with their crews; and the 
Athenians threw all the prisoners into irons ; but on Dorieus, 
their commander, (who was a Rhodian, and had formerly 
been outlawed by the Athenians while living as a citizen 
amongst them, with sentence of death passed upon him and 
his kinsmen,) they had compassion, and released him without 
even exacting a ransom from him. 20. When Conon came to 
Samos, and found the fleet out of spirits, having completely 
manned seventy ships instead of the former number, which 
was more than a hundred, and putting out to sea with these 
in conjunction with the other generals, he landed in different 
parts of the enemy's country, and ravaged it. 21. And so the 
year ended, in which the Carthaginians made an expedition 
to Sicily, with a hundred and twenty triremes, and a land- 
force of a hundred and twenty thousand men, and reduced 
Agrigentum by famine; for though they were defeated in 
battle, they sat down before it seven months. 



CHAPTER VI. 



Callicratidas, Lysarider's successor, refuses to court the Persians. Having 
received supplies from Miletus and Chios, he storms Methymna,and block- 
ades Conon at Mitylene. On the arrival of a large fleet from Athens, he 
is defeated and drowned at Argmusre. Clever escape of Eteonicus with 
his ships from Mitylene. 

1. The following year, in which the moon was eclipsed in 
the evening, and the old temple of Athena was burnt at 



CH. 6.] SPEECH OF CALLICRATIDAS AT MILETUS. 305 

Athens, Pityas being ephor, and Callias archon at Athens, 
the Lacedaemonians sent Callicratidas to the fleet, Lysander's 
period of command having now expired, and twenty-two years 
of the war. 2. When Lysander gave up the ships, he told 
Callicratidas that he did so while in command of the sea, 
and after gaining the victory in a naval action. Callicratidas 
told him to coast along from Ephesus, with Samos, where the 
Athenian fleet was, on his left hand, and give up the ships at 
Miletus ; and then he would confess that he had command of 
the sea. 3. When Lysander declined being so officious while 
another man was in office, Callicratidas himself, in addition to 
the vessels he had received from Lysander, manned from 
Chios and Rhodes, and other places belonging to the allies, 
fifty ships besides. Having combined all these, to the num- 
ber of a hundred and forty, he made preparations for meeting 
the enemy. 4. But finding that he was factiously opposed by 
the friends of Lysander, who not only served him without any 
zeal, but also spread it abroad in the different states that the 
Lacedaemonians very greatly erred in changing their admirals 
so often — in the place of those who had grown fit for the 
office, and had just acquired a knowledge of naval matters, 
and knew how to behave to people in those parts, sending 
men who were unacquainted with the sea, anct unknown to 
people there, — and so l were in danger of incurring some dis- 
aster on this account ; finding this, I say, Callicratidas assem- 
bled those of the Lacedaemonians who were there, and ad- 
dressed them as follows : 

5. " I am contented to remain at home ; and whether Lysan- 
der or any one else professes to be more experienced in naval 
matters, I make no objection, as far as I am concerned. But 
since I have been sent by my country to the fleet, I know not 
what else to do but to obey my orders in the best way I can. 
Do ye then, with regard to the points on which I feel this am- 
bition, and our country is exposed to reprehension, (for ye 
know it yourselves as well as I do,) advise what appears best 

' κινδυνεύουν τε παθεϊν. It is impossible to translate this passage 
without inserting the conjunction, as I have done ; otherwise, there 
is no connexion between κινιννευοιεν and παραπίπτοιεν. Dindorf 
not seem to have noticed this consequence of his changing the 
tflter απείρους (as Schneider had it) into t ή ; — a change quite 
justified by the context, but requiring the insertion of και before 
the next verb. 

VOL. II. χ 



306 HELLENICS. [β. I. 

to you, about my continuing where I am, or sailing back home, 
to report the state of things here." 

6. When no one dared to express any opinion, but that he 
should obey those at home, and do what he came for, he went 
to Cyrus, and asked for pay for the seamen : but he told him 
to wait two days. 7. Callicratidas, annoyed at being put off, 
and at having to go repeatedly to his doors, grew angry, and 
said that the Greeks were most miserable men, in having to 
fawn on Barbarians for money : and, declaring that if he got 
safe home, to the best of his ability he would reconcile the 
Athenians and Lacedasmonians, he sailed away to Miletus. 
8. There, after sending triremes to Lacedaemon for money, he 
convened an assembly of the Milesians, and spoke thus : 
" For me, Milesians, it is necessary to obey the rulers at home : 
and on you I call to be most zealous in the war, inasmuch as, 
through living amongst the Barbarians, you have suffered ere 
now most evil at their hands. 9. And you ought to take the 
lead of the rest of the allies, in order that we may do the 
quickest and the greatest mischief to the enemy, until those 
come from Sparta whom I have sent to fetch pecuniary 
supplies. 10. For what there were here Lysander, before he 
took his departure, gave back to Cyrus, as being more than 
were wanted. And Cyrus, when I went to him, continually 
put off giving me an audience ; and I could not persuade 
myself to be repeatedly going to his doors, ll. But I promise 
you, that in return for the benefits conferred on us while we 
are expecting our supplies from home, I will repay you with 
becoming gratitude. Come then, let us, with the help of the 
gods, show the Barbarians, that without paying court to 
them, we are able to avenge ourselves on our enemies." 
12. When he had thus spoken, many rose, and especially those 
who were charged with being opposed to him, (for they 
were afraid,) and proposed a grant of money, themselves also 
promising more from their own private resources. Having 
received the supplies, and obtained from Chios five drachmas 
for each of the sailors, he sailed against Methymna in Lesbos, 
which was hostile to them. 13. When the Methymnaeans would 
not surrender, but had an Athenian garrison in the place, and 
those at the head of affairs were on the "Athenian side, he 
assaulted the town, and took it by storm. 14. The whole of the 
property, then, was plundered by the soldiers ; but all the 



CH. 6.] SUCCOURS SENT FROM ATHENS TO CONON. 307 

slaves Callicratidas collected into the market-place ; and when 
the allies urged him to sell the Methymnasans also, he said 
that whilst he was commander none of the Greeks should be 
enslaved, so far as he could prevent it. 15. The next day he set 
at liberty the free-men, and the Athenian garrison, and sold 
all the slaves l that were of servile origin ; and told Conon 
that he would stop his dallying with the sea. At day-break, 
observing him putting out to sea, he gave chase, cutting him 
off from the passage to Samos, that he might not flee thither. 
16. Conon had fast-sailing ships for his flight, because the best 
seamen had been picked out of many vessels, and put into a 
few : and he takes refuge at Mitylene in Lesbos, and with him 
two of the ten generals, Leon and Erasinides. Callicratidas 
sailed in with them into the harbour, pursuing them with a 
hundred and seventy ships. 

17. Being thus stopped by the enemy before he could go any 
farther, Conon was compelled to engage in the harbour, and 
lost thirty ships, the crews, however, escaping to the shore. 
The rest of his vessels, forty in number, he hauled up under 
the wall. 18. Callicratidas anchored in the harbour, and block- 
aded him there, having command of the passage out. He 
sent also by land for the Methymnaeans in full force, and car- 
ried over the troops from Chios ; while pecuniary supplies 
reached him from Cyrus. 19. When Conon was thus besieged 
both by land and sea, and could from no quarter obtain sup- 
plies of provisions, while the number of men in the place was 
large, and the Athenians did not come to rescue him, through 
not hearing of the circumstances ; he launched the two fast- 
est sailers of his fleet, and manned them before day-break, 
picking the best rowers out of all the ships, and removing the 
soldiers into the hold, and putting up the curtains. 2 20. During 
the day, then, they thus continued ; and in the evening, when 
it was dark, he landed them, so as not to be seen by the enemy 
in doing it. 

1 τά avcparroca ra cov\a, i. e- in opposition to those who had 
been reduced to bondage by war or any other violence. 

2 τά παραρμνματα παοαβαλών. Bishop Thirl wall remarks on this 
passage, "The object plainly was concealment: but the pn 
nature of the contrivance cannot be understood without a clearer 
notion than we now possess of the παρα^ρνματα here mentioned by 
Xenophon, and of the purpose for which they were used on this 
occasion." 

χ 2 



308 HELLENICS. [β. I. 

On the fifth day, having put on board a moderate stock 
of provisions, when it was now noon, and the blockading 
squadron were paying little attention, and some of them were 
refreshing themselves, they sailed out of the harbour, one 
of them making all speed for the Hellespont, the other for the 
open sea. 21. The blockaders, as they severally cleared, cutting 
their cables and bestirring themselves, prepared to go after 
them in disorder, for they happened to have been at breakfast on 
shore ; and having gone on board, they gave chase to the one 
which had rushed into the open sea, and overtook it at sun- 
set ; and after defeating it in action, took it in tow, and led it 
back to the camp, crew and all. 22. But the ship which had 
fled for the Hellespont escaped, and arriving at Athens, 
brought tidings of the siege. And Diomedon went with 
twelve ships to the rescue of Conon thus besieged, and came 
to anchor in the Euripus of Mitylene. 23. Callicratidas immedi- 
ately sailed against him, and took ten of his ships, Diomedon 
escaping with his own and another. 24. When the Athenians 
heard of these facts, and of the siege, they voted to send suc- 
cours with a hundred and ten ships, compelling all who were 
of age to go on board, both slaves and freemen ; and in thirty 
days they had manned the hundred and ten ships, and set sail ; 
many even of the knights having gone on board. 25. After- 
wards they put out to Samos, and took thence ten Samian 
ships. They mustered also more than thirty others from the rest 
of the allies, compelling all to go on board ; and in the same way 
with any they happened to have abroad. The total number 
amounted to more than a hundred and fifty. 26. On hearing of 
this reinforcement being already at Samos, Callicratidas left 
where he was fifty ships, with Eteonicus as commander, and 
putting to sea with the remaining hundred and twenty, took 
his evening meal at the promontory of Malea in Lesbos, over 
against Mitylene. 27. The same day the Athenians also hap- 
pened to be taking theirs at the Arginusce, which lie oppo- 
site Lesbos, near the promontory of Malea, over against Mity- 
lene. 28. Having seen their fires in the night, and some men 
having brought him word that they were the Athenians, he 
weighed anchor about midnight, that he might fall on them 
unexpectedly; but heavy rain and thunder coming on pre- 
vented his putting out to sea. When the storm had ceased, at 
day-break he sailed to the Arginusae. 29. And the Athenians 



CII. 6.] BATTLE OF ARGINUSiE. 309 

their left wing put out into the open sea to meet him, drawn 
up as follows. Aristocrates, occupying the extreme left, 
took the lead with fifteen ships, and then came Diomedon 
with fifteen more. Behind Aristocrates was posted Pericles, 
and behind Diomedon, Erasinides. By the side of Diomedon 
were the Samians with ten ships, drawn up in single line, 
and commanded by a Samian, named Hippias. Next were 
ten vessels of the Taxiarehs, 1 also in single line ; and behind 
these the three of the admirals, and whatever others there 
were belonging to the allies. 30. The right wing was held by 
Protoraachus with fifteen ships ; and by the side of him was 
Thrasylus with fifteen more ; Lysias, with an equal number, 
being posted behind Protomachus, and Aristogenes behind 
Thrasylus. 31. They were drawn up in this way that they 
might not allow any breaking through their line ; for they 
were worse sailors than the enemy. 

The ships of the Lacedaemonians were all drawn up in 
single line, prepared for breaking through the enemy's line, 
and tacking about again*; for they were better sailors. Their 
right wing was held by Callicratidas. 32. He was told by Her- 
mon the Megarian, master of his own vessel, that it was ad- 
visable for him to retire ; for the triremes of the Athenians 
were far the more numerous. Callicratidas said, that Sparta 
would be none the worse governed for his death, while to flee 
was disgraceful. 

33. After this the fleets engaged for a long time, at first in a 
close body, and afterwards separately. But when Callicratidas, 
on his ship's making a charge, fell off into the sea, and was 
seen no more, and Protomachus with his division on the right 
defeated the enemy's left ; upon that the Peloponnesians fled 
to Chios, and the greatest part of them even to Phocaea : 
while the Athenians sailed back again to the Arginusoe. 34. 
There were lost, on the side of the Athenians, twenty-five 
ships with their crews, except a few men who were floated 
to the shore ; and on that of the Peloponnesians, nine Laco- 
nian vessels, their whole number being but ten, and of the 
reel of the allies more than sixty. 

Now it was determined by the generals of the Athenians, 
that Theramenes and Thrasybulus, who commanded triremes, 

1 των τα'ίΐάηχων. " Who however wore properly military officers. 
But of the ναύαρχοι, who are mentioned on tins occasion as three in 
number, we can find no explanation." ThirbraU. 



310 HELLENICS. [β. I. 

and some of the taxiarchs, should sail with forty-seven ships 
to the vessels that were sunk, 1 and the men upon them ; while 
with the rest they went against the squadron with Eteonicus 
blockading Mitylene. But when they wished so to do, a 
storm of wind, coming on with violence, prevented them. So 
they erected a trophy, and passed the night there. 

36. All the particulars of the sea-fight were reported to Eteo- 
nicus by his boat in attendance ; but he immediately sent it 
out again, telling those on board to sail out in silence, and to 
speak to nobody ; but immediately to come back again to 
their encampment with crowns on their heads, and crying out, 
" Callicratidas has gained the victory in a sea-fight, and all the 
ships of the Athenians are destroyed." 37. They did so : and 
he, when they sailed in, offered sacrifices for the good tidings ; 
at the same time sending round orders to the soldiers to take 
their supper, and to the merchants to put their property on 
board their vessels in silence, and sail away to Chios, the 
wind being favourable for them, and the triremes likewise as 
quickly as possible. He himself led off the land force to Me- 
thymna, after burning his camp. 38. When the enemy had re- 
treated, and the wind was calmer, Conon launched his ships, 
and meeting the Athenians, who had now put out from the Argi- 
nusas, told them the fact concerning Eteonicus. Thence they 
pushed out against Chios ; and having effected nothing there, 
sailed back for Samos. 



CHAPTER VII. 



The Athenians depose and bring to trial the victorious generals for not 
having taken up their men from the wrecks. Speech of Euryptolemus 
in their defence. They are condemned, and six of them, then in the city, 
are put to death. The people soon afterwards repent, and impeach their 
accusers. 

l. Now the people at home deposed these generals, with the 
exception of Conon ; in addition to whom they appointed 
Adimantus, and Philocles as the third. Of the generals who 
had joined in the sea-fight, Protomachus and Aristogenes did 
not return to Athens. 2. On the arrival of the other six, namely, 

1 i. e. were made water-logged, so as to be useless, though they 
did not sink to the bottom. See Arnold's note on Thucydides i. 
50. 1. 



CH. 7.] ACCUSATION OF THE VICTORIOUS GENERALS. 311 

Pericles, Diomedon, Lysias, Aristocrates, Thrasylus, and 
Erasinides, Archedemus, who was at that time the leader of 
the commons at Athens, and superintendent of Decelea, im- 
posed a penalty on Erasinides, and accused him in a court of 
j ustice, declaring that he was in possession of a sum of money 
from the Hellespont, which belonged to the people. He also 
brought a charge against him with reference to his conduct 
as general ; and the resolution of the court was to imprison 
Erasinides. 3. After this the generals made a statement before 
the council concerning the naval engagement, and the vio- 
lence of the storm. And when Timocrates said that the others 
also ought to be imprisoned and brought before the people, 
the council imprisoned them. 4. Afterwards an assembly was 
held, in which both others accused the generals, and especially 
Theramenes, saying that they ought to be brought to trial for 
not having rescued the men on the wrecks. For as evidence 
that they blamed no one else for it, he brought forward a 
despatch which the generals had sent to the council and the 
people, laying the blame in it on nothing else but the storm. 
5. After this the generals each made a short defence, (for they 
were not formally called on to speak, according to law,) re- 
lating the facts of the case ; namely, that they were them- 
selves sailing against the enemy, but gave orders for the 
rescue of the men on the wrecks to certain of the captains, 
who were able men, and had already held command, namely, 
Theramenes and Thrasybulus, and others of the same cha- 
racter. 6. And if they ought to blame any with regard to the 
rescue of the men, they could blame none but those to whom 
the orders were given. " At the same time," said they, " we 
will not, because they accuse us, speak what is false, by say- 
ing that they are to blame ; but that it was the violence of 
the storm which prevented their rescuing them." As wit- 
nesses of this they offered to bring forward the pilots, and 
many others who were on board with them. 7. By thus speak- 
ing they convinced the people ; and many private individuals 
rose up and wished to be sureties for them ; but it was re- 
solved to adjourn it to another assembly, (for it was then late, 
and they could not have seen clearly the show of hands,) and 
that the council, having previously deliberated on it, should 
bring in a motion as to the manner in which the men should 
be tried. 



312 HELLENICS. [β. I. 

8. After this the Apaturian festival came on, during which 
fathers and members of families meet together. Theramenes 
and his party therefore got ready a number of men at this 
festival, dressed in black, and with their heads closely shaved, 
to come before the assembly, as kinsmen of those who had 
been lost ; and they persuaded Callixenus to accuse the 
generals. 9. Upon that they held an assembly, at which the 
council, with Callixenus as its spokesman, brought in its own 
decree, to the following effect. 

" Forasmuch as at the former assembly they have heard 
both the accusers of the generals, and the generals speaking 
in their own defence ; let all the Athenians severally give 
their votes by tribes. Let them place for each tribe two 
urns ; and in each tribe let the herald proclaim, c Whoever 
thinks that the generals are guilty, for not having rescued the 
men who won the victory in the sea-fight, let him put his 
ballot into the former of the two urns ; whoever thinks they 
are not, into the latter.' 10. If they are considered guilty, let 
them sentence them to death, and deliver them over to the 
Eleven, their goods being confiscated, and a tithe of them re- 
served for the goddess." 

ll. Now there came forward into the assembly a man who said 
that he had escaped on a meal-tub, and that those who were 
perishing gave him a command, in case he should be saved, 
to carry word to the people that the generals had not rescued 
those who had proved themselves most brave men in their 
country's behalf. 12. But Euryptolemus, son of Peisianax, and 
some others, summoned Callixenus to stand his trial, declaring 
that he had drawn up an illegal decree. Some of the people 
approved of this ; but the greater part cried out, that it was 
strange if any one would not allow the people to do as it 
pleased. 13. Upon this when Lyciscus had moved that they too 
should be tried by the same balloting as the generals, if they 
did not let the assembly go its own way ; the mob was again 
clamorous, and they were compelled to abandon their sum- 
monses. 14. But when some of the presidents refused to put the 
question to the vote contrary to the laws. Callixenus again 
rose up, and charged them in the same terms ; while his sup- 
porters called out that they should summon the recusants. 15. 
So the presidents were frightened, and agreed all of them to put 
it, with the exception of Socrates the son of Sophroniscus ; 



CH. 7.] SPEECH OF EUKYPTOLEMUS. 313 

who said that he would only act according to law. 16. After 
this, Euryptolemus mounted the tribune, and spoke in behalf 
of the generals, as follows : 

" I have come up here, men of Athens, partly to censure 
Pericles, my kinsman and associate, and Diomedon my friend ; 
partly to speak in their defence ; and partly to give you such 
advice as I think best for the state. 17. I censure them then, be- 
cause, when their colleagues wished to send a despatch to the 
council and to you, to the effect that they had commanded Thera- 
menes and Thrasybulus with forty-seven ships to rescue the men 
on the wrecks, and they had not done so, they dissuaded them 
from it. 18. Consequently they now incur general blame, though 
it was only those individuals who did wrong ; and in return 
for their kindness at that time, they are now plotted against 
by the objects of it, and some others, and are in danger of 
losing their lives. But not so, if you will be persuaded by 
me, and do what is just and right, and by means of which you 
will best hear the truth ; instead of repenting afterwards, 
and finding that you have sinned most grievously against both 
the gods and yourselves. 19. I give you, then, advice by which 
it is not possible for you to be deceived, either by me or by 
any one else ; but you will know and punish those who are 
guilty, in whatever way you choose to try them, whether all 
together, or one by one, allowing them, if not more, yet at 
least one day for defending themselves, and not believing, 
others more than yourselves. 20. You know, men of Athens, 
that the decree of Cannonus is a very severe one, which orders, 
6 that if any one wrong the people of the Athenians, he 
shall plead his cause in chains before the people, and if 
condemned as guilty, shall be put to death, and thrown into 
the pit ; his goods being confiscated, and a tithe of them being 
devoted to the goddess.' 21. By this decree I recommend that 
the generals should be tried, and, by heaven, if you think fit, 
Pericles, my own kinsmen, first of them : for it were base in 
me to prize him more highly than the state. 22. Or, if you pre- 
fer it, try them by this law, which is enacted against sacrilegi- 
ous men and traitors; 'that if any one either betray the state, 
or steal what is holy, he shall be tried in a court of justice, 
and, if condemned, shall be refused burial in Attica ; and 
that his goods shall be confiscated.' 23. By whichever of 
two laws you please, Athenians, let the men be tried, 



314 HELLENICS. [β. I. 

each singly, and making three distinct parts of the day; 
one for your assembling and giving your votes, as to whether 
you consider them guilty or not ; another for accusing them ; 
and another for their making their defence. 24. If this be done, 
the guilty will incur the heaviest vengeance, and the innocent 
will be released by you, men of Athens, and not be put to death 
as guilty. 25. You, at the same time, will judge according to the 
law, with due regard for religion, and for your oaths ; and will 
not aid the Lacedaemonians in the war, by putting to death 
without a trial, contrary to the law, those who took from them 
seventy ships, and gained the victory over them. 26. And what 
are you really afraid of that you are in such a hurry ? Is it, 
that you would not put to death, or release, whom you choose, 
if you tried them according to law, and not contrary to law, 
as Callixenus persuaded the council to bring in its decree be- 
fore the people for deciding by a single balloting ? l 27. Nay, but 
in that case you might perhaps put to death some one who was 
innocent ; and you will be sorry for it afterwards. But remember 
that regret is then but a painful and useless thing ; and, more- 
over, that it is with regard to man's life that you were mistaken. 

28. And you would act shamefully, if, in the case of Aristar- 
chus, who tried to abolish the democracy, and then to betray 
GEnoe to the Thebans, who were your enemies, you allowed 
him a day for defending himself as he wished, and afforded 
him all other advantages, according to law ; but will deprive 
of these very things the generals who did everything accord- 
ing to your wishes, and gained the victory over your enemies. 

29. Nay, act not so, Athenians ; but maintaining the laws, which 
are your own, and by means of which, more than anything 
else, you have attained to the greatest power, without them 
attempt to do nothing. But now go back with me to the cir- 
cumstances themselves, under which the offences of the gene- 
rals are thought to have been committed. When they re- 
turned to land after being victorious in the sea-fight, Diomedon 
advised that all of them should put to sea in single column, 
and recover the wrecks and the men upon them ; while Era- 
sinides was of opinion that they should all sail as quickly as 
possible against the enemy ; and Thrasylus represented that 

1 Of the many emendations which have been proposed for this 
corrupt passage, I think that of Kceppen the simplest and best, 
namely, to insert δε after άναμνησθητε. 



CH. 7.] MOTION OF EURYPTOLEMUS. 315 

both these objects might be secured, if they left some of their 
ships there, and with the rest sailed against the enemy. 
30. λΥηβη this course had been adopted, they agreed that each of 
the generals, who were eight in number, should leave behind 
three vessels of his division, with the ten of the taxiarchs, the 
ten of the Samians, and the three of the admirals. These 
altogether amount to seven and forty, four for each of the 
lost ships, which were twelve in number. 31. Amongst the 
Taxiarchs left behind were both Thrasybulus and Thera- 
menes, who in the former assembly was the accuser of the 
generals. With the rest of the ships they sailed against those 
of the enemy. In which of these things did they not act 
ably and well ? It is but right, therefore, that for any mea- 
sures against the enemy which were not well executed, those 
who were appointed to act against them should be called to 
account ; but that those who were appointed to recover the 
wrecks, if they did not do what the generals ordered, should 
be tried, as to the reasons for their not recovering them. 

32. This much, however, I can say for both of them, that it was 
the storm which prevented their executing any of the com- 
mands of the generals. As witnesses of this, there are the 
men who escaped by their own good fortune, and amongst 
them one of our generals, who was saved on board a ship 
that went down ; and whom, though at that time he needed 
to be rescued himself, they require to be tried at the same 
balloting as those who did not do what they were commanded. 

33. Do not now, men of Athens, instead of acting consistently 
with your victory and good fortune, behave like men who are 
vanquished and unfortunate ; and instead of recognising the 
irresistible will of heaven, appear to be unfeeling, by charging 
them with treason, instead of want of power, because they 
were not able, in consequence of the storm, to do what they 
were commanded. Nay, but it were much more just to re- 
ward the conquerors with crowns, than to punish them with 
death, at the instigation of evil men." 

34. Having thus spoken, Euryptolemus drew up a resolution 
that the men should be tried according to the decree of Can- 
nonus, each separately : whereas that of the council was to 
try them all by a single balloting. On these motions being 
put to the assembly, at first they decided in favour of that of 



316 HELLENICS. [β. II. 

Euryptolemus ; but when Menecles protested on oath, 1 and 
the motions were again put, they decided in favour of the 
council's. Subsequently they condemned the generals who 
had fought the battle, eight in number ; and the six of them 
who were present were put to death. 34. No long time after, 
the Athenians repented of their conduct, and passed a decree, 
that whoever had been the deceivers of the people, an im- 
peachment of them should be proposed, and they should give 
securities, until they were brought to trial ; and that Callix- 
enus should be included in their number. Four others also 
were impeached, and put in bonds by their securities. But 
subsequently, on the occurrence of a certain sedition, in which 
Cleophon was killed, these escaped before being brought to 
trial. Callixenus was restored at the same time as 2 those in 
the Piraseus returned into the city ; but being hated by all, he 
died of starvation. 



BOOK II. 
CHAPTER L 

Eteonicus crushes a plot of his destitute forces to plunder Chios. At the 
request of the allies, Lysander is sent out as second in command of the 
fleet, and after storming Lampsacus, destroys the Athenian fleet at iEgos- 
potami. He puts to death all his prisoners, except Adimantus. 

l. The soldiers who were at Chios with Eteonicus, so long as 
the summer lasted, supported themselves on the fruits of the 
season, and by working for hire through the country. But 
when winter came on, and they had no food, and were in 
want of clothes and shoes, they combined together, and formed 
a plot for making an attack upon Chios ; and it was arranged 
that such as approved of this should carry a reed, that they 
might recognise one another, and ascertain how many they 
were. 2. On hearing of the plot, Eteonicus was at a loss how to 

1 νπομοσαμενον. " According to Hud-t-walcher, p. 96, the νπω- 
μοσία was a protest upon oath, which had the effect of suspending 
the force of the decree, until the question of its legality had been 
decided." Thirlwall. 2 See book II. ch. 4. 



CH. 1.] LYSANDER SENT TO COMMAND THE FLEET. 317 

treat the matter, owing to the great number of the reed- 
bearers. For to take it in hand openly seemed dangerous, 
lest they should run to their arms, and take possession of the 
city, and, proceeding to hostilities with him, ruin the whole 
cause, if they gained the mastery. And, on the other hand, 
to put to death allies in great numbers appeared a formidable 
thing, lest they should incur a degree of prejudice with the 
rest of the Greeks also, and the soldiers should be ill-affected 
to the cause. 3. Accordingly he took with him fifteen men with 
daggers, and went into the city ; and meeting with a man who had 
the ophthalmia, as he was coming out of a surgery, with a reed, 
in his hand, he slew him. 4. And when a disturbance was made, 
and some inquired why the man was killed, Eteonicus ordered 
them to spread the report, that it was because he had the reed. 
On this report being circulated, all that had the reeds threw 
them away, each one who successively heard it being afraid of 
being seen with one. 5. Afterwards Eteonicus called the Chians 
together, and urged them to contribute a sum of money, that 
the sailors might receive their pay, and not form any revolu- 
tionary schemes. They made the contributions ; and at the 
same time he gave orders for going on board the ships ; and 
visiting them in turns alongside of each vessel, he both en- 
couraged them and gave them much advice, as though he 
knew nothing of what had happened, and distributed to each 
of them a month's pay. 6. Subsequently the Chians and the 
rest of the allies assembled at Ephesus, and resolved, after 
consultation on the present state of affairs, to send ambassa- 
dors to Lacedamion to state these facts, and to ask for Lysan- 
der to be sent to the fleet, as he was in good favour with the 
allies, on the strength of his former discharge of the admiral's 
office, when he gained the victory in the sea-fight at Notium. 
7. Accordingly ambassadors were sent, and with them also mes- 
sengers from Cyrus, speaking to the same effect. The Lace- 
daemonians granted them Lysander as second in command, but 
Aracus as admiral ; for it is not lawful with them for the same 
man to be admiral twice. They gave up, however, the fleet to 
Lysander, when twenty-five years of the war had now expired. 
8. In the course of this year Cyrus put to death A.utob(»sacefl 
and Mitneus, who were sons of the sister of DariaMis, 1 the 

1 της Δαρααίου αδελφής.] Schneider observes that the want of a 
correct genealogy renders this passage inexplicable. 



318 HELLENICS. [β. II. 

daughter of Xerxes, the father of Darius, because, when they 
met him, they did not thrust their hands through their sleeve, 
which they do for the king alone ; the sleeve being longer than 
the hand, so that a man who has his hand in it can do no- 
thing. 9. Hieramenes therefore and his wife represented to 
Darius, that it was shameful if he overlooked his excessive 
presumption ; and accordingly he sent for him, on the plea of 
illness, despatching messengers for the purpose. 

10. The following year, when Archytas was ephor, and 
Alexius archon at Athens, Lysander, on his arrival at Ephesus, 
sent for Eteonicus to Chios with his ships, and combined all the 
others, wherever there was one, and both refitted these and 
built more at Antandrus. ll . He went also to Cyrus and asked 
him for money ; but he told him that all he had received from 
the king was expended, and much more beside ; showing him 
how much each of the admirals had ; yet he gave him some 
notwithstanding. 12. And when Lysander had got the money, 
he appointed captains to the galleys, and paid off the arrears 
due to the sailors. Meantime the generals of the Athenians 
also were raising supplies for the fleet at Samos. 

13. After this, Cyrus sent for Lysander, on the arrival of a 
messenger from his father, saying that he was ill, and desired 
his presence, being at Thamneria in Media, in the neighbour- 
hood of the Cadusians, against whom he had made an expe- 
dition, as they had revolted. 14. When Lysander came, he urged 
him not to fight by sea with the Athenians, unless he had by 
far the larger fleet. For both the king and himself, he said, 
had money in abundance ; so that, as far as that was concerned, 
he might man many ships. And he assigned to him all the 
tribute from the cities, which was his own private revenue ; 
and gave him all the money he could spare. And after re- 
minding him what friendship he entertained both towards the 
Lacedaemonian state, and towards Lysander personally, he 
went up the country to his father. 

15. When Cyrus had made over all his income to him, and was 
going up the country to his sick father, in obedience to his 
summons, Lysander distributed pay to the forces, and put out 
for the Ceramic Gulf in Caria. There he attacked a town 
which was in alliance with the Athenians, by name Cedreae, 
and on the second day's assault took it by storm, and sold into 
slavery the inhabitants, who were a mixed race of Greeks and 



CH. 1.] PREPARATIONS FOR BATTLE AT -EGOSPOTA3II. 319 

Barbarians. Thence he sailed to Rhodes. 16. The Athenians 
in the mean time, with Samos as the base of their operations, 
were ravaging the king's country, sailing both against Chios 
and Ephesus ; and were preparing for a sea-fight, having 
chosen as generals, in addition to their present ones, Menan- 
der, Tydeus, and Cephisodotus. 17. And now Lysander sailed 
out from Rhodes along the coast of Ionia to the Hellespont, 
to attend both to the outward passage of the merchant vessels, 
and to the cities which had revolted from them. The Athe- 
nians likewise put out from Chios, keeping the open sea ; for 
Asia was hostile to them. 18. Lysander coasted along from 
Abydus to Lampsacus, which was in alliance with Athens ; 
and the people of Abydus and the rest supported him by land, 
under the command of Thorax, a Lacedaemonian. 19. Having 
assaulted the town, they took it by storm, and the soldiers 
plundered it ; for it was rich, and full of wine, and corn, and 
other provisions ; but all the freemen in it Lysander released. 
20. The Athenians, sailing in their track, came to anchor at 
Eleus in the Chersonesus, with a hundred and eighty ships. 
There, then, while they were taking their breakfast, the 
tidings of what had happened at Lampsacus reached them, 
and they immediately pushed out to Sestus. 21. Thence, after 
victualling the ships, they sailed straightway to iEgospotami, 
over against Lampsacus ; the Hellespont at that point being 
about fifteen stades across. There they prepared their evening 
meal. 22. The next night, when day was beginning to dawn, Ly- 
sander gave orders to breakfast and go on board their ships. Af- 
ter preparing everything as for an engagement, and putting up 
his parapets, he gave command that no one should stir from 
his position, or put out to sea. 23. At sun-rise the Athenians 
drew themselves up by the harbour with a close front, pre- 
pared for action ; but when Lysander did not advance against 
them, and it was now late in the day, they sailed back again 
to ^Egospotami. 24. Lysander ordered the fastest of his ships 
to follow the Athenians, and after they had landed, to observe 
what they did, and return to him with the intelligence. And 
he did not allow his men to land before these vessels had 
arrived. This he did lor four days ; while the Athenians 
continued putting out against him. 

Alcibiades observed from his fortress that the Atlx •- 



320 HELLENICS. [β. II. 

nians were lying at anchor on an open beach, and near no 
city, having to fetch their provisions from Sestus, fifteen 
stades from the fleet ; whereas the enemy were in harbour, 
and close to a city, with supplies of everything. He told 
them therefore, that they were not lying in a good position ; 
but he advised them to change their moorings to Sestus, to a 
harbour and a city both together ; " and when there," said he, 
" you will give battle when you please." 26. But the generals, 
especially Tydeus and Menander, told him to go away ; for 
that they were in command now, and not he. Accordingly 
he departed. 

27. When it was now the fifth day that the Athenians sailed 
against him, Lysander told those who followed them from him, 
that when they had seen them landed, and dispersed about 
the Chersonesus, (as they did much more every day, having 
to buy their provisions from a distance, and despising Lysan- 
der, because he did not put out against them,) they should sail 
back again to him, and lift up a shield in the middle of the 
passage. 28. They did as he had commanded : and immediately 
Lysander gave the signal for sailing at their utmost speed ; 
while Thorax with the land force marched along in a line 
with him. Conon, on seeing his advance, gave orders to go 
on board the ships and oppose them with all their might. But 
as the men were dispersed, some of the vessels had only two 
benches manned, others only one, and others were quite empty. 
Conon's own ship, however, and seven others about him, to- 
gether with the Paralus, put out to sea with their full equip- 
ment ; but all the rest Lysander took by the land. He also 
captured most of the men ashore ; but some of them fled to 
the fortified towns. 29. Conon, flying with his nine ships, when 
he found that the cause of Athens was utterly ruined, landed 
at Abarnis, the headland of Lampsacus, and took thence the 
large sails of Lysander's vessels, and himself sailed away with 
eight ships to join Evagoras in Cyprus, while the Paralus 
went to Athens with tidings of what had happened. 

30. Lysander took back his fleet, and prisoners, and every- 
thing else, to Lampsacus, having captured, besides others of the 
generals, Philocles and Adimantus. The day on which he 
achieved this, he despatched Th'eopompus, the Milesian priva- 
teer, to Lacedoemon, to report what had been done; who 



CH. 2.] THE ATHENIAN PRISONERS PUT TO DEATH. 321 

arrived there on the third day, and communicated the tidings. 
31. Afterwards Lysander assembled the allies, and desired them 
to deliberate respecting the punishment of the prisoners. 
There, then, many accusations were brought forward against 
the Athenians, both touching the things in which they had 
already offended against all law, and what they had deter- 
mined to do, if victorious in the sea-fight, namely, to cut off 
the right hand of all their prisoners ; and because, on their 
capture of two galleys, a Corinthian and an Andrian one, they 
had thrown all the crews of them down a precipice. It was 
Philocles, general of the Athenians, who put these men to 
death. 32. Many other statements were also made ; and it was 
determined to slay as many of the prisoners as were Athe- 
nians, with the exception of Adimantus, as he alone objected 
in the assembly to the decree for cutting off the hands. 
He was accused, however, by some of having betrayed the 
fleet. Accordingly, Lysander first asked Philocles, who had 
thrown the Andrians and Corinthians down the precipice, 
what he deserved to suffer for having been the first to treat 
Greeks in defiance of the law, and . then put him to the 
sword. 



CHAPTER II. 



The Paralus having carried to Athens the news of their defeat, the citizens 
prepare for a siege. After great sufferings they are compelled to surren- 
der, and their walls are demolished by the conquerors. 

1. WHEN he had arranged matters at Lampsacus, he sailed 
■gainst Byzantium and Chalcedon ; where the inhabitants 
admitted him, after sending away the Athenian garrison 
under treaty. The party that had betrayed Byzantium to 
Alcibiades, at that time fled to Pontus, and afterwards to 
Athens, and became citizens there. 2. The garrison troops of 
the Athenians, and whatever other Athenian he found any- 
where, Lysander sent to Athens, giving them safe conduct so 
lonir Μ tliey were sailing to that place alone, and to no other; 
knowing that the more people were collected in the city and 
Pineeoe, the sooner there would be a want of provisions. And 



322 HELLENICS. [β. II. 

now, leaving Sthenelaus as Lacedaemonian harmost of By- 
zantium and Chalcedon, lie himself sailed away to Lampsacus, 
and refitted his ships. 

3. At Athens, on the arrival of the Paralus in the night, the 
tale of their disaster was told; and the lamentation spread 
from the Piraeeus up the long walls into the city, one man passing 
on the tidings to another : so that no one went to bed that 
night, not only through their mourning for the dead, but 
much more still because they thought they should themselves 
sufFer the same things as they had done to the Melians, (who 
were a colony from Lacedaemon,) when they had reduced 
them by blockade, and to the Histiaeans, Scionaeans, Toronaeans, 
.ZEginetans, and many others of the Greeks. But the next 
day they convened an assembly, at which it was resolved to 
block up the harbours, with the exception of one, and to put 
the walls in order, and mount guard upon them, and in every 
other way to prepare the city for a siege. They, then, were 
engaged with these objects. 

5. Lysander, having come with two hundred ships from the 
Hellespont to Lesbos, regulated both the other cities in the 
island, and especially Mitylene ; while he sent Eteonicus with 
ten ships to the Athenian possessions Thrace-ward, who 
brought over all the places there to the Lacedaemonians. 6. And 
all the rest of Greece too revolted from Athens, immediately 
after the sea-fight, except the Samians ; but they massacred 
the notables amongst them, and kept possession of the city. 
7. Afterwards Lysander sent word to Agis at Decelea, and to 
Lacedaemon, that he was sailing up with two hundred ships. 
And the Lacedaemonians went out to meet him " en masse," 
and all the rest of the Peloponnesians but the Argives, at the 
command of the other Spartan king, Pausanias. 8. When they 
were all combined, he took them to the city and encamped 
before it, in the academy — the gymnasium so called. 9. Then 
Lysander went to ^Egina, and restored the city to the 
^Eginetans, having collected as many of them as he could ; 
and so likewise to the Melians, and as many others as had 
been deprived of their city. After this, having ravaged 
Salamis, he came to anchor off the Piraeeus, with a hundred 
and fifty ships, and prevented all vessels from sailing into it. 

10. The Athenians, being thus besieged by land and by sea, 
were at a loss what to do, as they had neither ships, nor allies, 



CH. 2.] GREAT DISTRESS OF THE ATHENIANS. 323 

nor provisions ; and they thought nothing could save them 
from suffering what they had done to others, not in self-de- 
fence, but wantonly wronging men of smaller states, on no 
other single ground, but their being allies of the Lacedaemo- 
nians. 11. Wherefore they restored to their privileges those who 
had been degraded from them, and held out resolutely ; and 
though many in the city were dying of starvation, they spoke 
not a word of coming to terms. But when their corn had 
now entirely failed, they sent ambassadors to Agis, wishing 
to become allies of the Lacedaemonians, while they retained their 
walls and the Piraeeus, and on these conditions to make treaty 
with them. 12. He told them to go to Lacedaemon, for that he 
had himself no power to treat. When the ambassadors de- 
livered this message to the Athenians, they sent them to Lace- 
daemon. 13. But when they were at Sellasia, near the Laconian 
territory, and the ephors heard what they proposed, which 
was the same as they had done to Agis, they bade them re- 
turn from that very spot, and if they had any wish at all for 
peace, to come back after taking better advice. 14. When the 
ambassadors came home, and reported this in the city, dejec- 
tion fell on all ; for they thought they would be sold into 
slavery ; and that even while they were sending another em- 
bassy, many would die of famine. 15. But with respect to the 
demolition of their wallsi no one would advise it : for Arches- 
tratus had been thrown into prison for saying in the council, 
that it was best to make peace with the Lacedaemonians on the 
terms they offered, whicli were, that they should demolish ten 
stades of each of the long walls^ and a decree w r as then made, 
that it should not be allowed to advise on that subject. 16. Such 
being the case, Theramenes said in the assembly, that if they 
would send him to Lysander, he would come back with full 
knowledge whether it was from a wish to enslave the city that 
the Lacedaemonians held out on the subject of the walls, or to 
have a guarantee for their good faith. Having been sent, he 
remained with Lysander three months and more, watching to 
when the Athenians, from the failure of all their food, 
would agree to what any one might say. 17. On his return in 
the fourth month, he reported in the assembly that Lysander 
had detained him all that time, and then told him to go to 
LaceOJBmon ; tor Ik; had not power to speak to the questions 
he v. 1 by him, but the .ephors. After this he was 

I 2 



324 HELLENICS. [β. II. 

chosen ambassador to Lacedaemon with full powers, together 
with nine others. 18. Now Lysander had sent, along with some 
others who were Lacedaemonians, Aristoteles, an Athenian 
exile, to carry word to the ephors that he had answered 
Theramenes, that it was they who were empowered to decide 
on the question of peace or war. 19. So when Theramenes and 
the rest of the ambassadors were at Sellasia, and, being asked 
on what terms they had come, replied that they had full 
powers to treat for peace ; the ephors then ordered them to 
be called onward. Upon their arrival they convened an as- 
sembly, at which the Corinthians and Thebans contended 
most strenuously, though many others of the Greeks did so 
too, that they should conclude no treaty with the Athenians, 
but make away with them. 20. The Lacedaemonians, however, 
said they would not reduce to bondage a state which had done 
great good at the time of the greatest dangers that had ever 
befallen Greece ; but they offered to make peace, on condi- 
tion of their demolishing the long walls and Piraeeus, giving 
up all their ships but twelve, restoring their exiles, having 
the same friends and foes as the Lacedaemonians, and follow- 
ing, both by land and by sea, wherever they might lead. 
21. Theramenes and his fellow-ambassadors carried back these 
terms to Athens. On their entering the city, a great multi- 
tude poured round them, afraid of their having returned un- 
successful : for it was no longer possible to delay, owing to the 
great numbers who were dying of famine. 22. The next day 
the ambassadors reported on what conditions the Lacedaemo- 
nians were willing to make peace ; and Theramenes, as their 
spokesman, said that they should obey the Lacedaemonians, 
and destroy the walls. When some had opposed him, but far 
more agreed with him, it was resolved to accept the peace. 23. 
Subsequently Lysander sailed into the Piraeeus, and the exiles 
were restored ; and they dug down the walls with much glee, to 
the music of women playing the flute ; considering that day 
to be the beginning of liberty to Greece. 

24. And so ended the year, in the middle of which Dionysius 
the son of Hermocrates, the Syracusan, became tyrant ; after 
the Carthaginians, though previously defeated in battle by 
the Syracusans, had reduced Agrigentum through the failure 
of their provisions, when the Siceliots had evacuated the city. 



€Π. 3.] THE THIRTY APPOINTED AT ATHENS. 325 



CHAPTER III. 

The tyrannical government of the Thirty established in Athens, and sup- 
ported by a Lacedaemonian guard. Their most violent leader, Critias, 
quarrels with Theramenes, and procures his execution. 

l. The year following 1 was that of the Olympic festival, at 
which Crocinas the Thessalian was victor in the foot-race, 
Eudicus being ephor at Sparta, and Pythodorus archon at 
Athens ; whom the Athenians do not mention in their records, 
as he was chosen in the time of the oligarchy, but call the 
year that of the anarchy. The circumstances under which 
this oligarchy was established were as follows. 2. It was re- 
solved by the people to elect thirty men, who should draw up 
a code of laws from those inherited from their fathers, by 
which they should regulate their affairs. And the following 
men were elected: Polyarchies, Critias, Melobius, Hippolo- 
chus, Euclides, Hiero, Mnesilochus, Chremo, Theramenes, 
Aresias, Diodes, Phaedrias, Chaerelaus, Anoetius, Piso, Sopho- 
cles, Eratosthenes, Charicles, Onomacles, Theognis, iEschines, 
Theogenes, Cleomedes, Erasistratus, Phido, Dracontides, Eu- 
mathes, Aristoteles, Hippomachus, Mnesithides. 3. When this 
had been done, Lysander sailed away to Samos ; and Agis 
withdrew the land forces from Decelea, and dismissed them to 
their several cities. 

4. It was at this period, about the time of the eclipse of the 
sun, that Lycophron the Pheracan, wishing to have the rule 
over the whole of Thessaly, defeated in battle those of the 
Thessalians who opposed him, — the Larissaeans and others, — 
and slew many of them. 

5. It was also at the same period that Dionysius, the tyrant of 
Syracuse, being defeated in an engagement by the Carthagi- 
nians, lost Gela and Camarina. A short time afterwards, the 
Leontines also, who were united with the Syracusans, severed 
their connexion with Dionysius and the -Syracusans, and 
established themselves in their own city. Immediately upon 
this the Syracusan cavalry were despatched by Dionysius 
against Catana. 

1 τώ ?' ίπίοντι in.] I have supplied the apodosis which is want- 
ing in the original of this paragraph. 



326 HELLENICS. [β. II. 

6. Now the Samians were besieged by Lysander on every 
side ; and, on their at first refusing to surrender, he was now 
on the point of assaulting the place, when they agreed to 
evacuate it with a single dress for each of the freemen, giving 
up everything else : and on these terms they marched out of 
it. 7. Lysander restored the city and all that was in it to the 
original citizens, and appointed ten officers to guard it ; after 
which he dismissed the fleet of the allies to their several 
cities. 8. With the Lacedaemonian ships he sailed away to La- 
con ia, taking both the beaks of the captured ships, and the gal- 
leys from the Pirseeus, all but twelve, with crowns which he re- 
ceived as personal presents from the states, and four hundred 
and seventy talents of silver, which remained over from the 
revenues assigned him by Cyrus for the prosecution of hos- 
tilities, and whatever else he had gained in the course of the 
war. 9. All these things he delivered up to the Lacedaemonians 
at the close of the summer, in which, after continuing twenty- 
eight years and six months, the war came to a conclusion. 
During these years the following were the ephors enumerated 
in the lists : first JEnesias, in whose year of office the war be- 
gan, in the fifteenth year of the thirty years' treaty after the 
reduction of Euboea ; 10. and after him the following ; Brasidas, 
Isanor, Sostratidas, Hexarchus, Agesistratus, Angenidas, Ono- 
macles, Zeuxippus, Pityas, Pleistolas, Cleinomachus, Ilarchus, 
Leon, Cbaeridas, Patesiadas, Cleosthenes, Lycarius, Eperatus, 
Onomantius, Alexippidas, Misgolaidas, Isias, Aracus, Euar- 
chippus, Pantacles, Pityas, Archytas, Eudicus ; in whose year 
Lysander returned home, after achieving the above-mentioned 
exploits. 

11. Now the Thirty were elected as soon as the long walls and 
those round the Pirceeus had been demolished : but though elect- 
ed for the purpose of drawing up a code of laws by which they 
should regulate their affairs, they continually deferred draw- 
ing up and promulgating those laws, but appointed a coun- 
cil, and the other offices, according to their own pleasure. 12. 
Then they arrested, and brought to trial for their lives, in the 
first instance, those whom all knew to have lived in the time 
of the democracy by laying false informations, and to have 
been a pest to the better kind of men ; and both the council 
gladly passed sentence upon them, and the rest, as many as 
were conscious of not being similar characters, were not at all 



CH. 3.] VIOLENT MEASURES OF THE THIRTY. 327 

sorry for it. 13. But when they began to form designs for having 
power to govern the city as they pleased, in the first place 
they sent ./Eschines and Aristoteles to Lacedaemon, and per- 
suaded Lysander to assist in arranging that a guard should be 
sent them, they themselves promising to maintain it, until 
they had put the ill-disposed out of the way, and established 
the government. In compliance with their wishes, he assisted 
in arranging that the guard should be sent them, and Cal- 
libius as harmost. 14. On receiving the guard, they courted Cal- 
libius with every kind of obsequiousness, that he might sanc- 
tion what they did ; and when he sent with them soldiers 
of the guard, they arrested whom they pleased ; no longer 
those only who were ill-disposed and little worth, but now 
such as they thought to bear least patiently being thrust aside, 
and who, if they should attempt any measure against them, 
would find the most numerous supporters. 15. In the first 
period of their rule, then, Critias was of one mind, and on 
friendly terms, with Therarnenes ; but afterwards he was head- 
long in putting many to death, (inasmuch as he had himself 
been banished by the people,) while Therarnenes was opposed 
to it; alleging that it was not right to put to death any one 
who, though honoured by the people, did the better kind of 
men no harm ; "for," said he, " both I and you have both said 
and done many things with a view to pleasing our country- 
men." 16. But Critias, being still intimate with Therarnenes, 
contended that it was not possible for those who wished to 
take an advantage of others, to abstain from putting out of 
the way such as were most able to prevent them ; " and if," 
.-aid he, "because there are thirty of us, instead of one, you 
BUppoee we arc less bound to provide for our government as 
for a tyranny, you are a simple creature." 17. But when, in 
consequence of the numerous unjust executions, many were evi- 
dently conspiring, and wondering what would become of the 
constitution ; Therarnenes again said, that if they did not 
adopt many associates in their measures, it would be impossi- 
ble lor the oligarchy to stand. 18. Upon that, indeed, Critias 
and the rest of the Thirty, being now afraid, and not least of 
Therarnenes, lest the citizens should unite under him, make 
a lisl of three thousand who should have a share in the ad- 
ministration. Vj. But, again, with regard to this also, Thera- 



328 HELLENICS. [β. II. 

menes said, that to him it appeared an absurdity, in the first 
place, if they wished to take the best of the citizens as their 
associates in the government, that they should take just three 
thousand ; as though that number involved any necessity of 
their being the better class of men, and it were not possible, 
either for any to be good beyond it, or bad within it. " And 
secondly," said he, " I see that we are doing two things most 
inconsistent one with the other, in establishing a government 
which is carried on by force, and at the same time is weaker 
than the governed." 

20. To this effect spoke Theramenes. But the Thirty held a 
review of the Three Thousand in the market-place, and of those 
not included in the list in several different places, with subse- 
quent orders to appear in arms ; and while the latter were 
gone away, they sent the guards, and those of the citizens 
who held the same views as themselves, and took away the 
arms of all but the Three Thousand, and having carried them 
up to the Acropolis, deposited them together in the temple. 21. 
When this was done, thinking that they might now act as they 
pleased, they put to death many for the gratification of their 
hatred, and many others for the sake of their property. And 
in order that they might have money to give to the guards, 
they determined to choose one each of the resident aliens, and 
having put them to death, to confiscate their property. 22. They 
also desired Theramenes to take whichever of them he would. 
But he answered, " Nay, it does not appear to me to be right 
that, while professing to be the best men, we should act more 
unjustly than the very sycophants. 1 For they allowed those 
to live from whom they got money : and shall we put to death 
men who do us no harm, in order that we may get money ? 
How is not this conduct in every respect more iniquitous than 
theirs ? " 23. Thinking him therefore an obstacle to their doing 
as they pleased, they conspired against him, and privately ac- 
cused him to different members of the council, as marring the 

1 των συκοφαντών.] " Sycophantes in the time of Aristophanes 
and Demosthenes designated a person of a peculiar class, not capa- 
ble of being described by any single word in our language, but well 
understood and appreciated by an Athenian. He had not much in 
common with our sycophant, but was a happy compound of the com- 
mon barretor, informer, pettifogger, busybody, rogue, liar, and slanderer." 
Smith's Dictionary of Antiquities. 




CII. 3.] CRITIAS ACCUSES THERAMENES. 329 

government. And, having sent word to some young men, 
whom they considered to be most daring, to attend with dag- 
gers under their cloaks, they convened the council. 

24. When Theramenes was come, Critias rose and spoke as 
follows. 

" Gentlemen of the council, if any of you think that more 
are being put to death than the occasion requires, let him 
reflect, that where forms of government are changed, these 
things in all cases happen ; and in this place there must needs 
be the greatest number hostile to those who changed the govern- 
ment into an oligarchy, because our city is the most populous 
one of all in Greece, and the people have for the longest time 
been brought up in liberty. 25. We however, knowing that 
democracy is a hateful form of government to such men as we 
and you, and knowing also that to the Lacedaemonians, who 
have been our preservers, the people would never be friendly, 
whereas the aristocracy would always continue faithful to 
them, are, in accordance with the wishes of the Lacedaemo- 
nians, establishing this form of government. 26. And if we find 
any one opposed to the oligarchy, as far as we can, we put 
him out of the way : but most of all by far does it appear 
right to us, that if any of ourselves be a marrer of this con- 
stitution, he should pay the penalty of it. 27. Now then we find 
this Theramenes here by all the means at his command to be 
ruining both us and you. And to prove that this is true, if 
you consider, you will perceive no one finding more fault than 
this Theramenes with the present state of things, or offering 
greater opposition, when we wish to put any of the dema- 
gogues out of the way. Now had he held these views from the 
beginning, he would have been, it is true, our enemy, but still 
would not j ustly have been considered a villain. 28. But as 
it is, after being himself the originator of our confidence and 
friendship with the Lacedaemonians, and of the putting down 
of the democracy, and after urging us more than any one else 
to inflict punishment on those who were first brought before 
you ; now, when both you and we have clearly incurred the 
hatred of the people, he is no longer pleased with what is 
going on ; in order that he may again secure his own safety, 
while we pay the penalty for what has been done. 29. So that 
not only as an enemy, but as a traitor also both to you and to 
us, it is right that he should be brought to justice. Treason, 



330 HELLENICS. [β. II. 

however, is a thing as much more fearful than open enmity, 
as it is more difficult to guard against what is unseen, than 
what is seen ; and so much more hateful a thing, inasmuch as 
with enemies men make peace again, and return to confi- 
dence ; but the man whom they find betraying them, with 
him no one ever yet made peace, or trusted him in future. 

30. "And that you may know that it is no new thing this man 
is practising, but that he is a traitor by nature, I will remind 
you of the things that have been done by him. Whereas, then, 
he was originally honoured by the people from regard for his 
father Hagnon, he became the most violent agent in changing 
the democracy to the government of the Four Hundred, and 
was the leading man amongst them. But when he, perceived 
that an opposition to the oligarchy was being formed, he be- 
came again the first leader of the people against them. 31. On 
which account, as you are aware, he is called the Shoe ; for 
the shoe seems to fit both feet, and looks to being worn by 
both. But, Theramenes, the man who deserves to live, ought 
not to be clever at leading on his associates to the adoption 
of measures, and then, if any difficulty arise, immediately 
to change about ; but to exert himself throughout, as in a 
ship, until they have got a fair wind : else how could they 
ever reach their destination, if, when any difficulty arose, they 
should immediately be for sailing in opposite directions ? 32. It 
is true that all changes of government are fatal to some ; but 
you, through being so fickle, are the cause of most supporters 
of the oligarchy being put to death by the commons, and most 
supporters of the democracy by the better class. 

" This too is the man who, when ordered by the generals to 
rescue those of the Athenians who were wrecked in the sea- 
fight off Lesbos, did not rescue them himself, and yet accused 
the generals and put them to death, that he might save his 
own life. 33. The man, however, who is seen to be always 
studying his own advantage, but to have no regard for 
honour, and for his friends, how can it ever be right to spare 
him ? How can it fail to be right to guard against him — 
knowing as we do his shif tings about — that he may not be 
able to treat us also in the same way ? We arraign therefore 
this man before you, as at once a conspirator and a traitor 
both to us and to you. 

34. " And to prove that we are acting rightly, consider this 



Cn. 3.] REPLY OF THERAMEXES. 331 

also. The constitution of the Lacedaemonians is thought, 
I suppose, to be the best. Now if under that constitution 
any of the ephors, instead of obeying the majority, should set 
about finding fault with the government and opposing its mea- 
sures, do you not think he would be deemed worthy of the 
severest punishment, both by the ephors themselves, and by 
the rest of the state ? And so you too, if you are wise, will 
spare, not this man, but yourselves ; for if he should escape, 
he would cause many of those who differ in sentiments from 
you to be full of confidence ; but if he were put to death, he 
would cut short the hopes of all of them, both in the city and 
out of it." 

35. Having thus spoken, he sat down; and Theramenes 
rose and said : 

" I will allude, gentlemen, in the first place, to the last state- 
ment he made against me. He says that I put the generals 
to death by my accusation. But surely it was not I who 
began speaking against them, but it was they who said, that 
when orders had been given me by them, I did not rescue the 
unfortunates in the sea-fight off Lesbos. But, when I urged 
in my defence, that owing to the storm it was not possible even 
to put to sea, much less rescue the men ; I was thought by 
my country to speak reasonably, while they seemed to accuse 
themselves. For though they declared that it was possible to 
save the men, they left them to perish, and sailed away. 36. I 
do not, however, wonder at Critias's illegal conduct ; for when 
these things happened, he was not present, but was in Thes- 
saly, establishing a democracy with Prometheus, and arming the 
Peneet» 1 against their lords. 37. Now may none of the things 
he was doing there be done here ! In this, however, I agree 
with him ; that if any one wished to depose you from your 
government, and is strengthening the hands of those who are 
conspiring against you, it is right that he should incur your 
severest vengeance. But who it is that is doing this, I think 
you will best judge, if you will consider what has been done, 
and what each of us is now doing. 38. Until, then, you were 
established in the government, and the oifices were arranged, 

1 τανς ττενίστας."] The Thessalian Penestae were a kind of Bi 
Standing ill nearly the same relation to their lords as the helots to 
their Spartan conquerors, being a remnant of the old ,'Eolian in- 
habitants, as the helots were of the Messenian. 



332 HELLENICS. [β. II. 

and the acknowledged sycophants were brought to trial, we 
were all of one mind : but when these men began to arrest 
good and honourable men, upon that I too began to be of a 
different mind from them. 39. For I knew that by the death of 
Leon of Salamis, who both was and was considered to be an 
able man, and was guilty of no single offence, those of the 
same character would be alarmed, and being alarmed would 
become opposed to this form of government. And I knew that 
through the arrest of Niceratus, son of Nicias, both a rich 
man and one who had never yet done anything to please the 
commons, neither himself nor his father, those of the same cha- 
racter would become ill-affected towards you. 40. And again, 
through the destruction by your means of Antiphon, who in 
the war furnished two fast-sailing triremes, I knew that all 
likewise who had been zealous in behalf of the state w r ould 
be suspicious of you. I also opposed them, when they said 
that each should take one of the resident aliens ; for it was 
clear that through their being put to death, all the resident 
aliens likewise wrould be enemies to the constitution. 41. I also 
opposed them, when they wished to take away their arms 
from the populace ; because I did not think we ought to ren- 
der the state powerless. For I did not see that the Lacedae- 
monians wished to preserve us for this purpose, that by 
waxing few, we might have no power to help them : for if 
that were what they wanted, they might have left not so 
much as one of us, by only pressing us a little longer with 
famine. 42. Nor indeed was the hiring of the guards agreeable 
to me, as to them ; since we might have attached to us as 
many of the citizens themselves, until we in the government 
would easily have mastered those who were under it. Again, 
when I saw many in the city disaffected towards this govern- 
ment, and many being cast into exile, it did not seem right to 
me to banish either Thrasybulus, or Anytus, or Alcibiades. 
For I knew that in this way the opposition would be strength- 
ened, if able leaders should join the populace, and many allies 
should offer themselves to those who wished to take the lead. 
43. The man then who openly gave this advice, should he with 
justice be considered a well-wisher, or a traitor? Those, 
Critias, who prevent many becoming your foes, and who teach 
you how to gain most allies, those are not the men who 
strengthen the enemy; but such as unjustly take away pro- 



CH. 3.] SPEECH OF THERAMEXES. 333 

perty, and put to death men who are guilty of nothing, it is 
these that both make many enemies, and betray not only their 
friends, but themselves also, through their base love of gain. 
44. If it is not certain on other grounds that I speak the truth, 
look at it in this way. Do you think that Thrasybulus, 
and Anytus, and the other exiles would rather that what I say 
should be done here, or what these men are doing ? For my 
opinion is that now they consider every place to be full of 
their allies ; but that, if the best part of the city were friendly 
towards us, they would deem it a difficult thing even to set 
foot any where in the country. 45. And now, again, as to what 
he said of my being always disposed to change about, consider 
this also. The government under the Four Hundred was 
voted, we know, even by the people itself, on being informed 
that the Lacedaemonians would trust any form of government 
rather than a democracy. 46. But when the Four Hundred left 
nothing unattempted, but Aristoteles, Melanthius, and Aris- 
tarchus, acting as generals, were seen building a fort 1 upon 
the mole, into which they wished to admit the enemy, and so 
to render the city subject to themselves and their associates; 
if I, on perceiving this, prevented it, is that being a traitor to 
my friends ? 47. And he calls me ' Shoe,' as endeavouring to 
suit both parties. But the man who pleases neither party, 
what, in the name of the gods, should we ever call him ? 
For you indeed, under the democracy, were considered the 
greatest hater of the people ; and under the aristocracy, you 
have been the greatest hater of the good. 48. But I, Critias, 
have all along been a foe to those, who think that there cannot 
be a true democracy, before both the slaves and those who 
would sell their country for a drachma 2 are in receipt of the 
drachma : and, again, I have always been opposed to those, 
who think that there cannot be established amongst us a true 
oligarchy, before they have brought the state under the tyranny 
of a few. But in conjunction with men of influence, 3 with 

1 ίπι τψ χώματι ΐρνμα.] i. e. the fort Eetionea; for the nature and 
object of which, see Arnold's note on Thncydides viii. 90. 

2 ΐηαχμής μετεχοΐίν.~\ i. e. were in receipt of a senator's salary, 
which was a drachma a day. 

3 το μ'ίντοι σνν τοΊς ίυναμίνοις, κ. τ. λ.] It is generally ;issumcd by 
Commentator* that the text of this passage U corrupt. It' it i^ not 

the interpretation which I have given seems the only one the 
words will bear. 



334 HELLENICS. [β. II. 

both cavalry and infantry, to aid by their means the constitu- 
tion, this I thought best in former days, and I do not change 
my opinion now. 49. If, however, you can say, Critias, on what 
occasion, in concert with the popular or the tyrannical party, I 
attempted to deprive the good and honourable of a share in 
the government, mention it ; for should I be convicted of 
either doing this now, or having ever yet done it, I acknow- 
ledge that I should justly be put to death afcer suffering the 
most extreme of all tortures." 

50. When, after thus speaking, he ceased, and the council by a 
murmur of applause plainly showed their favourable feeling, 
Critias, perceiving that if he left it to the council to decide on 
his case by vote, he would escape, and thinking that life would 
then be not worth having, he went up to the Thirty, and held 
some conversation with them. 51. After this he went out, and 
ordered the men with the daggers to present themselves openly 
before the council, at the bar of the house. Then he went in 
again, and said, " Gentlemen of the council, I think it the 
part of a leader who is what he ought to be, when he sees his 
friends being imposed upon, not to allow it. I therefore will 
act in this manner. For the men standing here declare that 
they will not tolerate us, if we let off a man who is openly mar- 
ring the oligarchy. Now it is enacted in the recent laws, that 
none of those included in the Three Thousand shall be put to 
death without your vote ; but with regard to those who are 
not in the list, that the Thirty are authorized to put them to 
death. I then," said he, " strike off this Theramenes here 
from the list, with the consent of you all : and we," he added, 
" condemn him to death." 52. On hearing this, Theramenes 
sprang up on the altar of Vesta, and said, " But I, gentle- 
men, entreat you for what is most strictly legal, — that it may 
not be in the power of Critias to strike cff me, or any of you 
whom he pleases ; but that according to the law which these 
men passed respecting those in the list, according to that may 
be the decision, both for you and for me. 53. And of this in- 
deed," said he, "by the gods, I am not ignorant, that this 
altar will be no protection to me ; but what I wish to show 
is, that these men are not only most unjust with regard to 
mankind, but also most impious with regard to the gods. 
At you, however, who are good and honourable men, I am 
astonished, if you do not come forward in your own defence ; 



CH. 4.] HIS ILLEGAL EXECUTION. 335 

knowing moreover, as you do, that my name is not at all more 
easy to strike off than each of yours." 54. Upon this, the herald 
of the Thirty ordered the Eleven to come for Theramenes ; 
and when they had entered with the officers, led by Satyrus 
the boldest and most shameless of their number, Critias said, 
"We deliver up to you this Theramenes here, condemned ac- 
cording to law : do ye, Eleven, seize, and lead him off to the 
proper place, and do your duty with him." 55. When he had 
thus spoken, Satyrus dragged him from the altar, and so did 
the officers. Theramenes, as was natural, called both on gods 
and men to look on what was doing. But the council kept 
quiet, seeing both the fellows of Satyrus at the bar, and the 
space before the council-house filled with guards, and not 
being ignorant that they had come with daggers. 56. So they 
led off the man through the market-place, while he declared 
with a very loud voice how he was being treated. And this 
one expression also is told of him. When Satyrus said that 
he would rue it if he were not silent ; he asked, ςί And shall 
I not then rue it, if I am ?" Moreover, when he was com- 
pelled to die, and drank the hemlock, they said that he jerked 1 
out on the floor what was left of it, saying, "Let this be 
for the lovely Critias." Now I am aware that these sayings 
are not worth mentioning : but this I consider admirable in 
the man, that when death was close at hand, neither his good 
sense nor his pleasantry deserted his soul. 



CHAPTER IV. 



Thrasybulus occupies Phyle, and defeats the forces of the Thirty, who are 
afterwards deposed, and Ten appointed in their place. When Lysander and 
hifl brother had nearly reduced the exiles in the Piraeeus, the army of Pausa- 
nias saves them, and peace is restored between them and their country- 
men. 

l. Thus, then, died Theramenes. The Thirty, thinking they 
might now play the tyrant without fear, published an order to 
all who were not in the list, not to come into the city ; while 

1 άποκοτταβΊσαντα.') The original word alludes to the favourite 
of the " Cottabue, ' one form of which (for there were 

ted in jerking out of the cup the wine which remain- 



336 HELLENICS. [β. II. 

they brought them to trial from their estates, 1 that themselves 
and their friends might take possession of their lands. And 
when they took refuge in the Piraeeus, they arrested many there 
likewise, and filled Megara and Thebes with fugitives. 

2. After this, Thrasybulus set out from Thebes with about 
seventy men, and occupied Phyle, a place of much strength. 
The Thirty went to the rescue from the city, with the Three 
Thousand, and the Knights, the weather being very fine at 
the time. On their arrival, some of the young men, in a fool- 
hardy spirit, immediately assaulted the place, producing, 
however, no effect upon it, but retiring with many wounds. 3. 
When the Thirty were desirous of surrounding it with works, 
that they might reduce them by cutting off all supplies of pro- 
visions ; there came on during the night a very heavy fall of 
snow, covered with which they returned the next day into 
the city, after losing very many of their camp followers by an 
attack of the men from Phyle. 4. Knowing, however, that they 
would also plunder the country, if there were no watch to 
prevent it, they despatch to the frontiers, at the distance of fif- 
teen stades from Phyle, all but a few of the Lacedaemonian 
guards, and two squadrons of horse. These having encamped 
on a rough piece of ground, proceeded to keep watch. 5. There 
were by this time assembled at Phyle about seven hundred 
men, whom Thrasybulus took, and marched down by night ; 
and having grounded arms about three or four stades from the 
party on guard, remained quietly there. 6. When it was towards 
day-break, and the enemy now began to get up and retire 
from their post on necessary purposes, and the grooms were 
making a noise in currying their horses ; at this juncture 
the party with Thrasybulus took up their arms again, and 
fell upon them at a run. Some of them they despatched, 
and routed and pursued them all for six or seven stades ; 
killing more than a hundred and twenty of the infantry, and 
of the cavalry, Nicostratus (surnamed The Handsome) and two 

ed in it after drinking ; mentioning at the same time the especial 
object of their affection, whose feelings towards them were supposed 
to be favourable or not, in proportion to the clearness of the ring 
with which the wine fell on the floor. Hence Cicero's translation 
of this passage ; " Reliquum sic ejecit e poculo, ut id resonaret." 
Quaest. Tuscul. 1. 40. 

1 t/e των Χωρίων. ~\ Or, " from the towns." 



CH. 4.] MASSACRE OF THE ELEUSINIANS. 337 

others also, whom they surprised while yet in their beds. 
7. After returning and erecting a trophy, they packed up all the 
arms and baggage they had taken, and withdrew to Phyle. 
And now the horsemen in the city came out to the rescue, 
but found none of the enemy any longer on the spot ; having 
waited, therefore, till their relatives had taken up the dead, 
they returned into the city. 

8. Upon this the Thirty, no longer thinking their cause safe, 
wished to secure for themselves Eleusis, that they might have a 
place of refuge, if required. Having sent their orders to the 
cavalry, Critias and the rest of the Thirty came to Eleusis ; 
and having held a review of the horse in the place, alleging 
that they wished to know what was their number, and how 
much additional garrison they would require, they ordered 
them all to write down their names, and as each one wrote it 
down in his turn, to pass out through the postern to the sea. 
On the beach they had posted their cavalry on both sides, and 
as each successively passed out, their attendants bound him. 
When all were arrested, they ordered Lysimachus, the com- 
mander of the cavalry, to take them to the city and deliver 
them up to the Eleven. 9. The next day they summoned to the 
Odeum the heavy-armed in the list, and the rest of the 
cavalry ; when Critias stood up, and said : " It is no less for 
your advantage, gentlemen, than for our own, that we are 
establishing the present form of government. As then you 
will share in its honours, so too you ought to share in its 
dangers. You must give your votes therefore against the 
Eleusinians here arrested, that you may have the same 
grounds with us both of confidence and of fear." And point- 
ing out a certain spot, he ordered them openly to deposit 
their votes in it. 10, At the same time the Lacedaimonian guard 
under arms occupied half of the Odeum : and these measures 
were approved by such of the citizens also as only cared for 
their own advantage. 

After this, Thrasybulus takes those at Phyle, who had now 
gathered together to the number of about a thousand, and 
comes by night into Piraeus. The Thirty, on this intelligence, 
im m ed ia tel y went out to the reseat with both the Lacedaemo- 
nians, and the cavalry, and the heavy-armed ; and then 
advanced along the cart-way that leads to Pineeus. u. The 
force from Phyle for some time attempted to stop their ap- 



338 HELLENICS. [β. II. 

proach ; but when the great circuit of the wall appeared to 
require a large body to guard it, and they were not a large 
one, they marched in close order into Munychia. The 
troops from the city, having come to the market-place of 
Hippodamus, in the first place drew themselves up so as to 
fill up the road which leads to the temple of the Munychian 
Diana, and to the Bendideum, being not less than fifty 
shields deep. In this order they marched up the hill. 12. The 
force from Phyle also filled up the road, but were not more 
than ten deep in their heavy-armed ; behind whom, however, 
there were posted both targeteers and light dart-men, and 
behind them the slingers. These indeed formed a numerous 
body ; for the inhabitants of the place had joined them. 
While the enemy were coming on, Thrasybulus ordered his 
men to ground their shields, and having grounded his own, 
but keeping the rest of his arms, he took his stand in the midst 
of them, and spoke thus : 

13. " My fellow-citizens, I wish to inform some of you, and to 
remind others, that of the men who are coming against us, 
those on the right wing are they whom you routed and pur- 
sued UYe days ago ; and those on the extreme left are the 
Thirty, who both deprived us of our country when guilty of 
nothing, and expelled us from our houses, and prosecuted the 
dearest of our relatives. But now truly they have come into 
a position, where they never thought of being, but we have 
always been praying that they might be. 14. For we are posted 
against them with arms in our hands ; and seeing that in 
former days we were arrested both when at our meals, and 
asleep, and in the market-place, while others of us were banish- 
ed, when, so far from being guilty of any offence, we were not 
even in the country; for these reasons the gods are now 
clearly fighting on our side. For even in fair weather they 
raise a storm, when it is for our advantage ; and when we 
make an attack, though our enemies are many, they grant to 
us, who are but* few, to erect trophies. 15. And now, too, they 
have brought us into a position, in which our opponents can 
neither hurl their spears nor their darts beyond those who 
are posted before them, through its being up-hill ; whereas we, 
discharging down-hill both spears, and javelins, and stones, 
shall both reach them, and mortally wound many of them. 16. 
And one might perhaps have thought that the first ranks, at 



CH. 4.] CRITIAS FALLS IN BATTLE. 339 

any rate, must fight on equal terms ; but as it is, if you only 
discharge your weapons with spirit, as suits your character, 
no one will miss, since the road is filled up with them, and 
standing on their guard they will all the time be skulking 
under their shields ; so that we shall be able both to strike 
them when we please, like blind men, and to leap on and over- 
turn them. 17. But, sirs, we must act in such a way that 
each of us may have the consciousness of having been most 
instrumental towards the victory. For that (if God will) 
will now restore to us both country, and houses, and freedom, 
and honours, and children, (such as have them,) and wives. Ο 
blessed, then, those of us who, as victors, may see that sweet- 
est day of all ! And happy, too, he who falls ! For no one, 
however rich he may be, shall enjoy so glorious a monument. 
I, then, when the time is come, will begin the paean : and 
when we have called on Mars to help us, then let us all with 
one heart avenge ourselves on these men for the insults we 
have Buffered•" 

is. Having thus spoken, he faced about towards the enemy, 
and remained still. For their prophet gave them orders not 
to make the onset before some one on their side had either 
fallen, or been wounded : " When, however," said he, " that 
has happened, I will lead the way, and there will be victory 
for you who follow, but death to me, as I, at least, am of 
opinion." 19. And he spoke no falsehood ; but when they had 
taken up their arms, he himself, as though led by some des- 
tiny, was the first to bound forward, and falling on the enemy 
killed, and is buried by the passage of the Cephisus ; but 
the rest were victorious, and pursued them as far as the level 
ground. There were slain there, of the Thirty, Critias and 
Hippomachue ; of the ten commanders in Piraeeus, Charmides 
son of Glaucon ; and of the rest about seventy. The con- 
querors took the arms, bnt plundered the clothes of none of 
their fellow-citizens. And when this was done, and they were 
returning the dead under a truce, many on both sides came 
up and conversed together. 20. And Cleocritus, the herald of 
the initiated, being gifted with a very line voice, hushed them 
into and thus addressed them. 

u Fellow -citizens, why are you driving us from our eountrv ? 

Why do yen wish to kill us ? For we have never yet done you 
harm ; but have shared with you both the most solemn 
ζ 2 



340 HELLENICS. [β. II. 

rites, and the noblest sacrifices and festivals ; and have been 
your companions in the dance, and in the schools, and in war ; 
and have faced many dangers with you by land and by sea,, 
for the common safety and liberty of both parties. 21. In the 
name of our fathers' and our mothers' gods, in the name of 
kindred, and affinity, and fellowship, (for all these things 
have we in common with one another,) cease sinning against 
your country, and be not persuaded by those most impious 
Thirty, who for the sake of their own gain have killed almost 
more of the Athenians in eight months, than all the Pelopon- 
nesians in ten years' warfare. 22. And when we might live 
together in peace, these men inflict on us that war which* of all 
is the most disgraceful, and grievous, and impious, and most 
hateful both to gods and men — war with one another. But, 
however, be well assured, that for some of those now slain 
by us, not only you, but we also, have shed many tears." 
Such was his speech. The rest of the enemy's commanders, 
from the very fact of their hearing such fresh appeals to them, 
led back their men into the city. 

23. The next day the Thirty, quite dejected and solitary, 
sat together in council : while the Three Thousand, wherever 
they were severally posted, were at variance with one another. 
For as many as had acted in a more violent manner, and were 
therefore afraid, vehemently maintained that they ought not 
to submit to those in Pirseeus : while such as were confident 
that they had done no wrong, both reflected themselves, and 
were persuading the rest, that there was no necessity for these 
troubles : and they said that they ought not to obey the Thirty, 
nor suffer them to ruin the state. At last they voted for de- 
posing them, and choosing others : and accordingly they chose 
ten, one from each tribe. 

24. So the Thirty departed to Eleusis ; while the Ten, toge- 
ther with the commanders of the cavalry, directed their atten- 
tion to those in the city, who were in a state of great confusion 
and distrust of each other. The cavalry also bivouacked in 
the Odeum, with both their horses and their shields; and 
owing to their want of confidence they kept going their 
rounds along the walls, after evening had set in, with their 
shields, and towards morning, with their horses, being con- 
stantly afraid that some of those in Piraeus might attack them. 
25. They, being now many in number, and men of all sorts, 



CH. 4.] LT8ANDER BLOCKADES THE MEN IN PIRAEUS. 341 

were making themselves arms, some of wood, others of wicker- 
work, and were whitening them over. Before ten days had 
elapsed, after giving pledges that whoever joined in the war, 
even though they were strangers, should have equal privileges, 
they marched out, with many heavy-armed and many light- 
armed. They had also about seventy horse ; and making 
forays by day, and carrying off wood and corn, they slept 
again in Piraeeus. 26. Of those in the city none else came out 
under arms, but the cavalry sometimes secured plunderers 
from the force in Piraeeus, and annoyed their phalanx. < They 7— 
also fell in with a party of ^Exonians going to their own 
estates for provisions ; whom Lysimachus, the commander of 
the horse, butchered, though they begged hard for their lives, 
and though many of the cavalry were indignant at his conduct. 
27. Those in Piraeeus also, by way of retaliation, put to death one 
of the knights, whom they had taken in the country — Callis- 
tratus, of the Leontine tribe. For indeed they were now in 
high spirits, so that they even made attacks on the city wall. 
And here I may mention (if it is worth while) a device of the 
Deer in the city; who, when he knew that they were 
about to bring up their engines along the race-course leading 
out of the Lyceum, ordered all the carts to take stones that 
W6re a load each, and throw them down in whatever part of 
the course each man pleased. When this was done, every 
one of the stones caused them great trouble. 

28. And now the Thirty from Eleusis, and those in the list 
from the city, sent ambassadors to Lacedsemon, and urged them 
to come to their support, as the people had revolted from the 
Lacedaemonians. Lysander, calculating that it was possible 
quickly to reduce those in Piraeeus, when besieged both by 
bod and by sea, if once they were cut off from all supplies, 
joined in getting a hundred talents lent them, and himself sent 
out as liarmost, with his brother Libys as admiral, f ay And 
having himself proceeded to Eleusis, he raised a large force of 
Peloponneeian heavy-armed; while the admiral kept guard 
•that no provisions should go in for them by sea; so that those 
in Piraeus were Boon in a strait again, while those in the city, on 
the Other hand, were elated again with confidence in Lysander. 

When things were progressing in this way, Pausanias the 

filled with envy at the thought of Lysander's succeeding 

in these measures, and BO at once winning reputation and 



342 HELLENICS. [β. II. 

making Athens his own, gained the consent of three of the 
ephors, and led out an expedition. 30. All the allies also joined 
him, except the Boeotians and Corinthians. These alleged 
that they did not consider they should show due regard for 
their oaths, if they marched against the Athenians while doing 
nothing contrary to the treaty : and they took this course, be- 
cause they knew that the Lacedaemonians wished to make the 
country of Attica a faithful dependency of their own. 

Pausanias encamped on a spot called Halipedum, near Pi- 
raeeus, himself occupying the right wing, and Lysander, with 
his mercenaries, the left. / 31. And he sent ambassadors to those 
in Piraeeus, telling them to go away to their own homes ; but 
when they did not obey his message, he made an assault, (so 
far, at least, as noise went,) that he might not openly appear 
to wish them well. When he had retired with no result from 
the assault, the day following he took two brigades of the 
Lacedaemonians, and three squadrons of the Athenian cavalry, 
and went along to the Mute Harbour, 1 reconnoitring in what 
direction Piraeeus was most easy to circumvallate. 32. On his 
retiring, a party of the besieged ran up to him, and caused him 
trouble ; annoyed at which, he ordered the horse to charge 
them at full speed, and such as had passed the period of youth 
ten years to accompany them, while he himself followed with 
the rest. And they slew about thirty of the light-armed, and 
pursued the rest to the theatre in Piraeeus. 33. There all the 
targeteers and heavy infantry of the party ill Piraeeus happened 
to be arming themselves. And now the light- armed immedi- 
ately running forward began darting, throwing, shooting, 
slinging. The Lacedaemonians, when many were being wound- 
ed, being very hard pressed, began slowly to retreat ; and 
upon this their opponents threw themselves on them much 
more vigorously. It was there that Chaeron and Thibrachus, 
both of them polemarchs, were killed, with Lacrates the 
Olympic conqueror, and others who lie buried before the 
gates in the Ceramicus. 34. Seeing this, Thrasybulus and the 
rest of the heavy-armed went to the support of their men, and 
quickly drew themselves up in front of the others, eight deep. 
Pausanias, being very hard pressed, and having retired about 

1 Κωφον λιμενα.~\ " I have no knowledge of this. Wyttenbach 
thought it was the port of Munychia. VVeiske remarks, sec. 30, 
that it was situated towards the east." Schneider. 



CH. 4.] PAUSANIAS RECONCILES ΤΠΕ ATUEXIAXS. 343 

four or five stades to a hill, sent orders for the Lacedaemonians 
and the rest of the allies to advance and join him. There 
having formed his phalanx very deep, he led it against the 
Athenians. They received his charge, but then some of them 
were driven into the mud at Halae, and the rest gave way ; 
about a hundred and fifty of them being slain. 35. Pausanias 
erected a trophy, and withdrew. 

Not even under these circumstances was he exasperated 
with them, but sent secretly, and instructed those in Piraeeus, 
with what proposals they should send ambassadors to him and 
the ephors who were there. They complied with his advice. 
He also set those in the city at variance, and advised that as 
many as possible should collect together and come to the 
Spartan officers, alleging that they did not at all want to be 
at wir with the men in Piraeeus, but to be reconciled together, 
and both parties to be friends of the Lacedaemonians. 36. It was 
with pleasure that Nauclides also, the ephor, heard this pro- 
posal: for as it is customary for two of the ephors to take the 
field with a king, so on that occasion he and another were 
present, both of them being men of Pausanias' s views, rather 
than of Lysander's. For these reasons, then, they also with 
alacrity sent to Sparta the envoys from Piraeeus, with the 
treaty they proposed to make with the Lacedaemonians, and 
the private individuals from the party in the city, namely, Ce- 
phisophon and Meletus. 37. When, however, these were gone 
to Lacedaemon, the public authorities in the city also sent am- 
bassadors, declaring that they surrendered to the Lacedaemo- 
nians both the fortresses in their possession and themselves, 
to be treated as they pleased ; and they said they thought it 
but lair that those in Piraeeus also, if they professed to be 
friends to the Lacedemonians, should surrender Piraeeus and 
Mnnychia. 38, The ephors and the committee appointed to 
consider the question having heard all their statements, de- 
tched fifteen men to Athens, and ordered them, in concert 
with Pausanias, to effect the best reconciliation of the parties 
they could. So they reconciled them on condition of their 
making peace with one another, and returning to their several 
homes, with the exception of the Thirty, the Eleven, and the 

ι who had commanded in Piraeeus, If any of those in the 
should feel afraid nt' remaining there, it was determined 

that they should establish them- Eleusis. 



344 HELLENICS. [β. II. 

39. These arrangements being effected, Pausanias disbanded 
his army, and the party from Piraseus went up under arms to 
the Acropolis, and sacrificed to Athena. When the generals 
had come down again, Thrasybulus then delivered the fol- 
lowing speech. 

40. " To you, gentlemen of the city, I give this advice — to 
know yourselves. And you would best gain that knowledge 
by considering upon what grounds you ought to be so lifted 
rip as to attempt to rule over us. Are you more honest men ? 
Nay, but the people, though poorer than you, never yet wrong- 
ed you for the sake of money: whereas you, though richer 
than all of us, have done many base deeds for gain. But since 
you have no claim to honesty, see whether, then, it is on your 
courage that you should pride yourselves. 41. And what better 
test of this could there be, than the manner in which we have 
carried on war against each other ? But is it in council that 
you would profess to surpass us ? — you who, with a fortified 
town, and arms, and money, and allies from the Peloponnesus, 
have met with such reverses at the hands of men who had 
none of these advantages ? But is it by your connexion with 
the Lacedaemonians, forsooth, that you think you ought to be 
elated ? How so ? For just as men fasten a collar to biting 
curs, and give them up to those they have bitten ; so they, 
too, have given you up to this injured people, and are gone 
away. 42. I do not, however, wish you, my friends, to break 
any of the conditions to which you have sworn ; but in addi- 
tion to all your other noble qualities to show this also, that you 
are both true to your oaths, and have a sense of religion." 

Having spoken these words, with others to the same pur- 
port, and told them that they should create no confusion, but 
live according to their ancient laws, he broke up the assembly. 

43. At that time, then, they appointed their magistrates, and 
carried on the government. But some time afterwards, hear- 
ing that the party at Eleusis were hiring mercenaries, they took 
the field en masse against them ; and when their commanders 
had come to a conference, they put them to death ; but sent 
in to the others their friends and relations, and persuaded 
them to a reconciliation. And having sworn not to remember 
past grievances, they still live together under the same govern- 
ment, and the .popular party abide by their oaths. 



CH. 1.] THE LACEDjE.MON'IANS ASSIST CTEUS. 345 



BOOK III. 



CHAPTER I. 

Cyrus the Younger solicits aid from the Lacedaemonians on going to war 
with his brother, and, by their directions, Samius their admiral secures 
him a safe passage through Cilicia. The Lacedaemonians send Thibron, 
with a moderate force, in which are some Athenian cavalry, to the sup- 
port of the Greeks in Asia Minor, and, as he is joined by the Greeks that 
had served under Cp*us, he is able to oppose Tissaphemes in the field. 
He takes some towns, but lingering too long at the siege of Larissa, is 
ordered by the ephori to march into Caria. He is succeeded by Dercy- 
lidas, who makes a treaty with Tissaphemes, and unites his forces with 
him against Pharnabazus. Mania, who governed JEolia after the death 
of her husband Zenis, is assassinated by her son-in-law, Meidias. Phar- 
nabazus prepares to avenge her death, but is opposed by Dercylidas, who 
afterwards marches himself against Meidias, and strips him of his troops 
and treasures, leaving him nothing but what he had inherited from his 
father. 

i. The discord at Athens was thus at an end. Soon after, 
Cyrus sent deputies to Lacedcemon, and requested that, " as 
he had conducted himself towards the Spartans in the war 
with the Athenians, 1 so the Spartans would conduct them- 
selves towards him." The ephori, thinking that he proposed 
what was just, sent orders to Samius, who was then admiral 
of the fleet, " to assist Cyrus if he should in any way require 
his services." Samius accordingly executed with alacrity what- 
ever Cyrus required ; for, joining his own fleet with that of 
Cyrus, lie sailed round to Cilicia, and prevented Syennesis, 
the governor of Cilicia, from being able to oppose Cyrus by 
land in his march against the king. 2. How, therefore, Cyrus 
collected an army and went up with it against his brother; 
how the battle took place, how he was killed, and how the 
Greeks afterwards returned in safety to the sea, has been 
Written by Themistogenes the Svracusan. 2 

When Tissaphemes, however, who was thought to have 
been of great service to the king in the war with his brother, 

Β book i. c. 5. 
2 See M Remarks on the Authorship of the Anabasis," prefixed 
to the Translation of it. 



346 HELLENICS. [β. III. 

was sent down as satrap, not only of the provinces which he 
had governed before, but also of those which Cyrus had held, 
he immediately required that all the cities of Ionia should 
put themselves under his dominion. But these cities, desiring 
to be free, and at the same time dreading Tissaphernes, be- 
cause they had shown more regard for Cyrus, while he was 
alive, than for him, would not admit him within their walls, 
but sent ambassadors to the Lacedaemonians, and entreated 
them, " as they were masters of all Greece, to take them also, 
the Greeks in Asia, under their protection, that their lands 
might not be ravaged, and that they themselves might con- 
tinue free." 4. The Lacedaemonians accordingly sent Thibron 
to them as harmost, assigning him a thousand soldiers of the 
newly-enfranchised citizens, and four thousand of the other 
Peloponnesians. Thibron also solicited three hundred cavalry 
from the Athenians, engaging that he himself would secure 
them pay. The Athenians sent him that number, selected 
from those who had served with the Thirty, thinking it would 
be a gain to the state if, leaving the country, they should meet 
their deaths. 

5. When they arrived in Asia, Thibron collected also the 
troops from the Greek cities on the continent ; for all those 
cities were then ready to obey whatever orders a Lacedaemo- 
nian might give. But with all this army, Thibron, observing 
the cavalry opposed to him, would not go down into the plain, 
but was satisfied with preserving that part of the country in 
which he was from being ravaged. 6. After the troops, how- 
ever, that had gone up with Cyrus, and had returned safe, 
joined him, 1 he immediately arrayed himself against Tissa- 
phernes on the level ground, and got possession of some cities, 
Pergamus by voluntary surrender, and also Teuthrania and 
Halisarna, which Eurysthenes and Procles governed, descend- 
ants of Demaratus the Lacedaemonian, to whom that part of 
the country had been given by the king, 2 as a reward for 
having accompanied his army against Greece. Gorgion and 
Gongylus, two brothers, also came over to him, the one of 
whom possessed Gambreion and Palaegambreion, the other 

1 See Anab. vii. 8. 24. 

2 Xerxes. On the flight of Demaratus, the Spartan king, to the 
Persians, see Herod, vi. 70. Oindorf. See also Anab. ii. 1. 3 ; vii. 
8. 17. 



CII. 1.] DERCYLIDAS SUCCEEDS THIBRON. 347 

Mvrine and Gryneion ; these cities, also, had been a gift from 
the king 1 to Gongylus, because he was the only one of the 
Eretrians that was banished for his attachment to the Per- 
sians. ". Some cities that were weak, too, Thibron took by 
assault ; before Larissa, however, called the Egyptian, he en- 
camped, as it refused to submit, and proceeded to besiege it. 
Being unable to take it by other means, he marked out and 
dug a passage under-ground, 2 with the intention of cutting off 
their water, but as the besieged, sallying out frequently from 
the walls, threw timber and stones into the part that was dug, 
he constructed a wooden pent-house and placed it over the 
opening. But the Larissaeans rushed out in the night and 
set fire to it. And as he seemed to be doing nothing to any 
purpose, the ephori sent him word to quit Larissa and march 
into Caria. 

B. But while he was at Ephesus, in the course of his march 
towards Caria, Dercylidas came to the army to take the com- 
mand of it; a man who was considered extremely fertile in 
expedients, and had in consequence the name of Sisyphus. 
Thibron accordingly returned home, and was fined and ban- 
ished ; for the allies accused him of allowing his troops to 
plunder their friends. 

'■>. Dercylidas, when he took the command of the forces, 
knowing that Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus were jealous of 
each other, made some communication to Tissaphernes, and 
led off his army into the territory of Pharnabazus, choosing 
rather to go to war with one of them, than with both of them 
at once. Dercylidas had also previously been an enemy to 
Pharnabazus ; for, having been harmost at Abydos when 

1 Darius, as it appears. Dindorf. 

2 Φρ*ατίαν -ΐ'πόνομον.'] It appears to me that these two words 
must be taken together [as a substantive and adjective]. Morus, 
on the contrary, makes ψρεατίαν a reservoir, referring to Polyb. x. 
25. Weiske agrees with Morus, and translates, cum locum sire cis- 

. cuniculum agebat sen hit i us terrain exeaoabat, Ty (ppta- 
ria t below, seems to refer to the same excavation, and I was inclined 
to alter it to τψ fpeariq : the form oneariag, however, I have not yet 
found. QhturtLci occurs in Ilesychius as signifying τα βαθία υηνγ- 
ματα. ScJ Liddell and Scott concur with Schneider in ren- 

dering φρ*ατίαν υπόνομον " an under-ground channel to a tank or 
" but observe that "the passage is obscure•" Dindorf 
'its from Schneider, and agrees, apparently, with Moius and 
Weiske. 



348 HELLENICS. [β. III. 

Lysander was commander of the fleet, and having been ac- 
cused of some offence by Tissaphernes, he had been obliged 
to stand holding his shield ; a circumstance which is thought 
by the respectable Lacedaemonians a mark of disgrace, for it 
is the punishment for neglect of discipline. 10. He therefore 
marched with much more readiness against Pharnabazus, and 
soon showed such superiority in generalship to Thibron, that 
he led the army through a friendly part of the country as far 
as that portion of JEolia belonging to Pharnabazus, without 
doing the least damage to the allies. 

This district of JEolia belonged indeed to Pharnabazus, but 
Zenis, a Dardanian, had governed here for him as long as he 
lived. When Zenis was carried off by disease, and Pharna- 
bazus was preparing to give the government to some one else, 
Mania his wife, who was also a native of Dardania, prepared 
her retinue, 1 and taking with her presents to give Pharnaba- 
zus himself, and to gratify his mistresses, and such as had 
most influence with him, set out to visit Pharnabazus. 11. 
Being admitted to a conference, she said, " My husband, Phar- 
nabazus, was friendly to you in other respects, and paid you 
tribute in such a way that you praised and honoured him. 
If I, therefore, can serve you not worse than he did, why 
need you appoint another governor? And if I should not 
satisfy you in any particular, it will still be in your power to 
take the government from me and to give it to some one 
else." 12. Pharnabazus, on hearing this application, deter- 
mined that the woman should be governor. Mania, when 
she became mistress of the country, paid the tribute not less 
punctually than her husband had paid it, and, in addition, 
whenever she went to see Pharnabazus, always took him 
presents, and whenever he came down into her province, 
entertained him by far the most honourably and agreeably of 
all his deputy-governors, is. Whatever towns she had re- 
ceived, she kept secure for him ; and of such as were not in 
subjection to him, she captured Larissa, Hamaxitus, and 
Colome, places on the sea-coast, assailing their walls with a 
Greek mercenary force, and viewing the efforts of the troops 
in her chariot ; and whomsoever she thought worthy of praise, 

1 Άναζενζασα στόλοι/.] It is doubtful whether by στόλος Xeno- 
phon intends a journey by sea, or a journey by land, or a military 
retinue or force. Schneider. 



CH. 1.] MANIA KILLED BY MEIDIAS. 349 

she rewarded with the utmost liberality ; so that she brought 
her mercenaries to a most excellent condition. She also joined 
Pharnabazus in the field, whenever he invaded the Mysians 
or Pisidians for committing depredations on the king's terri- 
tory. Pharnabazus, in consequence, honoured her most mag- 
nificently in return, and sometimes called her in as a counsel- 
lor. 14. But when she was something more than forty years 
old, Meidias, her daughter's husband, (being lightly persuaded 
by some of his people that it was disgraceful to him for a 
woman to govern, while he himself was only in a private sta- 
tion, and she being carefully on her guard against others, as 
is fitting in a despotic government, but trusting and caressing 
him as any woman would caress her son-in law,) is said to 
have gone into her apartment and strangled her. >He also 
put to death her son, a youth of very handsome person, and 
about seventeen years of age. 15. After committing these 
crimes, he seized upon Scepsis and Gergis, two strong cities, 
in which the chief part of Mania's treasures were deposited. 
The other cities, however, would not admit him, but the gar- 
iis that were in them kept them for Pharnabazus. Meidias 
soon after sent presents to Pharnabazus, and asked to have 
the government of the province as Mania had had it. Phar- 
nabazus replied, that he might keep his presents, until he 
himself should come and take both him and them ; for he 
said that he would not live if he did not avenge Mania. 

Ιβ. At this time Dercylidas arrived, and took in one day, 
by voluntary surrender, the cities on the coast, Larissa, Ha- 
maxitus, and Colona?. He sent also to the cities of iEolia, 
and urged them to assert their freedom, to admit him within 
their walls, and to become his allies. The Neandrians, Ilians, 
and Cocylitans accordingly complied with his request ; for 
the Greeks that garrisoned them had not treated the people 
well since Mania died; 17. but he that, commanded the garri- 
in Cebrcn, a very strong place, thought that if he pre- 
served the town for Pharnabazus, he should be honourably 
recompensed by him, and refused to admit Dercylidas, who, 
being exasperated, prepared to assail the walls. As the omens 
wen• unfavourable, however, when he sacrificed the first day, 
he offered sacrifice again on the following day, and, as they 
were not even then favourable, again on th<> third day, and 
continued to sacrifice for four days together, being extremely 






350 HELLENICS. [β. III. 

discontented, for he was eager to become master of all iEolia 
before Pharnabazus could come to its relief, is. Meanwhile 
an officer named Athenadas, a native of Sicyon, thinking that 
Dercylidas was trifling and wasting time, and that he himself 
could cut off the water of the Cebrenians, ran forward with, 
his troop and tried to fill up their fountain ; but the inhabit- 
ants, sallying out, wounded the officer himself, and killed two 
of his men, and repulsed the rest with swords and missiles. 
While Dercylidas was under concern at this occurrence, and 
judged that the assault would in consequence be less spirited, 
heralds from the Greeks came out of the town, and said that 
" what their commander was doing did not please them, as 
they themselves wished to join Greeks rather than Bar- 
barians." 19. As they were still talking on the matter, a 
messenger came from their commander to announce that what 
the previous messengers had said, they had said with his ap- 
probation. Dercylidas therefore, as he happened to have 
sacrificed satisfactorily that day, took up his arms and led his 
men towards the gates, which the inhabitants opened and gave 
him admittance. He then established a garrison in the place, 
and marched without delay towards Scepsis and Gergis. 

20. Meidias, who expected Pharnabazus, and was then in 
fear of the inhabitants, sent to Dercylidas, and said that he 
would come to a conference with him, if he might be allowed 
to receive hostages. Dercylidas sent him one from each city 
of the allies, and desired him to take whatever number and 
whichsoever of them he pleased. He took ten, and came out, 
and going to Dercylidas, asked him " on what conditions he 
might become his ally." Dercylidas replied, " on condition 
that he would leave the inhabitants of the cities free and in- 
dependent." As he gave this answer, he advanced towards 
Scepsis. 21. Meidias, knowing that he could not stop him 
without the consent of the people, allowed him to enter. 
Dercylidas, after sacrificing to Minerva in the city of the 
Scepsians, drew out the garrison of Meidias, and put the city 
into the hands of the inhabitants, and exhorting them to 
manage their affairs as became Greeks and freemen, went out 
and led his troops towards Gergis. Many of the Scepsians 
also attended him on his march, paying him honour and ex- 
pressing their pleasure at what he had done. 22. Meidias, 
following close upon him, begged him to give him the city of 



CII. 1.] MEIDIAS HUMBLED. 351 

Ger^is- Dercylidas, however, merely replied that i; he would 
not Tail to obtain whatever was right," and, while he was utter- 
ing the words, went up to the gates with Meidias, the troops 
quietly following two by two. The people on the towers, 
which were very high, seeing Meidias with Dercylidas, threw 
no missiles ; but when Dercylidas said, " Give orders, Meidias, 
to open the gates, that you may lead the way in, and that I 
may go with you to the temple and sacrifice in it to Minerva," 
Meidias hesitated to have the gates opened ; yet fearing that 
he should instantly be put under arrest, he at last gave orders 
to open them. 23. When he had entered, he took Meidias 
with him and proceeded to the citadel ; and ordering the other 
soldiers to pile their arms round the walls, he himself, with 
his staff, offered sacrifice to Minerva. When the sacrifice was 
ended, he ordered also the guards of Meidias to pile their 
arms in front of his own troops, as if they were going to be 
taken into his pay, since Meidias had no longer anything to 
fear. 24. [Meidias, however, being perplexed how to act, said, 
•' I am now going away, to see the entertainment prepared for 
you." " No, indeed," rejoined Dercylidas, " for it would be 
unbecoming in me, after having sacrificed, to be entertained by 
you, and not to afford you entertainment. Stay here, there- 

. with us, and while the table is being prepared, you and I 
will consider and settle what is right towards each other." 

25. When they were seated, Dercylidas asked this cjuestion : 
" Tell me, Meidias," said he, " did your father leave you 
master of all his property?" "Certainly," said Meidias. 
" And how many houses were there for you ? how many 
fields? how many pastures ?" As he was writing down his 
answers, those of the Scepsians who were present said, " lie 
ing you, Dercylidas." 20. " Well," rejoined Dercy- 
lidas, •' do not require too minute an account." When the 
property of his father had been taken down, " Tell me," 
added Dercylidas, " to whom did Mania belong ? w They all 

. "To Pharnabazus." " Then her property," rejoined he, 
" belonged also to Pharnabazus." " Assuredly," they replied. 
" It must now be ours, then," said he, " since we are con- 
querors; for Pharnabazus is our enemy. But hit, somebody 

■ as where the effects of Mania and Pharnabazus an• de- 
posited." 27. As the others conducted him into the house of 

Mania, of which Meidias had taken possession, Meidias also 



352 HELLENICS. [β. III. 

followed. When Dercylidas had entered, he called the stew- 
ards, and desiring his attendants to take charge of them, gave 
them notice that if they were found secreting anything be- 
longing to Mania, they should be instantly put to death. 
They made, however, a full discovery. When he had in- 
spected everything, he shut up the whole, set his seal upon 
it, and appointed a guard. 28. As he came out, he said to 
such of his centurions and captains as he found at the gates, 
" Pay, my friends, has been secured by us for the army, 
enough for eight thousand men for nearly a year ; and if we 
gain anything besides, it will be an addition to it." This he 
said, in the belief that on hearing it they would be more or- 
derly and ready to serve him. When Meidias asked, " And 
where must I live, Dercylidas?" he replied, "Where it is 
most proper that you should live, in your native place, Scepsis, 
and in your father's house." * 



CHAPTER II. 

Pharnabazus makes a truce with Dercylidas, who winters in Bithynia and 
ravages the country. Messengers from the ephori come to him at Lamp- 
sacus to commend him and prolong his command. Learning from these 
messengers that the people of the Chersonesus had apjolied to the Lace- 
daemonians to build a wall across the isthmus to defend them from the 
Thracians, he sets out with his army to the Chersonesus and builds the 
wall. He then returns into Asia and takes Atarneus from certain Chian 
exiles who had seized it, and prepares it as a residence for himself. He 
proceeds to Ephesus, where he receives orders from the ephori to march 
into Caria to bring Tissaphernes to submission. Pharnabazus having 
joined Tissaphernes in Caria, and both of them having crossed the Mean- 
der, Dercylidas crosses it to oppose them. Both parties prepare for an 
engagement, but Tissaphernes, fearing the valour of the Greeks, prefers 
to invite Dercylidas to a conference, at which it is understood that a 
peace should be made on condition that the king should give liberty to the 
Greek cities in Asia, and that the. Lacedaemonians should withdraw their 
harmosts and troops from the king's territories. In Greece the Lacedae- 
monians make war on the Eleians, to avenge old insults ; but their king, 
Agis, on entering the enemy's territory, thinks himself supernaturally 
admonished to return. Next year he ravages the country of the Eleians, 
who at length obtain peace on very unfavourable terms. 

i. Dercylidas, having accomplished these objects, and 
taken nine cities in eight days, deliberated by what means he 

1 We hear nothing further of Meidias. It would have been satis- 
factory to learn that he had received some additional punishment 
from Pharnabazus, as he threatened, sect. 15. 



CH. 2.] DERCYLIDAS IN BITHYNIA. 353 

might avoid being burdensome to the allies, as Thibron was, 
by wintering in a friendly part of the country, and by what 
means Pharnabazus, on the other hand, might be prevented 
from harassing the Greek cities with his cavalry in contempt 
of him. He therefore sent to Pharnabazus, and asked him 
" whether he wished to have peace or war." Pharnabazus, 
considering that iEolia was now fortified to bear upon Phry- 
gia, his place of residence, preferred peace. 

2. When this point was settled, Dercylidas marched into 
Bithynian Thrace, and fixed his quarters there for the winter, 
Pharnabazus being very little concerned at the procedure, for 
the Bithynians were often at war with him. Dercylidas con- 
tinued to ravage and plunder Bithynia in other ways, and to 
get from it abundance of provisions for his troops. But as 
some of his allies joined him from the opposite side of the 
country, (a party of the Odrysa? that came from Seuthes, about 
two hundred horse and three hundred peltasts,) they, forming 
an encampment, enclosed it with a palisade, about twenty 
stadia from that of the Greeks, and, having requested of Der- 
cylidas some heavy-armed men to guard their camp, went out 
for booty, and captured a great number of slaves and other 
valuable effects. 3. But while their camp was crowded with 
so many prisoners, the Bithynians, having learned how many 
had gone out, and how many Greeks they had left to keep 
guard, assembled in great numbers, both cavalry and peltasts, 
and proceeded to attack our heavy-armed men, who were about 
two hundred, at break of day. As they approached, some 
threw -tones, and others hurled javelins, at them; and as the 
defenders of the camp began to be wounded, and some of them 
killed, and were unable to make any effectual efforts, being 
confined within a palisading of the height of a man, they made 
an opening in the rampart, and sallied out upon the enemy; 
i. who, whenever the Greeks advanced, retreated, and, being 
peltasts, easily escaped from men in heavy armour, hurling 
their javelins at them from all sides, and striking down 
ral of them at every sally that they made, till at last. 
pent up as it were in a sheep-fold, they were overwhelmed 

with darts. About fifteen of them, however, made their 

the camp of the Greeks, but these, a- soon as they 

what was going to happen, had gone oil' in the midst of 

dipping through among the Bithynians while 

VuL. II. 



354 HELLENICS. [β. III. 

they neglected to watch them. 5. The Bithynians, having thus 
succeeded in their enterprise, and put to death the tent-keepers 
of the Odrysae, went off, taking all their booty with them ; so 
that when the Greeks heard of the attack, and went to give 
succour, they found nothing in the camp but stripped corpses. 
But after the Odrysae returned, and had buried their dead, 
drinking a great quantity of wine, and celebrating a horse- 
race at their funeral, they encamped thenceforward close to the 
Greeks, and ravaged and wasted Bithynia with fire. 

6. When spring came, Dercylidas marched t from the country 
of the Bithynians, and proceeded to Lampsacus. While he 
was there, Aracus, Naubates, and Antisthenes arrived from 
the authorities at Sparta ; persons who had come to see how 
affairs were, in other respects, in Asia, and to tell Dercylidas 
that he was to remain there and hold the command for the 
following year ; they stated also that the ephori had directed 
them to call together the soldiers, and to tell them that they 
censured them for what they had previously done, but com- 
mended them now, as they were doing nothing wrong ; and to 
assure them also, with regard to the future, that if they com- 
mitted any injustice, they would not let it pass; but that, if 
they acted justly towards the allies, they would give them 
commendation, τ. After they had assembled the troops, and 
delivered this message, the commander 1 of those who had 
gone up with Cyrus replied, " We, for our parts, men of 
Lacedsemon, are the same soldiers now that we were a year 
ago; but the general that commands now is different from 
him who commanded in past time ; the reason, therefore, that 
we commit no irregularities now, though we were guilty of 
them then, you yourselves are very well able to discover." 

8. When the ambassadors from home, and Dercylidas, were 
at an entertainment together in his tent, one of the friends of 
Aracus mentioned that they had left behind them at Lacedoe- 
mon an embassy from the people of the Chersonesus ; who, 
they said, stated that they could not at present cultivate the 
Chersonesus, as it was ravaged and plundered by the Thraci- 
ans ; but that if it were fenced in by a wall from sea to sea, 

1 Morus, Weiske, and Schneider, agree in thinking that Xeno- 
phon himself is probably meant, as he may have remained with 
the army after he had put it under the command of Thibron, Anab. 
vii. 8. 24. 



CH. 2.] OPERATIONS OF DERCYLIDAS. 355 

there would be abundance of good land for themselves to till, 
and for as many of the Lacedaemonians as might wish to settle 
there ; so that they should not wonder, they said, if some 
Lacedaemonian should be sent out by the state with a body of 
men to effect that object. 9. Dercylidas, as he listened to this 
account, gave no intimation what he thought on the subject, 
but sent away the commissioners from Ephesus l through the 
Greek cities, being rejoiced that they would see those cities 
in a state of peace and prosperity. The commissioners set 
out accordingly. But Dercylidas, as soon as he knew that he 
was to remain, sent again to Pharnabazus, and asked him 
u whether he was inclined to continue the truce, as during the 
winter, or to go to war." As Pharnabazus preferred to pro- 
long the truce, Dercylidas, leaving all the allied cities near 
Pharnabazus at peace with him, crossed over the Hellespont 
with his army into Europe, and marching through the friendly 
part of Thrace, and being hospitably entertained by Seuthes, 
made his way to the Chersonesus. 10. Finding that the pe- 
ninsula contained eleven or twelve towns, and that the ground 
was extremely fertile and valuable, but was ravaged, as had 
been stated, by the Thracians, and having measured the isth- 
mus and found that it was seven and thirty stadia across, he 
lost no time, but, after sacrificing, began to erect a Avail, 
portioning out the ground among his troops ; and by pro- 
mising rewards to such as should finish their part of the wall 
first, and to others as they should respectively deserve, he 
succeeded in completing the Avail, beginning in the spring, 
before autumn ; and he included within it eleven cities, se- 
veral harbours, a great quantity of excellent land for sowing 
and planting, and a vast number of the finest pastures for all 
of cattle. Having thus effected his purpose, he crossed 
over again into Α- 
π. Making an inspection of the cities there, he found 
them in good condition in other respects, but learned that 
iiu exiles from Chios were in possession of Atarneus, a 
strong place, and, making excursions from thence, were ravaging 
and plundering Ionia, and by that means gaining subsistence. 

\.•Λσου.] Dr. Smith's translation has, " to Bpliesus," from 
■ conjecture of Dr. Taylor's, Iw 1 'Et)faov. Some alterati 

for Dercylidas, as appears from sect, β, was now at 
Lampsacns. All the editors are silent on the subject. 

k 2 



356 . HELLENICS. [β. ΠΙ. 

Discovering that they had a large quantity of corn in the 
place, he encamped around it and laid siege to it ; and, having 
reduced it in eight months, he appointed Draco, a native of 
Pallene, to take charge of it, laying up in it abundance of all 
kinds of stores, that he might be able to sojourn there when- 
ever he came into those parts. He then went off to Ephesus, 
which is distant from Sardes three days' journey. 

12. Till this period, Tissaphernes and Dercylidas, and the 
Greeks and Barbarians in those parts, had continued at peace 
with each other. But as deputies from the cities of Ionia 
went to Lacedaemon, and represented that " it was in the 
power of Tissaphernes, if he were inclined, to leave the 
Greek cities independent," and that " if, therefore, Caria, in 
which Tissaphernes' residence was, should be attacked, they 
thought that he would soon consent," they said, " to leave 
them at liberty," the ephori, on hearing this statement, sent 
to Dercylidas, and ordered him to cross over 1 with his army 
into Caria, and directed Pharax, their commander at sea, to 
support him with the fleet. These orders they accordingly 
executed. 13. Just at that time, however, Pharnabaztis hap- 
pened to pay a visit to Tissaphernes, both to congratulate him 
on being appointed commander-in-chief, and to testify, for 
himself, that he was ready to concur in a general war, to 
unite his force with that of Tissaphernes, and to join in 
driving the Greeks out of the king's dominions. Neverthe- 
less he envied Tissaphernes his supremacy, and was extremely 
dissatisfied at being deprived of JEolia. Tissaphernes, on 
hearing what he said, replied, " In the first place, then, cross 
over with me into Caria, and we will then consult about these 
matters." 14. When they were come into Caria, however, it 
seemed advisable to them, after placing sufficient garrisons in 
the fortresses, to cross over again into Ionia. 

Dercylidas, hearing that they had again crossed the Mean- 
der, and telling Pharax that he feared lest Tissaphernes and 
Pharnabazus should invade Ionia^ if left undefended, and 
plunder and ravage the country, crossed over also himself. 
15. The two leaders, 2 advancing with their troops in no regular 
order, as supposing that the enemy had gone forward to the 

1 Over the Mseander. 

2 Οντοι.'] Dercylidas and Pharax. Pharax had probably landed 
a portion of his troops and joined Dercylidas. Weiske and Sch?ieider. 



CH. 2.] DERCYLIDAS AND THE SATRAPS. 357 

neighbourhood of Ephesus, suddenly observed, over against 
them, some scouts mounted upon the tombs, and having caused 
their own scouts to climb upon some tombs and turrets that were 
near them, discovered the enemy's force drawn up in the part 
through which their road lay, consisting of Carians with their 
white shields, as many Persian troops as chanced to be in 
those quarters, whatever Greeks each of the satraps had in 
hie pay, and a great number of cavalry, that of Tissaphernes 
being on the right wing, and that of Pharnabazus on the left. 
16. When Dercylidas saw this force, he immediately or- 
dered the centurions and captains to draw up their men eight 
deep, directing that the peltasts and the cavalry, such and so 
many as he had, should be posted on either flank ; and he then 
offered sacrifice, it. Whatever troops were from the Pelo- 
ponnese, stood quiet, and prepared for battle ; but of those from 
Priene, Achilleium, and the islands and cities of Ionia, some 
left their arms in the corn (for in the plain of the Maeander 
the born was very high) and ran away; and such as stood 
red that they would not stand long. is. Pharnabazus, it 
-aid. gave orders to engage; but Tissaphernes, reflecting 
how the Greeks under Cyrus had fought against the Persians, 
and supposing that all Greeks resembled them, would not 
consent to fight, but sent to Dercylidas, and said, " that he 
wished to come to a conference with him." Dercylidas, taking 
the best-looking of the horse and foot that were about him, 
advanced towards the messengers, and said, " I was preparing 
to fight, as you see; since Tissaphernes, however, desires to 
• to a conference, I offer no objection. But if it is to 
place, we must give and receive hostages as securities." 
1 hi- arrangement being approved and settled, the ar- 
3 drew off, that of the Barbarians to Tralles in Caria, 
and that of the Greeks to Leucophrys, where there was .a 
pie of Diana, held in great veneration, and a lake of more 
than a stadium in length, with a sandy bottom, supplied by 
tnal .-}> water being good for drinking and 

warm. 

Such were the eventfl of that day. On the morrow they 
net at the place appointed ; and eaeh proceeded to a>k the 
on wliat terms they might conclude a peace. •2<». Der- 
cylidas said, M On condition that the king would leave the 



358 HELLENICS. [β. III. 

Greek cities independent." Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus 
said, " On condition that the Grecian army would quit the 
king's territory, and the Lacedaemonian harmosts the cities." 
Having made these proposals, they settled a truce between 
them, until the requisitions of Dercylidas could be reported at 
Lacedaamon, and those of Tissaphernes to the king. 

21. Whilst these affairs were conducted in Asia by Dercy- 
lidas, the Lacedaemonians, during the same period, who had 
long been exasperated against the Eleians, both because they 
had made an alliance 1 with the Athenians, Argives, and Man- 
tineans, and because, on the allegation that a fine 2 had been 
imposed upon them, they excluded them from the equestrian 
and gymnie games ; nor had they been content with this, but 
when Lichas, having joined his chariot with those of the 
Thebans, went forward, on the Thebans being proclaimed 
victors, to crown his charioteer, they scourged him, though an 
old man, and expelled him from the lists ; 3 22. and some time 
afterwards, when Agis was sent in obedience to an oracle to 
sacrifice to Jupiter, the Eleians would not allow him to pray 
for success in war, saying that " it was a rule from old time 
that Greeks should not consult the oracle with regard to a 
war against Greeks," so that he went away without sacrificing ; 
23. being exasperated on all these accounts, therefore, the 
ephori and assembly of the people resolved to bring them to 
their senses. Sending ambassadors accordingly to Elis, they 
acquainted them that it seemed equitable to the magistracy 
of the Lacedaemonians " that the Eleians should leave the 
neighbouring cities free." As the Eleians answered that " they 
would not do so, since they were masters of those cities by 
right of war," the ephori called out their forces to attack 

1 See Thucydides, v. 43 — 47, where the form of the treaty is 
given. 

2 "The Lacedaemonians were excluded from the temple by the 
Eleians, so that they could neither sacrifice nor enter the lists, as 
refusing to pay the fine to which the Eleians, by virtue of the Olym- 
pian law, had condemned them, alleging that they had attacked the 
fortress of Phyrcus, and sent a body of their heavy-armed into 
Lepreum during the Olympic truce. The fine imposed upon them 
was two thousand mince. * * * But the Lacedaemonians sent am- 
bassadors, and pleaded that it had not been fairly imposed upon 
them." Thucyd. v. 49, Dale's Translation. 

3 Thucyd. v. 50. 



CH. 2.] LACEDAEMONIANS INVADE ELIS. 359 

them. Agis led the army through Achaia, and entered Elis 
at Larisus. 1 24. But as soon as the troops were in the enemy's 
country, and the lands began to be ravaged, an earthquake 
took place ; and Agis, thinking it a sign from the gods, went 
back out of the country, and disbanded his army. In conse- 
quence, the Eleians became bolder, and sent deputies round to 
whatever cities they knew to be disaffected towards the Lace- 
daemonians. 

25. After the expiration of a year, the ephori again as- 
sembled a force to invade Elis ; and, except the Boeotians and 
Corinthians, all the other allies, as well as the Athenians, 
accompanied Agis in the expedition. As Agis entered the 
country through Aulon, the people of Lepreum revolted from 
the Eleians and joined him, when the Macistians immediately 
did the same, and soon after the Epitalians. While he was 
-ing the river, 2 the Letrians, Amphidolians, and Marga- 
nians came over to him. 26. Soon after he went to Olympia, 
and sacrificed to Olympian Jupiter ; and no one any longer 
tried to hinder him. When he had finished the sacrifice, he 
advanced towards the city, 3 laying waste and burning up the 
country ; and a vast quantity of cattle, as well as a great 
number of slaves, were taken from the fields ; so that many 
others of the Arcadians and Achasans, when they heard of 
these proceedings, came of their own accord to join the army, 
and had a share of the plunder ; and this enterprise was, as it 
were, a foraging expedition for the Peloponnesus. When he 
arrived at the city, he destroyed the suburbs and gymnasia, 
which were splendid ; but as to the city itself, for it was un- 
walled, they thought that he was rather unwilling to take it 
than unable. 

While the country was thufl devastated, and the army was 
in th.9 neighbourhood of Cyllene, Xenias and his party, a 
man who was said to measure his money in a bushel-measure, 4 
being desirous 5 * * * * the whole army was abundantly 

1 Some place, as it scorns, on the river Larisus, or Larissus, which 
tied Achaia from Elis. See Schneider. 
I Tie Alpheiue. See sect. 29. 

3 The city of Klis. 

4 Μώίμνφ.Ι The medimnus was about a bushel and a half. 

5 I pve this passage iu conformity with Dindorfa hist edition of 

the teat, 1850; in his edition of 182.3 he differs very little from 
Schn 



360 HELLENICS. [β. III. 

supplied. But some of the Eleians conspiring together, and 
meeting in a certain house, and issuing from it, commenced a 
massacre ; they put to death several others, and having also 
killed a man very like Thrasydasus, the head of the popular 
party, they thought that they had killed Thrasydseus himself ; 
so that the people were totally dispirited, and remained pas- 
sive ; 28. and the assassins thought that their purpose was fully 
effected, and their whole party began to bring out their arms 
to join them in the market-place. But Thrasydseus was still 
lying asleep where he had been overcome with wine ; and 
when the people heard that he was not dead, his house was 
surrounded with crowds on every side, as the queen of a hive 
is encircled by a swarm of bees. 29. Thrasydseus putting 
himself at the head of the people and leading them on, and an 
engagement taking place, the people had the advantage, and 
those who had commenced the massacre were driven to join 
the Lacedaemonians. 

When Agis had retreated, and repassed the Alpheius, he 
left a garrison, with the exiles from Elis, and Lysippus as 
harmost, in Epitalium on that river, and then disbanded his 
army, and went ofr home, 30. During the rest of the summer, 
and the ensuing winter, the country of the Eleians was plun- 
dered and ravaged by Lysippus and his soldiers. 

The following summer, Thrasydseus sent deputies to Lace- 
dsemon, and signified his consent to pull down the walls of 
Phea and Cyllene, and to leave the Triphylian towns, Phryxa, 
Epitalium, the Letrians, Amphidolians, and Marganians, free ; 
and, in addition to these, the Acrorians, and Lasion which was 
claimed by the Arcadians. But Epeium, a city between 
Herasa and Macistus, the Eleians insisted on keeping ; for 
they said that they had bought that whole district for thirty 
talents from the people who then held the city, and had paid 
the money. The Lacedemonians, however, knowing that it 
is not more just in those who take from the weaker to buy 
by force, than to seize by force, compelled them to leave that 
city also free ; yet of the presidency of the temple of Olympian 
Jupiter, though it did not originally belong to the Eleians, 
they did not deprive them ; regarding the people ] who 
claimed it as rustics, and unfit for such a charge. These 

1 The Arcadians and Pisans, of whom Pausanias speaks, v. 4. 
Dindorf. 



CII. 3.] DEATH OF AGIS. 361 

matters being amicably settled, peace and an alliance were 
contracted between the Eleians and Lacedaemonians. Thus 
the war between the Lacedaemonians and Eleians was brought 

ο 

to an end. 



CHAPTER III. 



The death of Agis, and dispute between Agesilaus and Leotychides about 
the succession ; Agesilaus is preferred. Account of the conspiracy of 
Cinadon, and its suppression by the ephori. 

i. Some time afterwards, Agis, having gone to Delphi, and 
offered the tenth of the spoil, fell ill on his return, as he was 
now an old mart, at Heraea, whence he was conveyed to Lace- 
daemon alive ; but expired there soon after, and was honoured 
with a funeral more magnificent than that of a mere man. 1 
Lut when the days for the funeral solemnities were past,' 2 and 
it was necessary for another king to be appointed, Leotychides, 
who said that he was the son of Agis, and Agesilaus his 
brother, stood forward as competitors for the throne. 2. 
Leotychides saying, " The law, Agesilaus, directs, not that the 
brother, but that the son of the king is to reign ; though if 
there happen to be no son, the brother may in that case be- 
come king," Agesilaus rejoined, " Then I must be king." 
11 How," said Leotychides, " when I am alive ? " " Because," 
returned Agesilaus, " he whom you call your father, said that 
you were not his son." "But my mother, who knows much 
better than he, still declares that I am." "Neptune, bow- 
" said Ageeilaue, " showed that what you assert is false, 
as he drove your father abroad by an earthquake from her 

1 The laws of LycurgUS, by the honours which they appointed to 
he paid to the Lacedemonian king! at their death, signified that 
the people honoured them, not as mere men, but as heroes. Xen. 

Rep. Laced. 15. <). 

2 'ίϊσιώιίησαν α'ι i/fnixu.] The conjecture of Dindorf, for the pre- 

- reading ώς ίϊώθεσαν. "As, at the death of a kin^ of Sputa, 
there was a cessation from business for ten days, during three of 
which it was unlawful to sell anything, so it is probable that after 
the funeral a certain number of days was fixed, before the expira- 
tion of which a successor could not he installed.'' Wi 



362 HELLENICS. [β. III. 

chamber ; and time, which is said to be the truest of witnesses, 
gives testimony with him to the same effect ; for you were 
born in the tenth month after he fled from her, and was never 
after seen in her chamber." 3. In this manner they disputed. 
But Diopeithes, a man who paid great attention to oracles, 
supported Leotychides, and said that there was an oracle of 
Apollo enjoining them " to beware of a halting reign." Ly- 
sander however said in reply to him, on behalf of Agesilaus, 
that " he did not think the god desired them to beware lest 
their king should stumble and halt, but rather lest one who 
was not of the royal family should reign ; for that the royal 
power would assuredly be lame whenever men not descended 
from Hercules should rule the state." 4. The people, after 
hearing such arguments from both sides, chose Agesilaus for 
their king. 

Agesilaus had not yet been a year on the throne, when, as 
he was offering one of the sacrifices appointed for the city, 
the augur told him that the gods indicated some conspiracy 
of the most dangerous kind. When he sacrificed a second 
time, the augur declared that the victims appeared still more 
threatening than before. When he sacrificed a third time, he 
said, " Signs are given to me, Agesilaus, just as if we were in 
the midst of enemies." They then sacrificed to the gods who 
avert evil, and to those who preserve the state, and having 
scarcely obtained favourable omens, they ceased. Within five 
days after the conclusion of this sacrifice, somebody gave in- 
formation to the ephori of a conspiracy, and said that "Cina- 
don was leader in the affair." 5. Cinadon was a man of 
vigorous frame, and of powerful mind, but not one of the 
Equals. 1 When the ephori asked the informer what account 
he could give of the way in which the plot would be carried 
into effect, he said that " Cinadon, having conducted him to 
the outside of the forum, desired him to count how many 
Spartans there were in the forum ; and I," continued he, 
" having counted the king, the ephori, the senators, and about 
forty others, asked him, ' And why, Cinadon, have you told 
me to count them ? ' ' Consider these/ he replied, ' as ene- 
mies, and all the rest now in the forum, who are more than 

1 Ύών ομοίων."] The όμοιοι at Sparta were those who were alike 
eligible to all the honours and offices of state. See note on Anab. 
iv. 6. 14. 



CII. 3.] CONSPIRACY OF CINADON. 363 

four thousand, as allies.' " He said also that Cinadon pointed 
out to him in the streets sometimes one, and sometimes two, 
that were enemies, and said that all the other people were 
auxiliaries, and that whatever Spartans were on their estates 
in the country, one, namely the master, was an enemy, while 
on every estate there were numbers of allies. 6. The ephori 
then inquiring how many Cinadon said were privy to the plot, 
he replied that he told him, as to that point, that " there 
were not very many in concert with the principal agents, but 
that they were trust-worthy, and declared that they were in 
communication with all the Helots, the newly-enfranchised, 
the inferior citizens, and the people in the parts about the 
city ; for whenever any mention of the Spartans was made 
among them, no one could forbear from showing that he 
would willingly eat them up alive/' l 7. When the ephori 
further asked " whence they said they would get arms," he 
answered, that Cinadon had stated to him, " Those of us who 
are already united, say we have arms enough ; " and for the 
multitude, he said that Cinadon, conducting him into the iron- 
market, had pointed out numbers of daggers, swords, spits, 
axes, hatchets, and scythes, and added that "all the instru- 
ments with which men cultivate the ground, or hew wood or 
stone, would serve as weapons, while the greater part of the 
artificers had sufficient tools to fight with, especially against 
unarmed enemies." The informer being finally interrogated 
" at what time the scheme was to be carried into execution," 
replied that " directions had been given him to be in readi- 
ness at home." 

8. The ephori, after listening to his statement, were of 
opinion that he had given information of a well-concerted 
plot, and were greatly alarmed ; nor did they summon even 
what was called the lesser assembly, but some of the senators, 
conferring together here and there, resolved to send Cinadon 
to Anion, accompanied by some others of the younger men, 
with directions to bring back with him certain inhabitants of 
that place, and some Helots, whose names were written on his 

scytale. They desired him also to bring with him a certain 
woman, who wa> -aid to be the handsomest in the place, and 

was thought to corrupt all the Lacedaemonians, old as well as 

young, that went thither. 9, Cinadon had executed similar 

1 See note on Anab. :v. 8. 1 1•, 



364 HELLENICS. [β. III. 

commissions for the ephori before ; and they now delivered to 
him the scyfcale on which were written the names of the per- 
sons that were to be apprehended. As he asked " which of 
the young men he should take with him," they said to him, 
" Go, and desire the eldest of the hippagretse 1 to send with 
you six or seven of such of his men as may be at hand." They 
had previously taken care that the hippagretes should know 
whom he was to send, and that those who were sent should be 
apprized that they were to secure Cinadon. They moreover 
acquainted Cinadon that they would send three carriages, that 
they might not bring away their prisoners on foot, concealing 
from him as carefully as possible that they sent them with a 
view to his security alone. 10. They did not apprehend him 
in the city, because they were uncertain how far the plot 
might have spread, and wished first to hear from Cinadon 
himself who were his accomplices in it, before they them- 
selves should be aware that information was given against 
them, lest they should make their escape. The party who 
took him were to keep him prisoner, and when they had 
learned from him the names of his accomplices, were to send 
them in writing to the ephori as speedily as possible. So 
intent indeed were the ephori on effecting their object, that 
they even despatched a troop of horse to support the party 
that was gone to Aulon. 

11. As soon as Cinadon was secured, and a horseman ar- 
rived with the names of those whom he had put on his list, 
they instantly apprehended Tisamenus the soothsayer, and the 
other principal conspirators ; and when Cinadon was brought 
back and examined, and had made a full confession and spe- # 
cified his accomplices, they at last asked him " with what 
object he had engaged in such a scheme." He replied, " in 
order that he might be inferior to no man in Lacedreinon." 
Soon after he was fastened, arms and neck, in a wooden col- 
lar, and scourged and pricked with lances ; and in this condi- 
tion he and his accomplices were led round the city. Thus 
they suffered the penalty of the law. 

1 There were three hippagretoe at Sparta, who were officers set 
over the ephebi, to practise them in various kinds of exercises, as is 
stated by Xenophon, de Rep. Laced, c 4. Schneider. 



CH. 4.] AGES1LAUS GOES TO ASIA. 365 



CHAPTER IV. 

News being brought to Lacedsemon that a great fleet was being prepared in 
Phoenicia by the Persians, Agesilaus collects forces for an expedition into 
Asia, and takes Lysander with hirn. When he is going to sacrifice at 
Aulis, he is prevented, with insults, by the Boeotians. He sails to Ephe- 
sus, and having acquainted Tissaphernes that he was come to set free the 
Greek cities in Asia, Tissaphernes makes a truce with him until he should 
communicate with the king. Agesilaus religiously observes the truce ; 
Tissaphernes pays too little regard to it. Lysander, conducting himself 
too ostentatiously, is sent away to the Hellespont, where he is of some 
service to Agesilaus. Tissaphernes, elated by a reinforcement from the 
king, prepares for war with Agesilaus, unless he should quit Asia. Age- 
silaus invades Phrygia, and carries oiF a great quantity of spoil. The 
cavali^ of Pharnabazus encounter those of Agesilaus, who puts them to 
flight with the aid of his infantry. He prepares to raise an additional 

• number of cavalry. In the spring he resumes hostilities, and eludes and 
defeats the forces of Tissaphernes, who, not being present in the engage- 
ment, is accused of treachery to the king, and beheaded by Tithraustes. 

i. Shortly after these occurrences, a person named He- 
rodes, a native of Syracuse, being with a master of a vessel 
in Phoenicia, and seeing there several Phoenician galleys, some 
arriving from other parts, some being manned where they 
were, and some still in a state of preparation, and hearing 
besides that there were to be three hundred in all, went on 
board the first vessel that was sailing for Greece, and gave 
notice to the Lacedaemonians that " the king and Tissaphernes 
were preparing this fleet, but whither it was to be sent," he 
said, " he did not know." 2. The Lacedaemonians being roused 
at this intelligence, and assembling their allies and consulting 
how they eoght to act, Lysander, who believed that the Greeks 
would 1)0 far superior in naval force, and reflected how the 
troops that went up with Cyrus had saved themselves, per- 
suaded Agesilaus to make an offer, that if they would give 
him thirty Spartans, 1 two thousand of the newly-enfranchised, 
and a body of six thousand of the allies, he would make an 
•dition into Asia. In addition to this suggestion, he wished 

1 The Lacedaemonians were accustomed to appoint a council of 

Thirty to attend the kin^s, committing to their charge the army, 

and sometime! the kni,L r > themselves. Plutarch, Ages. C. (i; Lysand. 

.; Diod. Sic. xiv. 70; Sen. de Rep. Laced, c. 13• Schneider. 

idei was one of the Thirty on tins occasion. 



366 HELLENICS. [β. III. 

to accompany Agesilaus himself, in order that he might re- 
establish, in concert with him, the governments of Ten which 
had been appointed by him in the several cities, and which 
had been abolished by the ephori, who ordered the people to 
return to their own forms of government. 3. Agesilaus ac- 
cordingly engaging to undertake the expedition, the Lacedse- 
monians granted him all that he asked, and a supply of corn 
for six months. When he had oifered such other sacrifices as 
were necessary, and especially those preparatory to crossing 
the borders, he set forward, and, sending messengers to the 
several cities, gave them notice how many men were to be 
sent from each, and where they were to join him ; while he 
himself proposed to go and sacrifice at Aulis, where Aga- 
memnon had sacrificed when he sailed to Troy. 4. When he 
arrived there, the Boeotarchs, 1 who heard that he was sacri- 
ficing, sent thither a party of horse, and forbade him to sacri- 
fice there for the future ; and the victims which they found 
sacrificed they threw off the altar. Agesilaus, making ap- 
peals to the gods, and feeling greatly enraged, went on board 
his galley, and sailed off. Arriving at Gersestus, and assem- 
bling there as many of his forces as he could, he set sail for 
Ephesus. 

5. When he had arrived there, Tissaphernes, in the first 
place, sent messengers to him, and asked him " for what pur- 
pose he was come." He replied, " In order that the Greek 
cities in Asia may be free, like those in Greece with us." 
To this Tissaphernes rejoined, " If then you are willing to 
conclude a truce, until I can send messengers to the king, I 
think that you may attain your object and sail back again, if 
you think proper." " I should be willing to do so," replied 
Agesilaus, " if I were not apprehensive of being deceived by 
you. But it is in your power," he added, " on giving me a 
pledge of what you promise, to receive also a pledge from me 
that if you act in the matter without fraud, we will do no 
injury to your province during the truce." 6. On this pro- 
posal being made, Tissaphernes swore to Herippidas, Dercy- 
lidas, and Megillus, who were sent to him for the purpose, 
that " he would endeavour without fraud to procure a peace ; " 

1 The Boeotarchs were the undeeemviri of the Thebans, presidents 
of Boeotia both in war and peace. The number eleven is given by 
Thucydides, iv. 91, and by his Scholiast, ad ii. 2. Weiske. 



CU. 4.] PRESUMPTION OF LYSAXDER. 367 

and they swore to him in return, on the part of Agesilaus, 
that Λ he would, if Tissaphernes acted as he said, strictly ob- 
serve the truce." Tissaphernes, however, soon ceased to ob- 
serve what he had sworn ; for, instead of fixing his thoughts 
on peace, he sent for a large body of troops from the king, 
in addition to those which he already had ; but Agesilaus, al- 
though he was aware of his proceedings, nevertheless adhered 
to the truce. 

AVhile Agesilaus was passing his time in quiet and inacti- 
vity at Ephesus, the people in general, as the governments in 
the cities were unsettled, there being no longer democracies, 
as under the Athenians, nor councils of Ten, as under Ly- 
sander, made application, as they were acquainted with Ly- 
sander, to him, and solicited him to obtain from Agesilaus 
whatever they desired. Hence a vast number of persons were 
always following and paying court to him, so that Agesilaus 
seemed only a private man, and Lysander a king. That this 
of things irritated Agesilaus, he afterwards showed ; 
and the rest of the Thirty could not hold their peace for 
envy, but observed to Agesilaus that Lysander was acting 
illegally, in assuming too much ostentation even for the royal 
dignity ; and when Lysander proceeded to introduce some of 
his suitors to Agesilaus, Agesilaus dismissed all those whom 
he knew that Lysander was anxious to support, without grant- 
ing their requests. As the result, therefore, was always con- 
trary to Lysander's wishes, he began to understand the state 
of things, and no longer permitted a crowd to follow him, but 
frankly told those who asked his assistance, that they would 
be less likely to succeed if he appeared in their favour. 9. 
Bring concerned, too, at the dishonour thrown upon him, he 
weal ilaus, and said to him, " Were you always clever, 

Agesilaus, at humbling your friends?" " Yes, by Jupiter," 
replied he, " at least such as wish to seem greater than my- 
self; but such as promote my honour I should be ashamed if 
1 did not know how to honour in return." " Perhaps, then," 
>;ii«l Lysander, "you act in a more reasonable way than J 
have acted; but for the future, that I may neither feel the 
dishonour of wanting influence with you, nor give you any 
>n:il offence, do me the favour to send me to some other 
; for wherever I may be, I will strive to be of service t<> 
ι . Afl he made this proposal, it seemed advisable to 



368 HELLENICS. [β. III. 

Agesilaus to comply with it ; and he accordingly despatched 
him to the Hellespont. Here Lysander, having learned that 
Spithridates the Persian had been in some way insulted 1 by 
Pharnabazus, sought a conference with him, and persuaded 
him to revolt, and to bring with him his children, the money 
which he had in his possession, and two hundred cavalry. 
The rest Lysander left at Cyzicus, but put Spithridates him- 
self, with his son, on board a vessel, and conveyed him to 
Agesilaus ; who, on seeing him, was highly pleased at the 
adventure, and immediately proceeded to make inquiries about 
the province and government of Pharnabazus. 

11. As Tissaphernes, when he was encouraged by the ar- 
rival of the troops that had come down from the king, declared 
war against Agesilaus, unless he should quit Asia, the rest of 
the allied force, and whatever Lacedaemonians were with the 
king, were evidently much troubled, deeming that the force 
with Agesilaus was inferior to that of the king of Persia ; 
but Agesilaus, with an extremely cheerful countenance, de- 
sired the deputies to acquaint Tissaphernes that " he was 
under great obligations to him, as he had, by perjuring him- 
self, rendered the gods his enemies, and made them, at the 
same time, favourable to the Greeks." Immediately after- 
wards he issued orders to the troops to prepare to take the 
field, and sent notice to the towns at which he had to stop in 
his route to Caria, to have provisions ready for sale. He 
sent also to the Ionians, Cohans, and the people on the Hel- 
lespont, to send their troops that were to join him to Ephesus. 
12. Tissaphernes, as Agesilaus had no cavalry, as Caria was 
a country unsuitable for them, and as he thought Agesilaus was 
exasperated with him for his perfidy, concluded that he would 
assuredly march into Caria to attack his residence, and de- 
spatched all his infantry thither, whilst he led his cavalry 
round to the plain of the Masander ; imagining that he would 
be able to trample down the Greeks with his cavalry before 
they reached the parts in which cavalry could not act. Age- 
silaus, however, instead of going towards Caria, turned him- 
self in a quite contrary direction, and proceeded towards 
Phrygia ; and, receiving such reinforcements as met him on 
his route, he led them on with him, reduced the towns, and, 

1 Pharnabazus had sought to make the daughter of Spithridates 
his concubine. Xen. Agesil. iii. 3. 



CH. 4. J AGESILAUS RAISES CAVALRY. 369 

by an invasion so unexpected, secured a vast quantity of 
spoil. 

13. For some time he pursued his march without molesta- 
tion. But when Dascyleium was at no great distance, his 
cavalry, that were in advance, rode up to a rising ground, 
that they might see what was before them. By chance, too, 
the cavalry of Pharnabazus, commanded by Rathines and 
Bagasus, his illegitimate brother, being about equal to the 
Greek cavalry in number, were just then sent forward by 
Pharnabazus, and rode up to the same eminence at the same 
time. Getting sight of one another, scarcely four hundred 
feet distant, both parties at first made a halt, the Grecian 
cavalry being formed four deep, like a body of foot, the Bar- 
barians with not more than twelve men in front, but several 
deep. 14. Soon after the Barbarians advanced first to the 
charge ; and when they closed hand to hand, whatever Greeks 

led the enemy, all broke their lances, while the Persians, 
who had spears made of cornel-wood, soon killed twelve men 
and two horses ; and the Greeks were in consequence put to 

t. But as Agesilaus advanced to their relief with the 

.-armed troops, the Barbarians retreated in their turn, 
and one of them was slain. 

. After this encounter between the cavalry had taken 
place, Agesilaus, on olfering sacrifice the next day, with a 
view to advancing, found the victims inauspicious, and, in 

quence of this indication, turned off and proceeded to- 
wards the coast. But being convinced that, unless he pro- 
cured an efficient body of cavalry, he should be unable to 
march over the plains, he decided that he must procure them, 
that he might not be obliged to fight like one running away. 
He I obtained a list of the richest men in all the 

town- there, that they might maintain cavalry ; and, giving 

• that whoever supplied a horse, anus, and an approved 
rider, might be exempted from personal service, he caused bis 
xecuted as promptly as it' each was eagerly Ββ 
a man to die in his >tead. 
In the next plac <ίι as the spring appeared, he 

tbled his whole force at Kphesus: and, wishing to e\«r- 

. he offered prises for such of the eompaniet 

heav <>uM BQOW themselves in the finest condition, 

and of the troops of cavalry as should exhibit the 

VUL. II. 2 a 



370 HELLENICS. [β. III. 

best horsemanship ; and he promised rewards, also, to such of 
the peltasts and archers as should appear ablest in their se- 
veral capacities. In consequence, a person might have seen 
all the gymnasia full of men at their exercises, the horse- 
courses full of riders, and the javelin-men and archers im- 
proving themselves in their duties. 17. He indeed made the 
whole city, in which he was quartered worthy of being seen ; 
for the market-place was crowded with horses and arms of all 
kinds for sale ; and the braziers, carpenters, smiths, burners, 
and decorators were all engaged in preparing equipments for 
the field ; so that a person might really have thought the city 
to be a workshop of war. is. Every spectator, too, would 
have felt encouraged at seeing Agesilaus walking in front, and 
his men following him with chaplets on their heads, as they 
went away from the places of exercise, and proceeded to offer 
their chaplets to Diana ; for where men reverence the gods, 
cultivate martial exercises, and are careful to obey their su- 
periors, how can everything be otherwise than full of the 
best hopes ? 

19. Reflecting also that a contempt of the enemy produces 
in men confidence on taking the field, he ordered the criers to 
sell such of the Barbarians as were taken prisoners by the 
plundering parties, without their upper garments. The sol- 
diers, in consequence, seeing that their skins were extremely 
white, as they never stripped themselves for exercise, and that 
they were delicate and unfit for labour, as they constantly rode 
in carriages, thought that the war would be of no other nature 
than if they were going to fight with women. 

20. A year had now expired from the time when Agesilaus 
had sailed from Greece ; so that the Thirty, of whom Lysander 
was chief, returned home by sea, and their successors, the 
principal of whom was Herippidas, arrived. Of these, Age- 
silaus appointed Xenocles and another over the cavalry ; 
Scythes over the heavy-armed that were of the newly-en- 
franchised ; Herippidas over those who had served with 
Cyrus ; and Migdon over the troops from the allied cities ; 
and gave them notice that he would immediately lead them 
by the shortest route into the best parts of the country, that 
they might thence recruit their bodies and their spirits so as 
be in a condition for action. 21. Tissaphernes, however, 
thought that he made this announcement only with a view to 



CH. 4.] PERSIAN CA\~ALRY DEFEATED. 371 

deceive him again, and that he would now undoubtedly invade 
Caria. He accordingly despatched his cavalry, as before, into 
Caria, and stationed his cavalry at the plain of the Mreander. 
But Agesilaus had given no false intimation ; for he marched 
at once, as he had signified, to the parts about Sardes ; and 
proceeding for three days through a country void of enemies, 
he secured abundance of provisions for his army. 22. On the 
fourth day the enemy's cavalry appeared, and their commander 
ordered the officer in charge of the baggage to cross the river 
Pactolus and encamp ; the cavalry themselves, seeing the fol- 
lowers of the Greeks dispersed to look for plunder, slew se- 
veral of them. Agesilaus, observing what was taking place, 
ordered his cavalry to advance to their succour ; and the Per- 
sians, on their side, when they saw the reinforcement coming 
up, collected themselves into a body, and drew up, with the 
whole of their numerous troops of cavalry, in order of 
battle. 23. Upon this, Agesilaus, knowing that the infantry 
of the enemy was not yet at hand, while on his own side none 
of the forces that he had procured were absent, thought it a 
favourable opportunity to come to an engagement, if he found 
it possible. Having offered sacrifice, therefore, he immedi- 
ately led his main body against the cavalry arrayed in front 
of him, and ordered the youngest 1 of the heavy-armed men 
to hurry forward at the same pace with them, and told the 
peltasts also to advance running. He then ordered the ca- 
valry to charge, as he and the whole army would follow close 
upon them. 24. The Persians stood, indeed, the charge of the 
cavalry, but when every species of danger threatened them 
at once, they gave way ; and some of them immediately met 
their fate in the river, 2 while the rest fled. The Greeks pur- 
sued, and took their camp. The peltasts, as was to be ex- 
pected, betook themselves to plundering ; but Agesilaus sur- 
rounded all with his force, both friend and foe ; and a vast 
quantity of spoil was captured, which was sold for more than 
seventy talents ; the camels also were taken on that occasion, 
which Agesilaus brought into Greece. 

When this engagement took place, Tissaphernes was at 

1 Τα ("Ua άφ' ήβης.] Properly those of eight-and-twenty years of 
or puberty, being fixed by the Spartans at eighteen. 
! ποταμφ.] Cecidcrunt in flumine, non inciderunt in Jlumen. 

Dindorf. 

2 β 2 



372 HELLENICS. [β. III. 

Sardes ; so that the Persians laid to his charge, that they had 
been betrayed by him. The king of Persia himself, too, know- 
ing that Tissaphernes was the cause of his affairs being in ill 
condition, sent down Tithraustes, and had his head cut off. 

Tithraustes, having executed the order, sent deputies to 
Agesilaus with this message : " He, Agesilaus, who was the 
cause of trouble to you and us, has received his punishment ; 
but the king requires that you shall sail home, and that the 
cities in Asia, being left to govern themselves by their own 
laws, shall pay him the same tribute as formerly." 26. Age- 
silaus replying that " he could not comply with these requi- 
sitions without the consent of the authorities at home," Tith- 
raustes rejoined, " But till you can learn the wishes of your 
countrymen, then, remove your camp into the province of 
Pharnabazus, since I have taken vengeance on your enemy 
here." " Until I can march thither, therefore," said Agesi- 
laus, " supply me with provisions for my troops." Tithraustes 
then gave him thirty talents, and he proceeded, on receipt of 
them, into that part of Phrygia belonging to Pharnabazus. 

27. As he was in the plain above Cyme, a message arrived 
from the government at home that " he was to direct the fleet 
as he judged best, and to appoint as admiral of it whomsoever 
he pleased." The Lacedaemonians adopted this measure from 
the following consideration, that if the same man should have 
the command of both, the land forces would feel far more 
confidence, as the efforts of both would be made in concert, 
and the fleet would feel more assured, as the land army would 
appear to support it wherever it might be necessary. 28. 
Agesilaus, accordingly, having received this commission, sent 
orders, in the first place, to the towns on the islands and on 
the coast, to build as many galleys as each of them might 
think proper. New galleys, in consequence, to the number 
of a hundred and twenty, were constructed, partly from what 
the towns engaged to furnish, and partly from what private 
individuals, who wished to oblige Agesilaus, contributed. 
29. Peisander, his wife's brother, he appointed admiral, a man 
of ambition, and of strong natural abilities, but .too little 
skilled in the proper management of a fleet. 

Peisander accordingly set out to attend to his naval duties ; 
and Agesilaus pursued his march, as he had commenced it, 
towards Phrygia. 



CH. 5.] TITHRAUSTES EXCITES WAR IN GREECE. 373 



CHAPTER V. 

Agesilaus is desired by Tithraustes to quit Asia, but is so far from obeying 
that he contemplates an expedition against the king himself. Tithraustes 
sends an envoy into Greece with a large sum of money, to bribe several of 
the states to raise war against the Lacedaemonians. The envoy executes 
his commission with such subtlety and success, that the Lacedaemonians 
themselves are obliged to commence a war with the Thebans. The Lace- 
demonians are unsuccessful ; Lysander is killed at Haliartus, and Pausa- 
nias returns home with the army. Pausanias is found guilty of having 
neglected his duty to his country, and afterwards dies in exile at Tegea. 

i. Tithraustes, however, feeling convinced that Agesi- 
laus despised the king's power, and had not the least intention 
of quitting Asia, but rather cherished strong hopes of over- 
coming the king, was concerned how to act under the circum- 
stances, and sent, into Greece a Rhodian named Timocrates, 
giving him money to the amount of fifty talents of silver, 1 and 
directing him to distribute it among the principal men in the 
several states, on the understanding that they should pro- 
mote Avar with the Lacedaemonians, requiring from them the 
strongest engagements to that effect. Having arrived in 
Greece, he gave money, at Thebes, to Androcleides, Ismenias, 
and Galaxidorus ; at Corinth, to Timolaus and Polyanthes ; 
and at Argos, to Cylon and those of his party. 2. The Athe- 
nians, even without receiving any share of the money, were 
ready enough to go to war, thinking it dishonourable to be 
ruled by the Spartans. 2 Those who had received portions of 
the money, spread calumnies regarding the Lacedaemonians in 
their respective cities ; and when they had brought them to 
conceive a detestation of Sparta, they put the principal states 
in communication with each other. 

3. But as the leading men at Thebes saw that unless some- 
body should commence hostilities, the Lacedaemonians would 
be unwilling to break the treaty with their allies, they prevailed 

1 £12,189 105.; the talent being valued at £243 los. See Mr. 
Hum ay on Ancient Weights and Money, ch. iii. sect. 12. 

1 Κομίζοντες τι αυτών άρχεσθαι.] The commentators hesitate about 

this pMrage• " Μ an cum hoc esse patet," says Weiske ; " verba 

Demo conjecture restituit." Schneider has αϊτών in his text, hut 

the insertion of άνάζιον, with which we must of course read 

ντίς τι [άνάζιον] αντών άμχεσΟαι [ΐ>πυ τών Αακιιαιμο- 

νίων] : " thinking it unworthy of themselves to he ruled," &Q* 



374 HELLENICS. [β. III. 

on the Locrians of Opus to levy contributions on a certain 
district, the right to which was disputed between the Phocians 
and themselves, expecting that the Phocians, when this took 
place, would invade Locris. Nor were they deceived ; for 
the Phocians burst into Locris at once, and carried off spoil 
to many times the amount of the contributions levied. 4. 
Androcleides and his party then prevailed on the Thebans to 
assist the Locrians, as the Phocians had made an incursion, 
not into a disputed territory, but into Locris itself, which was 
confessedly in friendship and alliance with Thebes. The 
Thebans, therefore, in retaliation, having invaded Phocis and 
ravaged the country, the Phocians immediately sent ambassa- 
dors to Lacedaemon, and entreated assistance, representing 
that they had not commenced the war, but had gone against 
the Locrians in self-defence. 5. The Lacedaemonians gladly 
caught at a pretext for an attack upon the Thebans, having 
long harboured resentment against them for their claim of the 
tenth ! belonging to Apollo at Deceleia, and for their refusal 
to march with them against the Piraeeus; 2 and they accused 
them also of persuading the Corinthians not to march with 
them ; they remembered, too, that they had prevented Agesi- 
laus from sacrificing at Aulis, 3 and had even hurled the slain 
victims from the altars ; and that they had furnished no aid 
to Agesilaus for his expedition to Asia. They considered also 
that it was a favourable time for leading an army against them, 
and for putting a stop to their insolence towards themselves ; 
for their own affairs in Asia were prosperous, as Agesilaus 
was victorious, and no other war stood in their way in Greece. 
6. The people of Lacedaemon being of this opinion, the ephori 
gave notice for a foreign expedition, and despatched Lysander 
to the Phocians, directing him to come with the Phocians 
themselves, with the CEteans, the Heracleans, the Melians, 
and iEnianes, to Haliartus ; where also Pausanias, who was to 
take the command, engaged to arrive with the Lacedaemonians, 
and the other confederates from the Peloponnesus, by a speci- 
fied day. Lysander executed all the directions that were given 

1 " The Thebans alone claimed the tenth from the spoil of the 
war, while the rest of the allies remained quiet ; they were also dis- 
contented about the money which Lysander sent to Sparta." Plu- 
tarch, Lysand. c. 27. See also Justin, v. 11. 

2 See ii. 4. 30. 3 See iii. 4. 4. 



CH. 5.] SPEECH OF THE THEBANS AT ATHENS. 375 

him, and, in addition, prevailed on the Orchomenians to de- 
tach themselves from the Thebans. 7. But Pausanias, after 
the sacrifices were favourable for crossing the borders, en- 
camped at Tegea, and, sending through the country the 
officers that were to command the allies, waited for the troops 
to arrive from the neighbouring cities. However, as it was 
plain to the Thebans that the Lacedaemonians would invade 
their territory, they sent ambassadors to Athens, who delivered 
the following speech : 

8. " The complaints which you make against us, Ο men of 
Athens, as having formed severe resolutions against you at 
the close of the war, 1 you make without justice ; for it was 
not the people that formed those resolutions ; it was only one 
man, 2 who happened then to be at the consultation of the 
allies, that spoke to that effect. But when the Lacedaemonians 
called on us to march with them against the Piraeeus, the 
whole people at once passed a vote ' not to join them.' As 
the Lacedaemonians, therefore, are exasperated against us 
chiefly on your account, we think it but right that you should 
send succours to our city. 9. Such of you, also, as were among 
the number of those in the city, we entreat still more earnestly 
to march with vigour against the Lacedaemonians ; for after 
having established you as an oligarchy, and involved you in 
hostilities with the people, they came hither with a large force 
in the character of your supporters, and then delivered you 
over to the multitude ; so that, as far as was in their power, 
you were utterly undone, and it was the multitude here that 
saved you. 

ίο. " That you would wish, Ο men of Athens, to recover 
that power which you formerly possessed, we all know ; and 
by what means is it more likely that this object should be 
effected, than by succouring, of yourselves, those who are 
oppressed by the Lacedaemonians? Be not afraid of them 
because they rule over many states, but rather be greatly 
encouraged, by that consideration, to resist them ; reflecting 
that you yourselves, when you had the greatest number of 

1 See ii. 2. 19. 

2 He is called Erianthus by Plutarch, Lysand. c lo. He pro- 
posed that the city should be razed, and the ground on which it 
stood made a pasture for sheep. 



376 HELLENICS. [β. III. 

subjects, had also the greatest number of enemies. As long, 
indeed, as they had nobody to whom they could revolt, they 
concealed their enmity against you ; but when the Lacedae- 
monians stood forward as leaders, they at once showed what 
their feelings towards you were; n. and be assured that if 
you and we, on the present occasion, appear openly uniting 
our strength against the Lacedaemonians, many who cherish 
hatred to them will openly declare it. 

"That we speak what is true, you will, if you reflect, pre- 
sently acknowledge. For what people of Greece continues 
now well-affected towards them ? Have not the Argives been 
constantly their enemies? 12. The Eleians, deprived of a 
great portion of land, and of several towns, have become also 
their enemies. The Corinthians, Arcadians, and Achaeans, 
we need hardly mention ; people who, during the war with 
yourselves, were earnestly solicited to join them, and shared 
in all its toils, dangers, and expenses ; but, when the Lacedae- 
monians had effected their objects, of what dominion, or hon- 
ours, or gains, did they allow them to partake ? They even 
think their helots worthy to be made harmosts, and have de- 
clared themselves, since their successes, despots over their free 
allies. 13. Those whom they seduced from you they have 
manifestly deceived ; for, instead of giving them freedom, 
they have laid upon them a double weight of bondage, for 
they are oppressed both by the harmosts, and by the councils 
of ten that Lysander has established in every city. As to the 
monarch of Asia himself, who contributed the most to their 
victory over you, what better treatment does he meet with 
from them than he would have received if he had joined with 
you in subduing them ? 

14. "If you place yourselves at the head, then, of those 
who are thus aggrieved, how can it be improbable that you 
may become greater than any people ever were ? When you 
were in power before, you had dominion only by sea ; but now 
you may be masters of all, of us, of the Peloponnesians, of 
those whom you ruled before, and of the king himself, who 
has the largest share of power. We were allies of some con- 
sideration to them, as you yourselves know ; but now it is 
apparent that we shall support you with far more vigour in 
every way than we then supported the Lacedaemonians ; for 



CH. Ο.] THE ATHENIANS AID THE THEBANS. 377 

we shall give aid, not in behalf of islanders, or Syracusans, 
or foreigners, as at that time, but in behalf of our own selves 
thus suffering from injustice. 

15. " You ought also to understand that the usurpation of 
the Lacedaemonians is far more easy to be overthrown than 
your government was ; for you, having a fleet, ruled over 
people who had none ; but they, being but few, encroach upon 
others many times as numerous as themselves, and not at all 
worse equipped for the field. 

" These considerations, therefore, we lay before you ; and 
be perfectly assured, men of Athens, that we regard ourselves 
as inviting you to a course of conduct that will be even more 
beneficial for your city than for ours."' 

16. The speaker, having made these representations, con- 
cluded. Many of the Athenians then spoke to the same 
effect, and all unanimously passed a decree for supporting the 
Thebans. Thrasybulus, showing the ambassadors the decree 
by way of answer, 1 remarked to them also, that though the 
Piraeus was yet unwalled, they would nevertheless venture 
to return them greater favours than they had themselves re- 
ceived : " for you, Thebans," he said, " merely forbore from 
joining our enemies against us, but we will actually fight for 
you against your enemies the Lacedasrnonians, if they attack 
you." it. The Thebans accordingly departed, and made pre- 
parations for their defence ; the Athenians made arrangements 
for sending them succour. 

The Lacedaemonians, indeed, lost no more time ; for Pau- 
sanias their king marched into Boeotia with the forces from 
Sparta and those from the rest of the Peloponnesus, except 
that the Corinthians did not join them. Lysander, however, 
who was bringing up the troops from the Phocians, from 
Orehomenus, and from the adjacent parts, arrived at Haliartus 
>re Pausanias. 18. \Vhen he was come thither, he did not 
wait quietly for the army from Laceduemon, but advanced with 
the force which he had up to the walls of Haliartus. At first 
be solicited the people to revolt, and declare themselves in- 
dependent ; but as some of the Thebans, who were in the 

1 Άποκρινάμίνος τυ φηφισμα.~\ Thrasybulus seems to have read 
the decree to the ambassadors. Schneider. Dindorf compares the 
expression, άποκρινάμινοι την γνώμην, in Demosth. de llalonneso, 
p. 81. 16. 



378 



HELLENICS. 



[β. III. 



city, prevented them from doing so, he made an attack upon 
the walls. 19. The Thebans, hearing of the assault, hurried 
off, both heavy-armed and cavalry, to succour the place ; but 
whether, unobserved by Lysander, they fell suddenly upon 
him, or whether he, perceiving their approach, awaited them 
in full assurance of victory, is uncertain ; this, however, is 
undisputed, that a battle was fought under the walls, and a 
trophy erected at the gates, of Haliartus. As the Lacedae- 
monian party, Lysander being killed, 1 fled to the mountain, 
the Thebans pursued them with great vigour. 20. But when, 
in their pursuit, they had gained the ascent, and difficulties 
and defiles prevented their progress, the heavy-armed men 
faced about and hurled down javelins and stones upon them ; 
and as two or three of the foremost fell, and they rolled down 
large pieces of rock upon the rest, and pressed upon them with 
great spirit, the Thebans were forced to take flight down the 
hill, and more than two hundred of them were killed. 

21. During that day, therefore, the Thebans remained dis- 
pirited, thinking that they had suffered no less loss than they 
had inflicted ; but on the next day, when they found that the 
Phocians had gone off in the night, and that the rest of the 
confederates were taking their departure to their several 
homes, they then felt more elated at what had taken place. 
But when again Pausanias came in sight, with the army from 
Lacedaemon, they thought themselves once more in extreme 
peril, and it was said that deep silence and dejection prevailed 
throughout their force. 22. Yet as, on the next day, the 
Athenians arrived and formed a junction with them, and Pau- 
sanias neither advanced nor prepared for battle, the spirits of 
the Thebans began to be greatly exalted. Pausanias, on his 
side, having called together his generals and captains, held a 
council whether he should give battle, or fetch off Lysander, 
and those who had fallen with him, under favour of a truce. 
But as not only Pausanias himself, but the rest of the Lace- 
daemonians that were in authority, reflected that Lysander 
was no more, and that his army was defeated and dispersed ; 
that the Corinthians had utterly refused to follow them ; and 

1 Lysander was killed by Nearchus of Haliartus, on the hill 
Archelis, which was also called Alopecus, near the river Hoplites, 
according to Plutarch, de Oracul. Defect, and Lysand. c. 39. 
Schneider. 



CH. 5.] DEATH OF PAUSANIAS. 379 

that the troops λυΙιο were with them were serving unwillingly ; 
and as they considered, too, that the cavalry of the enemy 
was numerous, and their own but few, and, what was most 
important of all, that the dead were lying under the walls, so 
that it would not be easy for them to fetch them off, even if 
they gained a victory, because of the enemy on the towers ; 
they deemed it advisable, on all these accounts, to bring off 
the dead under a truce. 24. But the Thebans declared that 
they would not give up the dead, except on condition that the 
Lacedaemonians should quit the country. The Lacedaemoni- 
ans, however, listened to these terms with pleasure, and, taking 
off the dead, prepared to march out of Boeotia. When these 
matters were settled, the Lacedaemonians commenced their 
retreat with great dejection, while the Thebans went off with 
extreme insolence ; and if any of the Lacedaemonians, on their 
march, trespassed in the slightest degree on the grounds of 
any person, they drove them back with blows into the road. 
Thus was this army of the Lacedaemonians disbanded. 

25. However, Pausanias, when he returned home, was 
brought to trial for his life. Being accused of having arrived 
later than Lysander at Haliartus, though he had engaged to 
be there on the same day ; of having resolved to recover the 
dead by a truce instead of a battle ; and of having let the 
popular party at Athens escape, 1 when he had surprised them 
at the Piraeeus ; and being, besides, absent on the day ap- 
pointed for his trial, sentence of death was pronounced against 
him ; and he fled to Tegea, where he died a natural death. 
Such were the events that occurred in Greece. 

1 For this supposed offence Pausanias had already been tried and 
acquitted : Pausan. iii. 5, p. 215. Schneider. 



380 HELLENICS. [β. IV. 



BOOK IV. 



CHAPTER I. 

Agesilaus, by the advice of Spithridates, proceeds to Paphlagonia, and 
makes an alliance with Otys the king, to whom he marries the daughter 
of Spithridates. He winters at Dascyleium, where Spithridates, on being 
deprived of his share of some spoil that he had taken, left him, and went 
off to Ariaeus. A conference is held between Pharnabazus and Agesilaus, 
at which Pharnabazus states that if he should be put under the power of 
another by the king of Persia, he would join Agesilaus, but that, if the 
king should give him supreme authority, he would oppose Agesilaus to 
the utmost of his power. Agesilaus, charmed with his frankness, desists 
from ravaging his province. But as he is meditating an expedition against 
the king of Persia, he is recalled to defend his country. 

i. When Agesilaus arrived, at the beginning of autumn, at 
that part of Phrygia under the government of Pharnabazus, 
he proceeded to burn and lay waste the country, and took 
several cities, some by force, and others by voluntary surren- 
der. 2. But as Spithridates 1 told him that if he would ac- 
company him into Paphlagonia, he would bring the king 2 of the 
Paphlagonians to a conference with him, and make him his 
ally, he readily marched thither, having long desired to detach 
some nation 3 from the king. 

3. As soon as he entered Paphlagonia, Otys came to him, 
and agreed to make an alliance ; for, though he had received 
a summons from the king, he had not gone up in obedience to 
it. At the solicitation of Spithridates, Otys left with Agesi- 
laus a thousand horse and two hundred peltasts. 

4. Agesilaus, feeling grateful to Spithridates for these 
services, said to him, " Tell me, Spithridates, would you 
not be willing to marry your daughter to Otys ? " " Much 
more willing indeed," replied Spithridates, "than he would 
be to take for a wife the daughter of an exile, when he is 
king over an extensive territory and great forces." This was 
all that was said of the marriage on that occasion. 5. But 

1 iii. 4. 10. 2 Called Otys in the next sect. 

3 Άφιστάναι τι ίθνος.~\ Schneider, VVeiske, and Morus read to 
ίθνος. 

/ 



CH. 1.] AGESILAUS. SP1TIIRIDATES. OTTS. 381 

when Otys was going away, he went to Agesilaus to take his 
leave ; and Agesilaus, sending Spithridates out of the way, 
entered upon the subject in the presence of the Thirty, 6. 
saying, " Tell me, Otys, of what sort of family is Spithri- 
dates ? " Otys replied that he was inferior in birth to no one 
of the Persians. " And have you observed," said Agesilaus, 
"how handsome a youth his son is ?" "How can I have 
failed to do so ? for I supped last night in his company." 
" But they say that he has a daughter much more handsome." 
"By Jupiter, then," said Otys, "she must be handsome indeed." 
7. " And for my part," said Agesilaus, " since you are become 
our friend, I would recommend that this daughter of his 
should become your wife. She is extremely beautiful, and 
what is more pleasing to a husband than beauty ? and she is 
the daughter of a man of the highest birth, and of so great 
power, that having been wronged by Pharnabazus, he has in- 
flicted such vengeance upon him as to render him a fugitive 
from his whole province, as you yourself see." 8. " Be assured, 
too," added he, " that as he is able to avenge himself upon 
Pharnabazus his enemy, so he would be able to do service to 
a friend. Consider also that, if this connexion is formed, it is 
not Spithridates only that will be joined in affinity with you, 
but myself and all the Lacedaemonians, and, as we rule Greece, 
the rest of Greece besides. 9. And if you comply with my 
proposal, who would ever celebrate his marriage with greater 
pomp than yourself ? For what bride have so many horse- 
men, and peltasts, and heavy-armed troops, ever escorted 
home, as will escort yours home to you?" ίο. Otys then 
asked, " Do you make this proposal, Agesilaus, with the sanc- 
tion of Spithridates ? " " By the gods," replied Agesilaus, 
" he gave me no commission to make any such suggestion. 
For myself, however, though I rejoice exceedingly when I 
take vengeance on an enemy, I am sensible of feeling much 
greater joy when I discover anything good for my friends." 
π. " Why, then," said Otys, "do you not ask him whether 
the proposal is agreeable to him ? " " Go you, therefore, 
Herippidas," said he, "and prevail on him to be of the same 
mind with us." 12. Herippidas and his colleagues accordingly 
rose up and went to use their influence with him. As they 
made sonic delay, " Are you willing, Otys," said Agesilaus, 
"that we should send for him hither ?" " Indeed I think," 



382 



HELLENICS. 



[b. IV. 



replied Otys, "that he would be persuaded by you sooner 
than by all the rest." Agesilaus accordingly called in Spithri- 
dates and the others. 13. As they came forward, Herippidas 
immediately said, " Why should we give a long account, Age- 
silaus, of everything else that has been said ? for, in conclu- 
sion, Spithridates says that he will gladly do whatever may 
please you." 14. " It pleases me, then," rejoined Agesilaus, 
"that you, Spithridates, with the favour of fortune, should 
give your daughter to Otys, and that you, Otys, should tako 
her. We should not however be able to escort the damsel by 
land before the spring." " But, by Jupiter," returned Otys, 
" she may at once be sent by sea, if you desire it." 15. Having 
accordingly given their hands to one another to adhere to this 
contract, they sent Otys away. 

Agesilaus, as he knew that Otys was impatient, manned a 
galley without delay, and, having ordered Callias the Lace- 
daemonian to take off the damsel in it, marched himself 
towards Dascyleium, where Pharnabazus had a palace, round 
which were a number of populous villages, stored with 
abundance of provisions. 1 6. There was also excellent hunt- 
ing there, both in the parks and in the open grounds ; while 
a river, full of all sorts of fish, surrounded the whole ; and 
there were plenty of birds, too, for those who were skilful in 
fowling. Here he passed the winter, obtaining supplies from 
the place itself, or fetching them by means of foraging 
parties. 17. But as the soldiers, on one occasion, were getting 
provisions without any apprehension from the enemy, or tak- 
ing any precaution against them, because they had hitherto 
suffered no injury, Pharnabazus, with two scythed-chariots, 
and about four hundred horse, surprised them while they 
were scattered over the plain. 18. The Greeks, when they 
saw him advancing, ran together in a body to the number of 
about seven hundred. Pharnabazus made no delay, but post- 
ing his chariots in front, and taking his own station with the 
cavalry behind, gave orders to charge the enemy. 19. As the 
chariots, dashing in among the Greeks, scattered their force, 
the cavalry soon despatched about a hundred of them ; the 
rest fled to Agesilaus, who happened to be at hand with the 
heavy-armed troops. 

20. The third or fourth day after this occurrence, Spithri- 
dates discovered that Pharnabazus was encamped at Caue, a 



CH. 1.] CA3IP OF PHARNABAZUS TAKEN. 383 

large village about a hundred and sixty stadia distant, and 
immediately sent intelligence of the circumstance to Herippi- 
das. 21. Herippidas, who was eager to achieve some splendid 
exploit, asked Agesilaus for two thousand heavy-armed men, 
as many peltasts, the cavalry belonging to Spithridates and 
the Paphlagonians, and as many of the Greeks besides as he 
could persuade to accompany him. 22. As Agesilaus pro- 
mised to let him have them, he proceeded to offer sacrifice, 
and, having found favourable omens, finished the sacrifice 
in the evening. Immediately after, he ordered the men to 
take their supper and join him in front of the camp. 23. 
When darkness came on, however, not half of each troop had 
come out ; yet, for fear that the rest of the Thirty, if he should 
draw back from the enterprise, would turn him to ridicule, 
he marched off with what force he had ; 24. and as he fell 
suddenly, at break of day, on the camp of Pharnabazus, many 
of his advanced guard, consisting of Mysians, were killed ; 
the Persians fled, and the camp was taken, with a great quan- 
tity of plate and other valuables, that formed the equipment 
of Pharnabazus, as well as abundance of baggage, and a vast 
number of beasts of burden ; 25. for as Pharnabazus was 
afraid that, if he made any stay in a place, he should be sur- 
rounded and besieged, he removed, like the ISOmadic tribes, 
sometimes to one part of the country, sometimes to another, 
concealing his place of encampment with the utmost caution. 
26. But when the Paphlagonians and Spithridates were bring- 
ing off the booty that had been taken, Herippidas, posting his 
centurions and captains for the purpose, took a\vay from 
Spithridates and the Paphlagonians all that they had, in order 
that he himself might bring in as much booty as possible to 
the officers appointed to sell it. 27. To this treatment, how- 
ever, they would not submit, but thinking themselves wrong- 
ed and insulted, packed up their baggage and went off in the 
night to Sardes to join Ariaeus, 1 being confident of a favour- 
able reception with him, because he had revolted from the 
king, and was at war with him. 28. To Agesilaus nothing 
was a matter of greater concern, during the campaign, than 

1 The same that had joined Cyrus the younger when he went to 
warVith his brother Artaxerxes, Anab. i. 8. By Diod. Sic, xiv. 
24, he is called the satrap of Cyrus. Schneider. 



384 HELLENICS. [β. IV. 

this desertion of Spithridates, Megabates, 1 and the Paphla- 
gonians. 

29. There was a man named Apollophanes, a native of 
Cyzicus, who had been for a long time a guest-friend of 
Pharnabazus, and had at this period also become a guest- 
friend to Agesilaus. This man remarked to Agesilaus that 
he thought he could bring Pharnabazus to a conference with 
him about a peace. As Agesilaus listened to him, he brought 
Pharnabazus, after obtaining from him a truce, and a pledge 
of faith, to a place which had been agreed upon, where Age- 
silaus and the Thirty were seated on the grass and waiting for 
him. 30. Pharnabazus came in a dress of great value ; but 
as his attendants were spreading carpets for him, on which 
the Persians sit at ease, he was ashamed, when he saw the 
simplicity of Agesilaus, to indulge himself in such a manner, 
and threw himself down, as he was, on the bare ground. 31. 
In the first place they saluted one another, and then, as 
Pharnabazus extended his hand, Agesilaus extended his in re- 
turn, when Pharnabazus, for he was the elder, began to 
speak : 

32. " I was a friend and ally to you, Agesilaus, and all you 
Lacedaemonians who are present, when you were at war with 
the Athenians ; I both strengthened your fleet by supplying 
you with money, and, by land, I fought on horseback in com- 
pany with you, and pursued your enemies into the sea ; 2 nor 
can you accuse me of acting with duplicity, like Tissaphernes, 
either in deed or word towards you. 33. But, after conduct- 
ing myself thus in regard to you, I receive such treatment 
from you, that I cannot get even a meal in my own province, 
unless I gather up, like the beasts, a portion of what you may 
have left ; while I see the beautiful houses, and the parks 
stocked with timber and cattle, which my father left me, and 
in which I delighted, cut down or burnt. If, therefore, I do 
not know what is right and just, teach me yourselves how 
these can be the actions of men who know how to return 
good offices." 

34. Thus spoke Pharnabazus, and the Thirty all felt ashamed 

1 The love of Agesilaus for this youth is noticed at some length 
by Xenophon in his Agesilaus. 

2 i. 1. 6. 



CH. 1.] AGESILAUS AND PHARNABAZUS. 385 

before him, and kept silence. Agesilaus, however, after some 
little time, addressed him thus : 

" I think that you are aware, Pharnabazus, that in the 
cities of Greece men form connexions of hospitality with one 
another, yet, when the states of which they are members go 
to war with each other, they exercise hostilities, in behalf of 
their respective countries, even on those with whom they are 
in hospitable union, and they may, if it so happen, kill one 
another. We, in like manner, being now at war w^ith your 
king, are obliged to regard all that is his as hostile to us ; yet 
to yourself, individually, we should desire, above all things, to 
be friends. 35. If, indeed, you were merely to make an ex- 
change, and take us for your masters instead of having the 
king for your master, I would not advise you to make such 
exchange ; but it is now in your power, if you join us, to live 
in the full enjoyment of what belongs to you, without paying 
obeisance to any one, or having any master at all ; and I con- 
sider, indeed, that to be free is worth all the riches in the 
world. 36. Yet we do not call upon you, while you become 
free, to become at the same time poor, but, by using our ser- 
vices as allies, to enlarge, not the dominions of the king, but 
your own, and to oblige those w r ho are now your fellow-slaves 
to become your subjects. And if you be free, and at the 
same time become rich, what will you want to be completely 
happy?" 

37. " Shall I then," asked Pharnabazus, " tell you in one 
word what I mean to do?" " It will be well for you to do 
so," said Agesilaus. " Then," continued Pharnabazus, " if the 
king sends down another satrap, and orders me to be subject 
to him, I shall willingly become your friend and ally. But if 
he assigns the supreme command to me, you may be assured 
that (such, it seems, is the influence of ambition) I shall pro- 
secute the war against you to the utmost of my power." 38. 
Agesilaus, on hearing this, took hold of his hand and said, 
" Noble-minded man, would that, being such as you are, you 
may become our friend ! But be assured of one thing, that 
I will now march out of your province as soon as I can ; and, 
for the future, if the war continue, we will, as long as Ave have 
another to attack, forbear from molesting you and yours." 

'.<. Having spoken thus, Agesilaus put an end to the con- 
ference, and Pharnabazus, mounting his horse, rode away ; 

VOL. II. 2 c 



386 



HELLENICS. 



[Β. IV. 



but his son by Parapitas, 1 a person still in the beauty of youth, 
lingered behind, and, running up to Agesilaus, said, " I take 
you, Agesilaus, for my guest-friend." " And I receive you 
for mine," replied Agesilaus. " Remember me, then," said 
he, and immediately presented his lance (and a beautiful one 
he had) to Agesilaus, who accepted it, and as his secretary, 2 
Idseus, had beautiful trappings on his horse, he took them off, 
and gave them to the young man in return. The son then 
leaped upon his horse and followed the father. 40. Some time 
after, when, in the absence of Pharnabazus, another brother 
deprived the son of Parapitas of his command, and drove him 
into exile, Agesilaus paid him great attention in other respects, 
and also, when he conceived a great affection for an Athenian 
youth, the son of Eualces, used every exertion that he might 
be admitted, for his sake, to the stadium at Olympia, though 
he was taller than any of the other youths. 3 

41. Agesilaus, as he had promised Pharnabazus, immedi- 
ately marched out of his province ; and soon after the spring 
came on. Having advanced into the plain of Thebe, he en- 
camped about the temple of Diana Astyrene, 4 where he col- 
lected, from all quarters, a numerous force in addition to that 
which he had ; for he was preparing to march as far up the 
country as he could, considering that whatever people he left 
behind him, he would completely detach from the king. 

1 Έκ της ΤΙαραπίτας.'] Perhaps we should read ΤΙαραπίταΰος, 
from the nominative ΐίαραπίτας, since, according to Herodotus, i. 
139, all Persian proper names ended in ς. Weiske. I have adopted 
Weiske's suggestion. 

2 Ύου γραφεως.'] Τραφενς in this passage does not mean a painter, 
but a secretary, a character that might oftener be wanted by the 
Lacedaemonians, both in the field and at home. This is the sense 
given to the word by Valckenaer ad Theoc. p. 263, and, as Morus 
observes, by Trotz in his Dissert, de Scribis. Weiske. 

3 He wished to contend for some prize among the boys, but ap- 
peared, by his size, to have exceeded the proper age. See Plutarch, 
Ages. c. 13. 

4 From Astyrus, a town of Mysia. Weiske. See Strabo, lib. xiii. 
p. 615. 



CH. 2.] RETURN OF AGESILAUS. 387 



CHAPTER II. 

Agesilaus returns to Greece. The Corinthians consult the Boeotians and 
their other allies about the proper method of going to war with Sparta ; 
the Spartans invade the territory of Sicyon. In a battle which ensues, 
the allies of the Lacedaemonians are all defeated except the Pellenians ; 
the Lacedaemonians themselves are victorious, and make great havoc 
among the enemy. 

i. Such were the occupations in which Agesilaus was en- 
gaged. But the Lacedaemonians, when they knew for certain 
that money was come into Greece, and that the chief cities 
were combining to go to Avar with them, thought their city in 
great danger, and judged it necessary to take the field. 2. 
They accordingly made preparations for the purpose, and 
despatched, at the same time, Epicydides to Agesilaus. Epi- 
cydides, when he came into the king's presence, told him how 
things were in other respects, and that " the state sent him 
orders to come to the succour of his country as soon a 3 pos- 
sible." 3. Agesilaus, on hearing this message, was greatly 
concerned, contemplating the honours and expectations of 
which lie would be disappointed ; nevertheless, calling an 
assembly of the allies, he communicated to them the orders 
which had been sent him by the government, and stated that 
it was incumbent on him to go to support his country ; " but," 
said he, " if matters succeed well there, be assured, my friends 
and confederates, that I shall not be unmindful of you, but 
shall return to accomplish what you desire." 4. On hearing 
words, many shed tears, and all declared their resolution 
to go with Agesilaus to the aid of Sparta, and, if affairs in 
Greece proved fortunate, to return with him again into Asia. 
They in consequence prepared themselves to follow him. 

5. Agesilaus left Euxenus as harmost in Asia, and with 
ldm not less than four thousand troops for garrisons, that he 
might be able to secure the cities. But observing that many 
of the soldiers were more inclined to stay where they were 
than to bear arms against Greeks, 1 and yet being desirous to 

1 Having experienced the timidity of the Persians, and having 
π to enjoy their effeminacy and splendour, they wire more 
Witling to continue the present war in Asia than to engage U 
against their own countrymen. Schneider. 
2 c 2 



388 HELLENICS. [β. IV. 

take with him the greatest possible number, in the best possi- 
ble condition, he offered prizes for such of the cities as should 
send in the choicest bodies of men, as well as to such of the 
captains of the mercenaries, the heavy- armed, the archers, 
and the peltasts, as should present their companies in the best 
state of equipment. He gave notice also to the commanders 
of cavalry, that he would give prizes to such of them as ex- 
hibited their troops best mounted and best accoutred. 6. The 
decision he said that he would make in the Chersonesus, as 
soon as they had crossed over from Asia into Europe, that 
they might fully understand that all who engaged in the cam- 
paign must equip themselves carefully. 1 7. The prizes were 
chiefly arms for infantry and cavalry, elegantly made ; there 
were also golden crowns ; and the whole of the prizes were 
worth not less than four talents. Such a sum being expended, 
arms of great value were provided for the army. 8. When 
he had passed over the Hellespont, judges were appointed ; of 
the Lacedaemonians, Menascus, Herippidas, and Orsippus ; of 
the allies, one from each city. Agesilaus, as soon as he had 
made the adjudication, set forward with his army by the same 
road which Xerxes had taken when he invaded Greece. 

9. In the mean time the ephori had given notice of an ex- 
pedition ; and the government, as Agesipolis was yet a minor, 
commissioned Aristodemus, who was of the royal family, and 
guardian to the young king, to take the command of the army. 
ίο. When the Lacedaemonians had marched forth, and their 
adversaries were assembled, the latter held a council how they 
might come to a battle with the greatest advantage to them- 
selves ; and Timolaus the Corinthian spoke as follows: n. 
" The power of the Lacedaemonians, my friends and allies, 
seems to me to resemble the course of rivers ; for rivers, at 
their sources, are small and easy to be crossed, but the farther 
they go from their sources, the stronger do other rivers, that 
flow into them, render their streams. 12. In like manner the 
Lacedaemonians, at the point from which they commence their 
course, are alone, but, as they proceed, and attach other peo- 

1 EvKpLvelv.~\ The critics are uncertain whether to take this verb 
in an active or neuter sense ; whether to refer it to the officers, in 
the sense of accuratum militum defectum habere, or to the soldiers, in 
the sense of accurate se parare. I have, with Schneider, preferred 
the latter. Weiske adopts the other. 



CH. 2.] PREPARATIONS FOR BATTLE. 389 

pie to them, they become more numerous and more difficult 
to be resisted. I see also," he added, " that such as wish to 
destroy wasps, are, if they attempt to hunt them as they issue 
from their nests, stung by vast numbers of them ; but that if, 
while they are still in the nest, they apply fire to it, they suffer 
nothing, but overcome the wasps. Taking instruction from 
these examples, I think it best for us to fight our battle in 
Sparta itself, or, if not, as near to it as possible." 13. As he 
appeared to offer reasonable advice, they decided upon the 
course which, he recommended. But whilst they were settling 
about the command, and discussing how deep the army should 
be formed, (lest, if the states ranged their troops too deep, 
they should give the enemy an opportunity of surrounding 
them,) the Lacedaemonians, during the interval, having joined 
to themselves the Tegeans and Mantineans, had passed beyond 
the parts near the sea. 1 14. As both parties advanced, the 
forces of the Corinthians were now almost at Nemea, and the 
Lacedaemonians and their allies at Sicyon. As the latter were 
effecting a passage by Epieicia, 2 the light troops of the enemy, 
by discharging stones and arrows at them from the heights, 
had at first grievously annoyed them ; 15. but when they came 
down to the sea, they proceeded through the plain there, ra- 
vaging and burning the country ; their adversaries, however, 
who were still advancing, came to an encampment with the 
ravine 3 in front of them. The Lacedaemonians, too, when 
they came up, and were scarcely ten stadia from the enemy, 
encamped there also and remained quiet. 

16. I will now state the force on each side. The heavy- 
armed troops of the Lacedaemonians were assembled to the 
number of six thousand; of the Eleians, Triphylians, Acro- 
reans, and Lasionians, there were nearly three thousand ; of 
the Slavonians fifteen hundred ; of the Epidaurians, Troeze- 
nians, Herniionians, and Halieans, not less than three thou- 

1 Ύ.Ιίμσαν την αμφίαΧον.] With άμφίαλον Weiske is doubtless 
ri^ht in understanding χωράν. It seems to be the parts towards 
Temenium, on the Sinus Argolicus, that are signified. 

2 It is mentioned again, IV. 4. 13. That it was lii^h ground ap- 
pears from the context, for when the Lacedaemonians had crossed 
it, they came down into a plain near the sea. Sbhneider. 

I ,,)' \apacpav.~] It was a well-known χαράδρα in the territory 
of Nemea ; see jEschines De falsa Legations, p. 331. " I suppose it 
to be the same that is called χάραορος by Thucyd. v. GO." Schneider, 



390 HELLENICS. [β. IV. 

sand. In addition to these there were about six hundred 
Lacedaemonian cavalry ; three hundred Cretan archers fol- 
lowed, and slingers, from the Marganians, Letrians, and Amphi- 
dolians, not fewer than four hundred. The Phliasians did 
not join the army, for they alleged that they had made a 
truce. Such was the force on the side of the Lacedaemonians. 
17. On that of the enemy were assembled, of the Athenians, six 
hundred heavy-armed troops ; of the Argives, there were said 
to be about seven thousand ; of the Boeotians, as the Orcho- 
menians had not arrived, about five thousand ; of the Cor- 
inthians three thousand ; and from the whole of Euboea not 
fewer than three thousand. This was the number of their 
heavy-armed troops ; the cavalry numbered, from the Boeo- 
tians, as that of Orchomenos had not arrived, about eight 
hundred ; from the Athenians, six hundred ; from the Chal- 
cideans in Euboea a hundred ; and from the Opuntian Lo- 
crians fifty. Their light troops, including those of the 
Corinthians, were more numerous than those of the Lacedae- 
monians ; for the Ozolian Locrians, Melians, and Acarnanians, 
had joined them. 

18. Such was the strength of the two parties. The Boeo- 
tians, as long as they held the left wing, 1 were not in the least 
hurry to join battle ; but as soon as the Athenians moved 
over against the Lacedaemonians, and they themselves occupied 
the right wing, and were posted in front of the Achaeans, 
they immediately said that the sacrifices were favourable, and 
ordered their men to prepare for battle ; and neglecting, in 
the first place, the custom of forming sixteen deep, 2 they drew 
up their main body of a very great depth, and still bore away 
towards the right, that they might stretch beyond the enemy . 
with their wing ; while the Athenians, that they might not 

1 As long as they stood in the left wing opposed to the Lacedae- 
monian s. A change of disposition was then made, and the Thebans 
were posted in the right wing over against the Achaeans. Xeno- 
phon therefore plainly charges the Thebans with timidity, intimat- 
ing that they were afraid to attack the Lacedaemonians. Whether 
the charge be just or unjust, I cannot tell ; but Xenophon seizes 
every opportunity of making his favourite Lacedaemonians appear 
to advantage. Schneider. 

2 Ύοϋ εις εκκαίδεκα.] That depth was therefore most approved in 
those times. It was that of the Macedonian phalanx, as is shown 
by Polybius, Eclog. Hist. 1. xvii. Weiske, 



CH. 2.] VICTORY OF THE LACEDEMONIANS. 391 

be separated, continued to follow them, although aware that 
there was a risk that they would be surrounded. 

19. For a time, however, the Lacedaemonians had no suspi- 
cion of the enemy's approach ; for the ground was covered 
with shrubs ; but when they raised the paaan, they understood 
how things were, and immediately gave orders, on their side, 
for all to prepare to engage. When they were drawn up in the 
order which the captains of the auxiliaries had settled lor 
their several bodies, they exhorted the men to follow their 
leaders, and the Lacedaemonians bore off towards the right, 1 
and so far outstretched the enemy's wing, that of the Athe- 
nian tribes, 2 six were opposite the Lacedaemonians, and four 
opposite the Tegeans. 20. They were now not a furlong asun- 
der, when the Lacedaemonians, having sacrificed, as is their 
custom, a she-goat to the goddess of the chase, 3 led forward 
against the enemy, bending round that part of their line 
which stretched beyond the enemy's wing, to enclose them. 
"When they joined battle, all the other allies of the Lacedae- 
monians were defeated by their antagonists, and the Pelle- 
nians only, who were opposed to the Thespians, maintained 
the contest, several on both sides falling on the spot. 21. As 
for the Lacedaemonians themselves, they defeated all the 
Athenians that they attacked, and surrounding them with that 
portion of their line that extended beyond them, slew them in 
great numbers, and, as they suffered no damage from the 
enemy, continued to push forward in firm array. Thus they 
passed the four tribes of the Athenians before they returned 
from the pursuit, so that none of these Athenians were killed, 
except the few that may have been slain by the Tegeans in 
the encounter with them. as. The Lacedaemonians also met 
the Argives as they were retreating, but, when the chief com- 
mander was preparing to charge them in front, eome one is 
said to have called out "to let the first pass," and as this was 
done, they assailed them, as they hurried past, on their unde- 
fended flanks, and killed a great number of them. They like- 

1 As the Boeotians had done, sect. 18. 

3 That the Athenian soldiers were enrolled according to tin ir 
tribes, and that those tribes were kept distinct in the field, hai beeo 

shown both by Sigoniufl and Moras, as well from this parage as 
from Thucyd. vi. 98. Schneider, 

3 Ty AynoTHHjL.] On this custom §ββ Xen. d<• He]'• Laced. C. I 8 : 
ΜΙΪΑΏ V.H. ii. 25; Valck. ad Herod, p. I [ •. 3 '• r. Tie 

rivation is from άγρα, pr* 



392 HELLENICS. [β. IY. 

wise intercepted the Corinthians in their retreat, and en- 
countered, too, some of the Thebans returning from the 
pursuit, and cut off several of them. 23. Such being the re- 
sult of the contest, the vanquished at first retreated towards 
the walls, but, as the Corinthians shut them out, they took 
up their quarters again in their former camp. The Lacedae- 
monians, on the other side, returned to the place where they 
had first engaged the enemy, and erected a trophy. Such was 
the way in which this battle was fought. 



CHAPTER III. 



News of this battle is brought to Agesilaus on his march. He is harassed 
in Thessaly by the allies of the Boeotians, but at length repels the Thes- 
salian cavalry with his own. He receives intelligence of an unfortunate 
battle by sea, but conceals his knowledge of it from his troops, who are 
soon afterwards victorious in a skirmish. The battle of Coroneia, and the 
merits of Agesilaus in it. He dedicates a tenth of the spoil to Apollo. • 

i. Agesilaus was still hastening from Asia to the aid of 
his country; but when he was at Amphipolis, Dercylidas 1 
met him with the news that " the Lacedsemonians had gained 
a victory, and that only eight 2 of their number had been 
killed, but a great many of the enemy ; " he informed him 
also that "no small number of the confederates had fallen." 2. 
As Agesilaus then asked him, " Would it not be well, Dercy- 
lidas, if the cities who have sent their troops along with me, 
should be informed of this victory as soon as possible ? " 
Dercylidas replied, "It is probable at least that, on hearing 
of it, they would feel greater confidence." " Would not you 
yourself, then," said Agesilaus, " give them the best account 
of it, as you were present on the occasion ? " Dercylidas was 
pleased to hear him ask that question, for he had always been 
fond of going abroad, and replied, " If you command me." 
" I do command you, then," said Agesilaus, " and desire you 
besides to tell them that if affairs succeed well• here, we shall 
return to them again as we promised." 3. Dercylidas, accord- 

1 He had been sent by Agesilaus to Tissaphernes, b. iii. c. 4, and 
seems afterwards to have returned into Europe. Schneider. 

2 The author artfully gives the number of the Spartans that were 
killed, but conceals, as he often does, that of the allies. Schneider. 



CH. 3.] THKSSALIAX CAVALRY DEFEATED. 393 

ingly, proceeded at once ] towards the Hellespont ; and Age- 
silaus, passing through Macedonia, arrived in Thessalw Here 
the Larissaeans, Crannonians, Scotussa;ans, and Pharsalians, 
who were in alliance with the Bceotians, and all the Tin 
lians indeed, except such as were then in exile, pursued and 
harassed his rear. 4. For a time he led his army in an ob- 
long body, with half his cavalry in the van, and the other 
half in the rear ; but when the Thessalians, by continually 
assailing the hindmost, retarded his march, he sent off all the 
cavalry from the front, except those about his own person, to 
strengthen the rear. 5. But when they stood face to face with 
each other, the Thessalians, thinking it [inadvisable to fight 
with cavalry only against heavy-armed infantry, wheeled 
about, and retreated at a slow pace, and those of Agesilaus 
leisurely followed them. 6. Agesilaus, observing that both 
were acting injudiciously, despatched the horsemen that la• 
had about him, a very efficient body of men, with orders to 
the others to pursue with their utmost speed, and to join in 
the pursuit themselves, and not to allow the enemy again an 
opportunity of facing about. 7. When the Thessalians saw 
them thus unexpectedly advancing, some of them did not 
even turn round, and others, endeavouring to do so, but hav- 
ing the enemy on their flanks, were made prisoners. B. Poly- 
charmus, however, the commander of the Pharsalian h< 
faced round upon his pursuers, and was killed witli those about 
him. As soon as this had happened, a disastrous flight en- 
sued among the Thessalians, so that some of them were killed, 
and others taken prisoners; and they did not stop till they 
reached the mountain Xarthacium. !♦. Agesilaus then erected 
a trophy between Pras and Xarthacium, and halted their. 
greatly delighted with his exploit, in having defeated, with 
cavalry which he himself had formed, a people who prided 
themselves on their equestrian skill. Next day, having crossed 
the Achrean mountains'- at Phthia, he proceeded, during the 
rest of his march, through the country of friends, until he 
reached the frontiers of Boeotia. 

1 "H(V] Some manuscript! have πρώτον. " I hesitate," says 

Schneider, " which to choose•" Dindorf prefers wpArw, l>ut I bare 

on this occasion deserted him. 

2 There was a district in Thetsaly called Aeliaia, from which the 
Acluci are said to have originally come. 



394 HELLENICS. [β. IV. 

ίο. As he was going to enter the country, the sun was ob- 
served to appear crescent-shaped, 1 and news arrived that the 
Lacedaemonians had been worsted in a sea-fight, and their 
admiral, Peisander, killed. 11. It was also stated in what 
manner the battle had been fought ; that the meeting of the 
fleets took place near Cnidus ; that Pharnabazus, as admiral, 
was there with the Phoenician fleet; 2 and that Conon, with 
the Grecian fleet, drew up in front of him'; 12. that when 
Peisander formed his line to attack the enemy, and his ships 
appeared far inferior in number 3 to the Greek vessels with 
Conon, the allies on . his left wing immediately fled, but that 
he himself, rushing in among the enemy with his galley, 
which was armed with sharp points at the prow, was driven 
on shore ; and that others, who were also driven on shore, 
abandoned their vessels, and escaped, as well as they could, 
to Cnidus, while Peisander himself, continuing the contest in 
his own ship, met his death. 13. On hearing this news, Age- 
silaus was at first extremely concerned ; but as he reflected 
that the greater part of his troops were such as would will- 
ingly feel interested in favourable occurrences, and that, if he 4 
became aware of anything adverse, it was not necessary to 
communicate it to them, he in consequence made some change 
in the account, and gave out that " Peisander was said to have 
lost his life, but had gained a victory by sea." 14. As he 
made this announcement, he offered a sacrifice of oxen as for 
having received good tidings, and sent portions of the victims 

1 This eclipse of the sun is referred by astronomical calculation 
to the 14th day of the month of August, in the year of the Julian 
period 4320, as is observed by Dodwell, who also observes that Ly- 
sias, p. 632, assigns this battle to the year in which Eubulus was 
Archon, or the 3rd year of the 96th Olympiad. Dcdwell's comput- 
ation, which places the eclipse on the 14th of August, in the as- 
tronomical year 393, or in the year of the chronologers 394, before 
the birth of Christ, is approved by Delambre, in Gail. p. 89 — 91. 
Schneider. 

2 Collected by Tissaphernes, iii. 4. 1, and given to Conon at the 
request of Evagoras, with whom he had taken refuge after the bat- 
tle at iEgospotami, ii. 1. 29. Oindorf. 

3 πολύ ελαττόνων.~\ Diodorus Siculus, xiv. 83, gives eighty five 
as the number of the Lacedaemonian fleet ; ninety as that of Phar- 
nabazus and Conon's. 

4 Dindorf reads ορφεν, with Schneider. The old reading, ορφη, 
seems preferable. 



CH. 3.] BATTLE OF COROXEIA. 395 

to several of his friends. In consequence, in a skirmish that 
ensued with the enemy, the troops of Agesilaus got the ad- 
vantage, on the strength of the report that the Lacedemoni- 
ans were victorious at sea. 

15. Those who were now in the field against Agesilaus were 
the Boeotians, Athenians, Argives, Corinthians, ^Enianes, Eu- 
boeans, and both the Locrians. On the side of Agesilaus was 
one battalion of Spartans, which had crossed over to him from 
Corinth, and the half of a battalion from Orchomenus ; there 
were also the newly-enfranchised citizens from Sparta, that 
had already served with him ; and, besides these, the mercen- 
ary force which Herippidas commanded ; there were the troops 
from the Greek cities in Asia, and those which he had taken 
from such of the cities in Europe as he had passed through ; 
and there had joined him, from the immediate neighbour!* 
some heavy-armed soldiers of the Orchomenians and Phoeians. 
Of peltasts, the greater number was on the side of Agesilaus ; 
the cavalry was nearly equal on both sides. i<;. Such was the 
strength of the two parties; and Ι λ ν i 1 1 now give a full ac- 
count of the battle; for it was of such a character that DO 
other of those in our time was similar to it. 

The forces of Agesilaus, advancing from the Cephisus, and 
those of the Thebans from Mount Helicon, met in the plain 
near Coroneia. Agesilaus led the right wing of his own 
army, and the Orchomenians were posted at the extremity of 
his left; on the other side the Thebans themselves were on 
their right wing, and the Argives on their left. it. As they 
approached one another, there was fur BOme time deep si: 
on both sides ; but when they were about a stadium apart, 
the Thebans raised a shout, and advanced to the charge at a 
running pace; and, when there was bat half a stadium be- 
tween them, the mercenary force that Herippidas led. and 
with them the lunians. JEolianS» and Bellespontines, ran for- 
ward from the main body of Agesilaus to engage them ; all 
these rushed in a mass to the charge, and. attacking them at 
the point of the spear, put to flight all that were opposed to 
them. Nor did the Argives withstand the onset of Agesilailfl 
and his troops, but lied toward- Helicon. IS. Some <>f the 

auxiliaries were now going to crown Agesilaus as conqm 
but some one, at the moment, brought him word that the 

Thebans had cut a \> through the Oreliumcnian-. 



396 HELLENICS. [β. IV. 

were among the baggage, when he immediately drew out his 
main body in line, and marched against them. The Thebans, 
however, on their side, when they saw that their allies had 
fled towards Helicon, were desirous to make a way through 
the enemy to join them, and, collecting themselves into a body, 
marched forward with great spirit. 19. On this occasion we 
may say, without dispute, that Agesilaus proved himself a 
brave man ; but he did not choose the safest mode of pro- 
ceeding ; for, when he might have let the Thebans, who were 
seeking to escape, pass by him, and then have pursued and 
harassed their rear, he did not adopt that course, but closed 
with them full in front, and both parties, clashing their shields 
together, alternately gave way and resisted, slew and were 
slain. At length part of the Thebans made their escape to 
Mount Helicon, but a great number of them were cut off in 
attempting to retreat. 20. When the victory was fairly won 
by Agesilaus, but he himself was brought in wounded to the 
main body, some of his cavalry rode up, and told him that a 
party of the enemy, about eighty in number, were in arms 
under shelter of the temple, 1 and asked him how they should 
act towards them. Agesilaus, though suffering from several 
wounds, was not unmindful of the obligations of religion, but 
gave orders to let them depart whither they pleased, and to do 
them no injury. The troops then took their supper, for it 
was now late, and went to rest. 

21. In the morning he directed Gylis, one of the chief 
officers, to draw up the army, and erect a trophy ; giving or- 
ders, at the same time, that all the men should crown them- 
selves in honour of the god, 2 and that all the flute -players 
should play on their instruments. The Thebans then sent 
heralds, requesting leave, under favour of a truce, to bury 
their dead ; a truce was accordingly made, and Agesilaus, 
going to Delphi, offered the tenth of the spoil to the god, to 
the amount of not less than a hundred talents. 

22. Gylis, meanwhile, taking the command of the army, 
marched into Phocis, and thence made an incursion into Lo- 
cris, where, during the early part of the next day, the soldiers 
employed themselves in carrying off moveables and provisions 
from the villages, but, when it was near evening, as they were 

1 The temple of Minerva Itonia. Plutarch, Agesil. c. 19 ; Poly- 
aenus, ii. 1. 4. Schneider. 2 Apollo. 



CH. 4.] DEATH OF GYLIS. 397 

drawing off with the Lacedaemonians in the rear, the Locrians 
pursued them, hurling stones and javelins at them, but as the 
Lacedaemonians, facing about, attacked and killed some of 
them, they ceased at once from following them behind, and 
hurled down stones upon them from the higher grounds. 
The Lacedaemonians tried to charge them up the steep, but as 
darkness came on, and they had to retreat, some of then; 
their lives through the ruggedness of the ground, others from 
inability to see what was before them, and others by the 
weapons of the enemy. Here Gylis the general was killed, 
and several 1 of his body-guard, with abou* eighteen in all of 
the other soldiers, some struck down with stones, and others 
pierced with darts; and had not the rest of the army, who 
were at supper, come to their relief, the whole party would 
have been in danger of perishing. 



CHAPTER IV. 



At Corinth the party favourable to peace are massacred by their adversaries, 
who conspire against them. The whole state appearing likely to fall un- 
der the power of Argos, Pasimehie and Alrimenes, two Corinthians, form 
a communication with the Lacedemonians at Sicyon, whom tiny admit 
within the Avails, and who are victorious in a battle that ensue•, after 
which they pull down a portion of the walls, and capture iSidus, C'rom- 
myon, and Epieicia. The war i> then carried on with hired soldier.- on 
both sides. Iphicrates attack- PhllUS, the people of which send for the 
Lacedaemonians and deliver up their city to them. The Athenian- rebuild 
that part of the walls of Corinth which the Lacedouinoniaus had pulled 
down, but it is again demolished by Agesilaus. 

i. The rest of the army was now dismissed to their several 
cities; and Agesilaus went home by sea. Afterwards tin- 
Athenians, Β<&θϋΑΒ£, Arrives, and their allies, prosecuted 
the war by making excursions from Corinth, and the L 
daemonians and their allies by expeditions from Sicyon. 1 >ut 
as the Corinthians saw that their lands were laid wa-t<\ and 
their people cut off, because they were in the immediate neigh- 
bourhood of the enemy, while their confederates wen at ι >• 
and their lands in a state of cultivation, the greater number of 

1 I road πολλοί with Schneider, instead of iie\xr/r, which Weitke 

and Dindorf retain in their texts, hut about which DO editor 
been able to satisfy himself 



398 HELLENICS. [β. IV. 

them, and the better class, grew desirous of peace, and com- 
bined to bring others to the same opinion. 2. The Argives, 
Athenians, and Boeotians, however, and such of the Corinth- 
ians as had shared the king's money, and had been the chief 
promoters of the war, seeing that unless they could rid them- 
selves of those who were inclined to peace, the city of Corinth 
would be likely to return to the side of the Spartans, resolved, 
in consequence, to proceed to a massacre of the people ; and, 
in the first place, they contrived the most impious of all pos- 
sible schemes ; for other people, even if a man be doomed to 
die by law, do not put him to death at the time of a festival ; 
but these men fixed upon the last day of the Eucleia, 1 because 
they thought that they should then find the largest number in 
the forum to massacre. 3. When it was signified to those to 
whom the commission was given, what persons they were to 
kill, they drew their swords, and stabbed one man standing 
in a circle of his friends, 2 another seated, another in the the- 
atre, and one or two sitting as judges of the games. 3 As 
soon as the matter was understood, the principal citizens im- 
mediately fled for refuge, some to the statues of the gods in 
the forum, some to the altars, where those most impious men, 
utterly regardless of everything sacred, (as well those who 
directed as those who executed,) slaughtered them even at the 
very shrines of the deities ; so that some of those who were 
unharmed, and retained a due respect for religion, were ap- 
palled at the sight of such impiety. 4. Thus perished many 
of the elder citizens, for they happened to be in greater num- 
bers in the forum ; the younger men, as Pasimelus 4 suspected 

1 Hesychius has ΈυκΧος, Διός ϊερόν εν Μεγάροις και Κορίνθφ, where 
the critics would read Ιερεύς •. hence Valesius derives Έΰκλεια, the 
festival of the Corinthians. The commentators on Pausanias, Bceot. 
ix. p. 743, and Plutarch, Aristid. c. 20, speak of a Diana Έύκλεια, 
whose statue was placed in the market-places in the towns of the 
Boeotians and Locrians, and to whom people about to be married 
used to sacrifice. On the time at which this festival took place I 
find nothing said. Schneider. 

2 Έν κνκλψ.^ Cum aliis consistentem in circuits, concliliabulis. 
Schneider. 

3 Κριτήν καθήμενον.~\ Schneider justly supposes that sitting in 
judgment at the games is meant, for it may be assumed that there 
was a justitium at the festival. Weiske. 

4 The reader might suppose that he had been mentioned before ; 
but such is not the case. See, however, sect. 7. 



CH. 4.] AFFAIRS AT CORINTH. 399 

what was going to happen, kept themselves quiet in the Cra- 
neium. 1 But when they heard the noise, and some came fly- 
ing from the scene to take refuge with them, they then ran 
up by the citadel of Corinth, and repulsed the Argives and 
others who were making an assault upon it ; 5. but while 
they were deliberating what they should do next, the capital 
fell from one of the pillars, without the intervention of any 
earthquake or blast of wind. When they sacrificed with re- 
ference to that occurrence, the omens from the victims were 
of such a nature that the augurs said it would be better for 
them to go down from their position. At first, therefore, they 
withdrew from it with the intention of fleeing out of the ter- 
ritory of Corinth ; but as their friends, mothers, and brothers 
came and entreated them, and some of those who were in 
authority promised, with an oath, that they should sutler no 
harm, several of them in consequence returned to their homes. 
8. When they saw, however, the tyrants that were over them, 
and perceived that their city would be put out of knowle 
as their land-marks would be taken away, and their count ry 
called Argos instead of Corinth ; and as they would be ne- 
cessitated, too, to share citizenship with the people of A; 
for which they had no liking, and would have Less influence 
in their own city than mere sojourners, some of them thought 
such a life intolerable, but that, should they try to establish 
their country Corinth as it was at first, and to exhibit it free 
and purified from shedders of blood, and in the enjoyment of 
its excellent laws, it would be worthy of them, if they could 
accomplish these objects, to become saviours of their country, 
and, if they could not, to die a glorious death in aiming at 
the most honourable and noble ends. 7. Accordingly, two of 
their number, Pasimelus and Alcimenes, undertook, by making 
their way along the bed of a torrent, to communicate with 
Praxitas, the Lacedaemonian general, who waa in garrison 
with his battalion at Sieyon, and told him that they could 
secure him an entrance within the Avails that reach down to- 
wards Lechaium. Praxitas, who was previously assured that 
the men were trustworthy, put confidence in them, and lia\ ing 
settled that his battalion, which WBfl going to leave S 

1 This was a prove of cypress trees before the city, with a frjmntr 

sium, not far from the temple of Jupiter, as appea 

phrastUS, C. pi. 5. 20. Schneider. 



400 



HELLENICS. 



[Β. IV. 



should remain there, arranged with them the mode of en- 
trance. 8. When the two men, therefore, whether by chance 
or by contrivance, came on guard at the gates where the 
trophy was erected, Praxitas then advanced with his batta- 
lion, the Sicyonians, and as many of the Corinthians as were 
then exiles. After he had come up to the gates, but was ap- 
prehensive of entering, he expressed a desire to send in a 
person, one of those in whom he had confidence, to ascertain 
the state of things within. The two men accordingly con- 
ducted him in, and showed him everything so ingenuously, 
that he reported that " all was safe as they had stated." 9. 
Praxitas in consequence went in himself; and as his men, 
from the walls being a considerable distance apart, appeared 
to themselves, when drawn up, to be but few, they formed a 
palisading and a trench, such as they could, in front of them, 
to defend themselves until their confederates could come to 
their support. Behind them, at the harbour, was a garrison 
of Boeotians. 

The day following the night in which they entered, they 
passed without fighting ; but the next day the Argives, ad- 
vancing upon them with all their force, and finding the Lace- 
daemonians drawn up on their right, the Sicyonians next to them, 
and the Corinthian fugitives, to the number of about a hundred 
and fifty, close to the eastern wall, their mercenaries, under 
Iphicrates, drew themselves up also close to the same wall, 
and the Argives nearest to them, while the Corinthians from 
the city took post in their left wing. io. As they despised the 
enemy, from being superior in number, they instantly charged 
them, defeated the Sicyonians, and breaking through the 
palisading, pursued them to the sea, where they killed a 
great number of them. Pasimachus the equestrian prefect, 
however, who had but a small body of cavalry, gave orders, 
when he saw the Sicyonians repulsed, for the horses to be 
tied to the trees, and, snatching their shields from the fugi- 
tives, advanced, with such as were willing to follow him, to 

1 Ύφ δεξιφ εαυτών.'] Weiske thinks that εαυτών may mean the 
Lacedaemonians; but Schneider justly pronounces that it can refer 
only to the Argives. " The faint notion which we have of the 
situation of the places," he adds, " prevents us from clearly under- 
standing the position of the several forces ; and a figure, with which 
Weiske endeavours to assist us, leaves the difficulties still un- 
solved." 



CH. 4.] THE ARGIVES DEFEATED. 401 

encounter the Argives ; who, when they saw the S upon their 
shields, were under no apprehensions from them, believing 
them to be Sicyonians. Pasimachus is said to have exclaim- 
ed, " By the twin gods, ye Argives, this S will deceive yon," 
and to have closed with them ; and thus, fighting with a 
handful of men against numbers, he was killed, and 
those about him. 11. The fugitive Corinthians, meanwhile, 
having defeated the party opposed to them, made their way 
upwards, and were now near the Avail ■ that encircled the city ; 
and the Lacedaemonians, on the other wing, when they saw the 
Sicyonians defeated, came out 2 to their succour, keeping the 
palisading on their left. The Argives, when they heard that 
the Lacedaemonians were behind them, turned back in great 
haste, and threw themselves over the palisading; 3 and thoee 
of them who were farthest to the right, being assailed on 
their defenceless parts by the Lacedaemonians, were cut oil" ; 
but those nearest to the wall, collecting in a body, retreated 
with great difficulty towards the city, but as they encounter- 
ed the Corinthian fugitives, and discovered that they ν 
enemies, they again fell back. Here some of them, going Op 
the scaling ladders, 4 leaped from the Avail and perished ; 0th 
being assailed and wounded on the ladders, lost their li\< 
that way ; and some were trampled down and suffocated by 
one another. 12. The Lacedaemonians were at no loss for 
men to kill ; for the gods gave them such occupation as they 
would not have even sought by prayer ; for how can it be 
thought otherwise than an appointment of the μ<>ι\+, that a 
multitude of enemies thus terror-strieken, astounded, exposing 
their unarmed sides, no one turning to resist, but all contri- 
buting in every way to their own destruction, should have 
been delivered into their hands 1 Assuredly such numbers 
fell in a short time, that people who had only been used to 
heaps of corn, or wood, or stones, saw on that occasion h< 

1 Ton irepi το άστυ κνκ\υυ.] Fossam vail unique \ 

didt. Dindorf: following Weieke and Schneider. 

2 ΈζιλΖόντες.] Coming out from behind the palisading, appa- 
rently. 

5 Έκ τον στανηώματοΓ ι'ίίπιπταν.] They threw thriiis-l ves <»nt oi 
the palisading ; they seem to have got into it in pursuing tin• S 

nianSi 

4 The laddl ra by which they li.nl Come out, as it appears, and which 
had been left attached to the walls. 

VOL. II. 2 D 



402 HELLENICS. [β. IV. 

of corpses. The garrison of Boeotians at the harbour were 
also put to death, some of them on the walls, and others 
mounted on the roofs of the sheds under which the ships were 
built. 

13. Soon after the Corinthians and Argives removed their 
dead under favour of a truce ; and the allies of the Lacedae- 
monians came to their succour. When they were assembled, 
Praxitas first resolved to make a breach in the wall as wide 
as would afford a sufficient passage for an army ; then, draw- 
ing off his troops, he led them towards Megara, and took by 
assault first Sidus, and afterwards Crommyon. 1 After placing 
garrisons in these fortresses, he returned, and, fortifying 
Epieicia, 2 as a bulwark to cover the territories of the con- 
federates, 3 he disbanded his army, and went off himself to- 
wards Lacedaemon. 

14. After this occurrence, large armies on both sides were 
discontinued for a time ; but the different cities sending gar- 
risons, some to Corinth, and others to Sicyon, kept those for- 
tresses secure. Both parties however had mercenaries, and 
kept up hostilities vigorously by their means. 

15. It was at this time that Iphicrates invaded the terri- 
tory of Phlius, and located his light troops there ; when, as 
he carried off booty with small parties, and people from the 
city came out to repulse him too incautiously, he killed such 
numbers, that the Phliasians, who had previously refused to 
admit the Lacedaemonians within their walls, lest they should 
restore those who alleged that they had been exiled for Lacon- 
ism, were now so much in dread of the people from Corinth, 
that they sent for the Lacedaemonians, and put their city and 
citadel under their protection. The Lacedaemonians, however, 
though kindly disposed towards the exiles, made, as long as 
they held the city, no mention of their return, but, as soon as 
the city appeared to have recovered its spirit, quitted it, re- 
storing to the citizens their town and their institutions just as 
they had received them. 



1 Sidus was a village, and Crommyon a town, in the territory of f 
Corinth. Weiske, Athenaeus, vii. 82; Pliny Η. N. iv. 11; Thucyd. 
iv. 42, seqq. 

2 See ch. 4, sect. 14. 

s "Ινα φρουρών έίη προ της φιλίας τοϊς σνμμάχοις.~] " That it might 
be a fortress to the allies in front of (their) friendly territory." 



CII. 4.] AGESILAUS INVADES ABGOLIS. 403 

16. The party of Iphicrates, too, made incursions into many 
parts of Arcadia, carried off booty, and attacked the fortified 
places; for the Arcadian heavy-armed troope never ventured 
out against them ; so much afraid were they of bis pelt 
though those very peltasts were so much in dread of the Lace- 
daemonians that they would not come within a javelin's 
throw of their heavy-armed men ; since some of the vounger 
Lacedaemonians had sometimes ventured to pursue them even 
from that distance, and had overtaken and killed some of them. 
17. But, however the Lacedaemonians despised these peltasts, 
they despised their own allies still more ; for when the Man- 
tineans came to their aid on one occasion, and sallied out 
upon the peltasts from the wall extending toward- Lechsum, 
they gave way as soon as they were assailed with dart-, and 
some of them were killed as they fled; so that the La.• 
monians ventured to jest upon them, saying that " their allies 
dreaded the peltasts as much as children dreaded bogbeai 

The Lacedaemonians themselves, with a battalion of their 
own, and the Corinthian fugitives, encamped 1 round the 
city of Corinth; is. while the Athenians, on their part, 
dreading the force of the Lacedaemonians, lest, as the long 
Avails of the Corinthians were broken through, they ehould 
make an assault upon them, thought it best to rebuild that 
tion of the wall which had been demolished by Fraxitas : and, 
coming to the spot in full force, 2 with masons and carpenters, 
they in a few days rebuilt, in excellent style, the part towards 
on and the west; the part towards the east they repaired 
more at their leisure. 

i'». But the Lacedaemonians now reflecting that the A 
were enjoying themselves at home, and exulting at the war, 
proceeded to invade their territories. Ageeilaus commanded 
in the expedition, and, after devastating all their country, im- 
mediately passed over by Tenea' 1 towards Corinth, and took 

1 All the texts have ίστματίί'οντο, but Schneider's conjecture, 

ivrparoKtcevov-o, is approved by Dindoif. 

2 What brevity of narration is here! The walls are those of the 
Corinthian*; yet the Athenians are represented ai coming ■■ 
much ease and readiness as it' they were going to rebuild those of the 
Pirseeus ; nor is it said whether they came with the c 
Corinthians or againsl it: nor on what condition 

anee ofqi light lie asked about the matter. Η 

3 " Ten banus Byi 

•J η 2 



404 HELLENICS. [β. I\ r . 

the walls which had been rebuilt by the Athenians ; while 
his brother Teleutias, with about twelve galleys, supported 
him at the same time by sea, so that their mother was thought 
a happy woman, because, in the same day, one of her sons 
took the walls of the enemy on land, and the other captured 
their ships and dockyards at sea. Having achieved these ex- 
ploits, Agesilaus dismissed the troops of the confederates, and 
conducted those of his own country home. 



CHAPTER V. 



The Corinthians make a stand at their harbour of the Peiraeum ; they are 
assailed by Agesilaus, who gets possession of the place by a stratagem. 
He obliges another party at Heraeum to surrender. His joy at these suc- 
cesses is damped by the news that a battalion of the Amyclseans had been 
cut off by Iphicrates. Agesilaus returns home, leaving a battalion to 
garrison Lechieum. 

ι . Soon after, the Lacedsemonians, having learned from the 
fugitives that the Corinthians in the city were keeping and 
securing all their cattle in the Peirseum, 1 and that numbers of 
people were maintained there, made another expedition against 
Corinth, Agesilaus being leader also on this occasion. In the 
first place he proceeded to the Isthmus ; for it was the month 2 
in which the Isthmian games are celebrated, and the Argives 

lying between Corinth and Mycenae." There is an allusion to it 
in an epigram mentioned by Strabo, vol. i. p. 552, ed. Falconer. 

1 Thucydides, viii. 40, says that the Corinthian harbour called 
Tlupaiog, as he writes it, was on the Saronic Gulf; while Strabo 
places it, with Heraeum and (Enoe, as well as Lechaeum, on the 
Crissaean Gulf. Palmerius, therefore, Exercit. p. 72, in speaking of 
this passage of Xenophon, thinks that there were two harbours of 
the name, one on each gulf. Schneider. 

2 The month is not specified by any of the ancient writers; but 
Corsini, in his Dissertatio <kta Agonistica, has shown that the Isth- 
mian games fell sometimes on the month Panemus, sometimes on 
that of Thargelion or Munychion. The games were celebrated 
every third year, and would fall on the first and third year of each 
successive Olympiad. Those which took place in the first year of 
an Olympiad, would fall on the Corinthian month Panemus, the 
Athenian Hecatombaeon, or the Roman July ; those which hap- 
pened in the third year of an Olympiad would probably fall either 
on Munychion (April) or Thargelion (May). Schneider. 



Cn. Ο.] AGESILAUS BEFORE CORINTH. 405 

were there at the time offering the sacrifice to Neptune, Β 
Argos and Corinth were one; but wheo they eaw Agesilaus 

approaching, they abandoned their sacrifices and festive pre- 
parations, and, in very great alarm, retreated "by the road to 
Cenchreiae into the city. 2. Agesilaus, however, though he 
saw the way they took, did not pursue them, but, fixing his 
quarters in the temple, made offerings himself to the 
and remained there until the fugitives from Corinth 
sacrificed to Neptune and brought the games to a conclusion. 
But the Argives, notwithstanding, when Agesilaus was gone, 
celebrated the Isthmian games over again ; and thus in this 
year, in some of the contests, the same person was twice un- 
successful, while in others the same persons were twice pro- 
claimed victors. 

3. It was on the fourth day that Agesilaus led his army to 
the Peineum, but seeing that it was guarded by a Dumb 
people, he inarched off. after dinner, towards the city, as it" ίκ• 
thought that it would be betrayed into his hands, so that 
the Corinthians, fearing that it had been actually betrayed 
by some of their people, sent fur Iphierates with the principal 
part of his peltastS ; and Agesilaus, getting notice 1 that I 
had arrived in the night, wheeled round as soon as it was day, 
and led his army back towards the Peineum. lie advanced 
himself by the hot springs, but sent up a battalion to the top of 
the heights; and he remained, during the night, encamped by 
the hot springs, while the battalion spent the night in . 
pation of the heights, t. Here Agesilaus gained reputation 
by a little, but seasonable, contrivance ; for though many peo- 
ple carried provisions to the battalion, no one brought them 
fire; and, as it WM VOTy cold, because they were upon 
treniely high ground, and rain and hail had fallen in tin• even- 
ing, (while they had gone up with only BUch light _ 
as they wear in summer,) they were now shivering indarki 
and without the least appetite for their supper, when Agesilaus 

sent up to them not less then ten mm with fire in pots; and 
when they had reached the summits, BQme by one path and 

■ by another, several largo fires were kindled) as I 

plenty of fuel at hand, and they all anoint. -d th< 

and many took supper a second time. The Bame ni .• it the 
temple of Neptune was seen in (Umtss but by whom il 
set on fire nobody knew. 



406 HELLENICS. [β. IV. 

5. When the people in the Peirseum saw that the heights 
were occupied by the enemy, they no longer thought of de- 
fending themselves, but fled, male and female, slaves and free- 
men, with the greatest part of the cattle, to Herseum, 1 whither 
Agesilaus proceeded with his army along the coast. The 
battalion, at the same time, coming down from the heights, 
took (Enoe, a walled fortress, and made prize of what was in 
it ; and all the troops, indeed, on that day, secured abundance 
of provisions from the neighbouring parts. Those who had 
taken refuge in CEnoe came forth, leaving to Agesilaus to de- 
termine whatever he pleased concerning them. His decision 
was, that " they should give up all who had been concerned 
in the massacre to the fugitives, and that all the plunder should 
be sold." Much booty of all kinds was then brought out of 
Hergeum. 6. Just at this time several deputations from vari- 
ous quarters waited upon him, and some ambassadors from the 
Boeotians came to ask him " what they should do to obtain 
peace." But Agesilaus, assuming a very lofty air, appeared 
not even to see them, (though Pharax, the proxenus 2 of the 
Boeotians, stood by their side to introduce them ;) and, taking 
his seat at the round-house near the harbour, he surveyed the 
great quantity of spoil as it was brought out. Some of the 
Lacedaemonian troops, belonging to the heavy-armed, attend- 
ed the prisoners, as guards, with their spears, and were much 
gazed at by all who were present ; for the fortunate and vic- 
torious seem always to be thought worthy of admiration. 

7. While Agesilaus, however, was still sitting there, ap- 
pearing to be delighted with what was going on, a horseman 
rode up with his horse in a violent sweat, and, being asked by 
many of the people " what news he brought," he made no one 
any answer; but, when he drew near Agesilaus, he sprung 
from his horse, and, running up to him with a very sad coun- 
tenance, gave him an account of the calamity of the battalion 

1 I have called it Herseum, not the Heraeum. It was a promontory, 
about seven miles from v Corinth, so called from a temple of Juno 
that stood upon it. See Livy, xxxii. 23 ; Plutarch, Cleom. 20, 26. 

2 The πρόξενος, in any state or city, was a person whose business it 
was to entertain and show civilities to people coming from some 
other state or city in a public capacity. The proxenus of the Boeo- 
tians at Lacedtemon was the person appointed to receive and attend 
to such Boeotians as visited Lacedaemon on affairs of state. 



CH. 5.] PROCEEDINGS OF AGESILAUS. 407 

at Lechaeum. 1 Agesilaus, on hearing it, immediately jumped 
from his seat, snatched up his spear, and ordered the herald 
to summon the generals, captains, and commanders of the 
auxiliaries. 8. When they had all hastily gathered round 
him, he told them to take what refreshment they could, (for 
they had not yet dined,) and to follow him as soon as possible, 
while he himself, with the attendants at the royal tent, started 
off before them without taking anything. His guards, with 
their heavy arms, followed him with all speed, he leading the 
way, and they keeping in his track. But when he had 
passed the hot springs, and had reached the open plain of 
Lechaeum, three horsemen rode up and told him that " the 
dead bodies were recovered." As soon as he heard this, he 
ordered his followers to pile their arms, and, after resting a 
while, led them back again to Herseum. Next day the booty 
was sold. 

9. The ambassadors from the Boeotians being now sum- 
moned, and asked for what purpose they had come, made no 
further mention of peace, but said that, " if there was nothing 
to prevent them, they wished to go into the city to their 
countrymen who were soldiers there." Agesilaus smiled, and 
said, " It is not the soldiers, 1 know, that you wi$h to 
but the success of your friends, and to ascertain what has 
been the extent of it; stay, therefore," he added, u and I will 
conduct you thither myself, and, being with me, you will 
learn better what it is that has taken place." 10. Nor did he 
deceive them; for the next day, after a sacrifice, he led his 
army towards the city. The trophy 2 he did not demolish; 
but whatever trees were left he cut down and burned, and 
showed the ambassadors that no one would venture out to 
attack him. Having done this, he encamped about Lechaeum, 
and sent off the Theban ambassadors, not to the city, but by 
the sea to Creugis.* As such a calamity, however, was an un- 
usual occurrence to the Lacedaemonians, there was great 
mourning throughout the army, except among those whose 
sons, or fathers, or brothers, had died at their posts ; for these 

1 This is related afterwards, sect• 11. 

2 The enemy had, then, erected a trophy near Corinth- W 
The sanctity of trophies U shown from many exampli 

Misc. v. 29. 8ehneider. 

3 A small town on the Corinthian Gulf. Pausan. i\. 



408 HELLENICS. [β. IV. 

walked about as cheerful as men that had gained a victory, 
rejoicing at their own bereavemests. 

11. The disaster that befell the battalion occurred in the 
following manner. The Lacedaemonians of Amyclae, whether 
they happen to be in the field, or abroad on any other busi- 
ness whatever, always go home to the Hyacinthia 1 to join in 
the pagan. On this occasion Agesilaus had left the Amy- 
claeans, of all his army, at Lechaeum ; and the officer com- 
manding the garrison there ordered the troops of the auxili- 
aries to guard the fortress, while he himself, with the battalion 
of heavy -armed foot, and the cavalry, escorted the Amyclaeans 
past the city of Corinth. 12. When they were about twenty 
stadia distant from Sicyon, the officer, with his heavy-armed 
men, in number about six hundred, went back to Lechaeum, 
and ordered the commander of the cavalry, when he had at- 
tended the Amyclseans as far as they thought necessary, to 
follow him. That there were many peltasts and heavy-armed 
troops in Corinth they were not unaware, but they held them 
in contempt, imagining that none would venture to attack 
Lacedaemonians on account of their late successes. 13. The sol- 
diers of the Corinthians, however, and Callias, the son of 
Hipponicus, the commander of the Athenian heavy-armed 
men, and Iphicrates, the captain of the peltasts, observing 
that the Lacedaemonians were but few, and without either 
peltasts or cavalry, thought that they might safely attack them 
with their own body of peltasts ; for, if they continued their 
march, they might suffer by being galled with missiles on 
their unarmed flanks ; or, if they attempted to turn back and 
pursue, they themselves, with their nimble peltasts, would 
easily escape from heavy-armed men. 14. Having formed 
this opinion, they led out their force ; and Callias posted his 
heavy-armed troops not far from the city, while Iphicrates, 
with his peltasts, attacked the battalion of Lacedaemonians ; 
who, when they were assailed with missiles, and some were 

3 On this custom of the Amyclaeans, see Valck. ad Herod, ix. 6. 
On the Hyacinthia much has been written by many, but the time 
of the year at which they were celebrated has not yet been decided. 
Dodwell says that it was in the summer ; but Pontedera, in his 
Antiq. Lat. and Gr. Ep. 27, contends that it was in the winter. On 
the ceremonies of the festival, see Heyne, Dissert. Antiquar. i. p. 97. 
Schneider, 



CH. 5.] SUCCESSES OF IPHICRATES. 409 

wounded, and two or three fell, ordered the shield-bearers l to 
take them up and carry them off to Leclueum ; and these were 
in truth the only men of the battalion that escaped. The 
Lacedaemonian officer then ordered the younger men- to pur- 
sue the enemy; 15. but when they pursued, being heavv- 
armed men in chase of peltasts, they came within javelin's 
throw of none of them ; and their officer had desired them to 
retreat before the heavy-armed men of the enemy could join 
their peltasts. As they retired straggling, having pursued 
each according to his speed, the peltasts of Iphicrates faced 
about, and those who were in front again hurled javelins at 
thrill, while others, running up to them on the flank, galled 
them on the unarmed parts of their bodies ; and thus, at the 
very commencement of the pursuit, struck down with their 
javelins nine or ten men. Success thus attending them, they 
pressed upon the enemy with much greater confidence. 16. 
As the Lacedaemonians now suffered severely, their com* 
mander ordered the men between thirty and forty year- of 
age to pursue ; but of these, as they retreated, mure were 
killed than of those who made the previous attempt. When 
their best men were in this manner cut off, the cavalry 3 came 
up to them, and, in conjunction with these, they made another 
effort at pursuit. But when the peltasts retired, the cavalry 
did not follow them judiciously ; for they did not continue to 
ride after them till they had killed some of them, but kept 
abreast of their own pursuing infantry, 4 and pursued or re- 
treated with them. Acting thus again and again, and always 
incurring a similar result, they themselves grew continually 
fewer and more dispirited, while their assailants became bolder 
and more numerous, it. Being grievously distressed, they 
collected in a body on a small hill, distant about two stadia 
from the sea and sixteen or seventeen from LechjBUm, Those 
at Lechaeum,* learning what had happened, embarked in boats 
and sailed along the coast till they came opposite the hill. 
But the Lacedemonians, being in niter despair, as they were 

1 'Πιο attendants who carried the shields. See also e. s, MCt 

2 Τα ilea άφ' I}j3ifc•] See iii. -i. -'■'>■ 

3 Those who had been ordered to escort the Amychean I Η 

4 The same that are (ailed the men between thirty ami 

TTtvThKautKd άφ' ήβης, at the beginning of the section. I 

5 Those who were said to have been hit at LechSBUBB U leet II• 

Dindorf. 



410 HELLENICS. [β. IV. 

harassed and cut off, and could do nothing in their own de- 
fence, and seeing, besides, the heavy-armed troops of the 
enemy advancing upon them, took to flight, when some of 
them were driven into the sea, and only a small number, with 
the cavalry, escaped to Lechseum. In the whole of the skir- 
mishes, and in the flight, about two hundred and fifty of them 
lost their lives. Such was the termination of that affair. 

18. Soon after, Agesilaus marched away, taking with him 
the battalion that had suffered so much, and leaving another 
at Lechseum. As he pursued his journey homeward, he took 
up his quarters in the several towns as late as possible in the 
evening, and resumed his march as early as possible in the 
morning. From Orchomenus, indeed, he set out so early, 
that he passed by Mantineia before it was daylight ; so angrily 
were the soldiers likely to look upon the Mantineans, who 
would rejoice 1 at their disaster. 

19. After this Iphi crates had great success in other enter- 
prises ; for garrisons having been placed in Sidus and Crom- 
myon by Praxitas, when he took those places, and another in 
GEnoe by Agesilaus when the Peirseum was taken, Iphicrates 
reduced them all. Lechasurn, however, the Lacedaemonians 
and their allies still continued to hold. As for the fugitives 
from Corinth, they no longer went by land from Sicyon, in 
consequence of the calamity of the battalion, but sailing along 
the coast, and making incursions from it, they brought annoy- 
ance on themselves, and gave trouble to those in the city. 



CHAPTER VI. 



The people of Calydon, allies of the Achaeans, are harassed by the Acar- 
nanians, against whom the Achaeans solicit aid from the Lacedaemonians. 
Agesilans conducts a force to the support of the Achaeans, in conjunction 
with whom he lays waste the lands of the Acamanians and defeats their 
troops. But as he took none of their towns, the Achqeans express dissa- 
tisfaction, and he promises to return to their aid in the following year. 

i. Soon after these occurrences, the Achaeans, who were 
in possession of Calydon, which formerly belonged to iEtolia, 

1 The cause of such rejoicing may be easily gathered from what 
is related in c. 4, sect. 17. Moms. 



CII. 6.] AGESILAUS INVADES ACARXANIA. 411 

and who had made the people of Calydon their fellow-citizens, 
were obliged to put a garrison in the place; for the Acarna- 
nians made attacks upon it, and some of the Athenians and 
Boeotians, from being in alliance with them, joined them. The 
Achseans, in consequence, being distressed by these enen 
sent ambassadors to Lacedaemon, who, on their arrival, stated 
that they were not treated with justice by the Lacedaemonians ; 

2. " For we," said they, "have joined you in the field whenei ι τ 
you have directed us, and followed you whithersoever you 
have led ; but when a city of ours is assailed by the Acarna- 
nians, and by the Athenians and Boeotians their allies, you 
pay no regard to us. Under such a state of things, therefore, 
we should be unable to hold out ; and we shall, accordingly, 
either give up the Avar in the Peloponnesus, and cross over 1 
with our whole force to oppose the Acarnanians and their 
allies, or shall conclude such a peace as we may be able." 

3. In saying this they conveyed a threat to the Lareda'inoiiians 
that they would relinquish their alliance with them, unless 
they sent them succour in return for their service-. Such a 
statement being made, it was thought necessary by the ephori 
and assembly of the people to take the field with the Achaean? 
against the Acarnanians ; and they in consequence sent out 
Agesilaus with two battalions and the proper complements 
from the allies; and the Achseans prepared to join him with 
their whole force. 

4. When Agesilaus had crossed the water, all the Acarna- 
nians in the country fled for refuge to the towns ; and all the 
cattle were removed to a distance, that they might not be 
taken by his army. Agesilaus, on his part, when lie came to 
the frontiers of the enemy's territory, sent to Stratus, 2 to the 
common council of the Acarnanians, and said that " if they did 
not relinquish their connexion with the Boeotians and Atheni- 
ans, and join the Lacedaemonians and their allies, he would 
devastate their whole country piece by piece, and leave no 

nerof it Untouched.' 1 '». As they paid no regard to hi- w 

he did as he had said, and ravaged the lands without inter- 

1 Over tilt• Corinthian Gulf. 

- That Stratus was the chief town of Acarnania Ν understood 

from Thucyd. lib. ii. Thai the council of tin• people irai beld there 

ntioned by Xenophon only. See raiment!•, Or. Antiq. p. 
Schiu 



412 HELLENICS. [β. IV. 

mission, advancing not more than ten or twelve stadia a day. 
The Acarnanians, in consequence, brought down their cattle 
from the hills, and resumed their work in most of the fields, 
supposing it safe to do so on account of the slow march of the 
army. 6. But when they appeared to Agesilaus to have thrown 
off all fear, he sacrificed early in the morning, on the fifteenth 
or sixteenth day after he had entered the country, and com- 
pleted, before evening, a march of a hundred and sixty stadia 
to the lake * round which almost all the cattle of the Acarna- 
nians were collected, when he captured a great many herds 
of oxen, horses, and beasts of every other kind, and a number 
of slaves. 

After making this capture, he remained there the following 
day and sold what he had taken. 7. Many peltasts of the 
Acarnanians, however, came up, and, as Agesilaus was en- 
camped on the side of the mountain, 2 they threw down stones, 
and used their slings, from the summit of it, without suffering 
anything in return, and forced him to move his camp down 
to the plain, though it was about the time for preparing sup- 
per. At night the Acarnanians drew off, and the soldiers, 
having posted sentinels^ reposed in quiet. The next day 
Agesilaus led off his army. The outlet from the meadow-land 
and plain about the lake was narrow, by reason of the moun- 
tains that surrounded it ; and of these the Acarnanians took 
possession, and not only hurled down stones and javelins from 
the heights, but, coming down to the skirts of the mountains, 
hung upon the rear of the troops, and annoyed them so much, 
that they could no longer continue their march. 9. The heavy- 
armed men and the cavalry, therefore, issued from the main 
body in pursuit of the assailants, but did them no injury; 
for the Acarnanians, when they retreated, soon gained their 
strongholds. Agesilaus, in consequence, thinking it impracti- 
cable to march through a narrow pass under such annoyances, 
resolved on attacking those who were hanging on his left, and 

1 Ύήν λίμνην.] We wander here through unknown places, says 
Schneider, and therefore cannot tell whether by λίμνη we ought to 
understand a lake, or the proper name of a place, or whether we 
ought rather to read λιμναία, from Thucyd. ii. 80 ; vi. 106, an un- 
walled village near Stratus. 

2 What mountain, we do not know. > In the words immediately 
following Dindorf has, in his latest edition, adopted a very judi- 
cious transposition. 



CH. 6.] SUCCESSES OF AGESILAUS. 413 

who were very numerous ; for the hills were on that side 
easier of ascent for the heavy-armed troops and cavalry. 10. 
While he was offering sacrifice, the Acarnanians continued to 
harass him with stones and javelins, and, as they drew nearer, 
wounded several of his men. But when he gave the signal, 
the men between thirty and thirty-five years of age hastened 
to pursue, the cavalry rode, along with them, and Agesilaus 
followed with the rest ; 11. w r hen such of the Acarnanians as 
had descended the hills, and were using their missiles, at once 
fled, and were killed as they tried to escape up the steep. On 
the summit were posted the heavy-armed troops of the Acar- 
nanians, and the greater part of their peltasts, where they 
stood their ground, and, besides throwing other weapon.-. 
hurled also spears, with which they wounded the horsemen 
and killed some of the horses. But when they were nearly 
at close quarters with the Lacedaemonian heavy-armed men, 
they gave way, and there were killed of them on that day 
about three hundred. 

12. The affair being ended, Agesilaus erected a trophy ; 
and then, marching about the country, devastated and burned 
it. He also made attacks on some of the towns, in coinplianee 
with the urgent requests of the Achasans, but did not take one. 
When autumn was just coining on, he quitted the country. 

13. The Achasans thought that he had done nothing, as he 
had taken no town either by voluntary surrender or by farce, 
and entreated him, if he would do nothing more, to stay at 
least so long in the country as to hinder the Acarnanians from 
towing their corn. But he replied that they wen• asking what 

- contrary to their interest) M for 1 shall march hither again," 
said he, "next summer, and the more they sow, tin* more de- 
sirous of peace will they be." 14. After giving them this 
answer, he marched off through JEtolift, by roads which nei- 
ther a large nor small army could have passed without tin• 
consent of the JEtolians, who, however, allowed him to pasfl 
in the hope that he would afterwards BSSiet them in recovering 
NaupaCtUS. When he reached Khiuin, lie CTOSSed there, an 1 

proceeded homewards. The passage from Oalydon to the 

PeloponneSUS the Athenians had .-topped with their galley.-, 
in which they made excursions from C E n e adffJ 

1 Λ town of Acarnania at the mouth of the \ 



414 HELLENICS. [β. IV. 



CHAPTER VII. 

The Acarnanians, rather than continue at war with the Lacedaemonians, 
become their allies, and make peace with the Achaeans. The Lacedaemo- 
nians determine upon attacking the Argives ; Agesipolis invades their 
territories, approaches close to the walls of Argos, and strikes great terror 
into the people. 

i. When the winter was past, Agesilaus, in conformity 
with his promise to the Achaeans, gave notice, in the very be- 
ginning of spring, of an expedition against the Acarnanians, 
who, gaining intelligence of it, and thinking that, as their 
towns lay in the heart of their country, they would be as 
much besieged by those who destroyed their corn as if they 
were invested by an army in form, sent ambassadors to Lace- 
daemon, and made peace with the Achaeans, and an alliance 
with the Lacedaemonians. The transactions with the Acar- 
nanians were thus brought to a termination. 

2. After this the Lacedaemonians thought it unsafe to un- 
dertake an expedition against the Athenians or Boeotians, and 
leave the hostile and powerful state of the Argives, lying 
close on Laconia, behind their back, and accordingly gave 
notice of an expedition against Argos. Agesipolis, when he 
found that he was to command the force, and the sacrifices 
proved favourable to him for crossing the borders, went to 
Olympia, and applying to the oracle, inquired of the god 
" whether it would be just for him not to admit the truce 
alleged by the Argives," because they pleaded the sacred 
months, 1 not when the time fell, but when the Lacedaemo- 
nians were about to invade their country. The god intimated 
that "it would be just for him not to admit a truce unjustly 
alleged." From thence he immediately proceeded to Delphi, 
and inquired of Apollo " whether he thought the same with 

1 Ύπεφερον τονς μήνας.'] The Argives alleged some sacred months, 
in which they and the Lacedaemonians had mutually agreed that 
there should be a cessation from hostilities. So far all is clear ; 
but what months they were is a question. Schneider, Dodwell 
thinks that the time during which the Isthmian games were cele- 
brated is meant; and Schneider, who has a long note on the pass- 
age, is inclined to agree with him. Weiske supposes that the Ar- 
gives pretended sometimes that one month, sometimes that another, 
was sacred. 



CH. 7.] AGESIPOLIS INVADES ABGOJU1S. 41,5 

regard to the truce as his father." Apollo gave an answer 
exactl}^ to the same purpose. 3. Agesipolis, accordingly, led 
off the army from Phlius, where it had assembled while he 
was gone to the oracles, and entered Argolis by Nemea. 1 The 
Argives, as soon as they found that they would be unable to 
stop him, despatched, as they were accustomed, two heralds 
with garlands on their heads, alleging that the truce was still 
in force. But Agesipolis replied that " they were not Con- 
sidered by the gods to make such an allegation with just ire." 
and refused to admit the existence of the truce, but continued 
his march, and spread great perplexity and alarm over the 
country, and in the city. 4. As he was at supper the first 
evening, however, in the territory of ArgOS, and while the 
libation was being made after supper, the shook the 

earth ; when all the Lacedaemonians, those at the royal tent 
commencing, sang the paean to Neptune; bat the reel of the 
army thought that they ought to return, because Agifl 01 
on an earthquake taking place, had withdrawn his forces out 
of Elis. Agesipolis replied, that "if the earthquake had 
taken place when he was about to invade the country, he 
should have thought that the god meant to prohibit him. but 
as it had happened alter he had invaded it. he considered that 
the god wished to encourage him." 0. Having accordingly 
sacrificed next day to Neptune, he advanced, though not 
into the country. But as Agesilaus had lately conducted an 
expedition against Arg upolis asked the soldiers "how 

near to the walls Agesilaus had led them, and to what extent 
he had ravaged the country;" and then, like a champion 
contending for every prize, endeavoured to go beyond him in 
all re rion, being Btruck with missiles 

from the towers, he Γ I the trenches that surrounded 

the walls ; and at another time, when most of the Argives τ 

gone into Laconia. 1 he approached so near to the gate.» that 

1 This was the way tho Lacedaemonian! usually went, ai ap] 
from ThucycL \ . 58. Schneider, 
1 Neptune, the earth-ehaket. 3 hi. 2. 24. 

4 Όίχομ τηι» \ακο>ι•ικί]νΛ Had a party of 

gone into Laconia to plunder, in nopea of on] 

withdraw from their country t<> protect hii own.' Bui tne 

o'\tnO(fi is too weak and vague to denote a hostile im 

ig obscure, and perhap 
• * * \\ hat foflov ipicion th. 



416 HELLENICS. [β. IV. 

the Argives who were at them shut out some Boeotian horse- 
men that wanted to enter, through fear that the Lacedaemo- 
nians would rush in with them ; and the horsemen were com- 
pelled to cling to the walls under the parapets like bats. Had 
not the Cretans, 1 by chance, been gone on an excursion down 
to Nauplia, many men and horses would then have been shot. 
7. Soon after, as he lay encamped about the walls, 2 a thun- 
derbolt fell in his camp ; and some of his men were struck 
with lightning, and others lost their senses, and died. Wish- 
ing afterwards to fortify a castle at the pass near Celusa, 3 he 
sacrificed with reference to that object, and the victims ap- 
peared without lobes to their livers. Such being the case, he 
drew off his army and disbanded it, having done great harm 
to the Argives by an invasion so little expected. 

have said something to this effect, " that the Argives had gone to 
drive off some of the Lacedaemonians from Nauplia." Weiske. 

1 From the army of the Lacedaemonians. See c. 2, sect. 16. 
Dindorf. 

2 Ύάς εφκτάς.~] Moms interprets this word by muros. * * But, 
unless some particular part of the city had that name, I should 
rather understand the fortifications, the trenches and rampart, with 
which the city was surrounded. Weiske. 

3 A mountain near Argos, according to Strabo, viii. p. 382. 



CH. 8.] PHARNABAZUS AND OOKOH. 411 



CHAPTER VII I. 



Pharnabazus and Conon, meanwhile, expel the Lacedemonian harmosts 
from the Greek cities in Asia, and attach many to their interest. D 
lidas secures Abydoa and Sestus. Pharnabazus and Conon lay waste parts 
of the coast of the Peloponnesus. Pharnabazus takes possession of Cytm-ra, 
and goes to the Isthmus of Corinth to encourage his allies, and supply 
them with money. Conon then has the sole charge of the fleet, with which 
he proceeds to Athens, and rebuilds a great portion of the Long Walla, and 
those of the Piraeeus. The Lacedaemonians stud Antalcidas to the satrap 
Tiribazus, to inform him what Conon was doing, and to offer to m 
peace with the king ; Antalcidas proposes to leave all the inlands and the 
Greek cities of Asia free. The Athenians and other states .-end an.' 
dors thither at the same time, who disapprove of that proposal. The 
negotiation being susp< aded, Tiribazus secretly supplies the Laced 
nians with money, makes Conon a prisoner, and the η goes to the kin:: to 
tell him what he has done. The ]■:'. take the ei. 

of affairs on the coast in Asia Minor, who faYOUn the Athenian-. The 
Lacedaemonians send Thibron to oppose Strnthes, but with lit:. 
They then send out an expedition to Ichodes under Ecdicns to I 

id re-establish the democracy, and despatch, at tin.• same time, 
Diphridas to act against Strnthes. Afterward- they direct TelentJ 
join Strnthes; and the Athenians send out Thra-ybulu- to fth of 

them. Thra-ybulus, instead of going to Rhode-, sails to Thrace, where 
he reconciles two princes that were at variance. 1L• then recover- liy/an- 
tium and Chalcedon, sails to Lesbos, confirms the Mitylena-ans in their 
fidelity to the Athenians, and defeats the Laeeda-monian- at Mfthymne. 
Thrasybulus is killed atAspendns, and the Athenians -end out Agyrrliius 
in his place, despatching also Iphicrates to the Hellespont, where tin• La- 
oedaemonians make great efforts under Anaxibius. Iphicrates, lying in 
ambush for Anaxibius, kills him and a great number of his tro 

i. SuGH was the mode in which the war was pursued by 
land. But I shall now relate what happened, during the I 
that all these events occurred, on the sea and at the cities on 
the coast. The most memorable of the transactions 1 shall 
write at length, but such as are undeserving of notice 1 -hall 
omit. 

In the first place, then, Pharnabazus and Conon, when t! 
had defeated the Lacedaemonians in tin 1 sea-fight, 1 sailed round 
to the islands and maritime cities, expelled the Laced;emonian 
harmosts, and comforted the people by assuring them that 

they would build no citadels in their towns, hut would 1 

them free and independent, j. On hearing these ftssurani 

they were delighted, extolled lmarnabazus, and eagerly 
1 See c. 3, sect. 10. 

VOL. II. 2 Ε 



418 HELLENICS. [β. TV. 

him presents. Conon, indeed, had impressed upon Pharna- 
bazus, that " if he acted thus, all the cities would be well dis- 
posed towards him," but told him, that "if he showed open 
intentions of enslaving them, each individual city could 
give him much trouble," and that " there would be danger 
lest the Greeks, if they heard of such conduct on his part, 
should combine against him." 3. On these suggestions Phar- 
nabazus accordingly acted. Going on shore at Ephesus, he 
committed forty galleys to the charge of Conon, with direc- 
tions to meet him at Sestus ; and he himself, in the mean 
time, proceeded by land to his own province. 

Dercylidas, who was his enemy of old, happened, when the 
sea-fight took place, to be at Abydos, and did not, like the 
other harmosts, abandon the place, but continued to hold it, 
and kept it attached to the Lacedaemonians ; for, having 
called the people of Abydos together, he addressed them thus : 
4. " It is in your power, men of Abydos, as you have previously 
been friends to our state, to prove yourselves at the present 
time its actual benefactors ; for that men should show them- 
selves faithful to others in prosperity is nothing wonderful ; 
but when they prove true to their friends in adversity, their 
conduct is always held in remembrance. Our condition in- 
deed is not such, that, since we are beaten at sea, we are re- 
duced to nothing ; for even in past times, when the Athenians 
were sovereigns of the sea, our state was well able to do good 
to her friends and harm to her enemies. But the more other 
cities desert us with fortune, the more remarkable will your 
fidelity appear to us. And if any one of you fears that we 
may be besieged here by land and sea, let him consider that 
there is no Grecian fleet yet at sea, and that, if the Barba- 
rians attempt to make themselves masters of the sea, the 
Greeks will never suffer them to effect their object ; and con- 
sequently, while she supports herself, she will be a supporter 
to you." 

5. The people of Abydos, on hearing this exhortation, com- 
plied with it, not reluctantly, but with the greatest cheerful- 
ness. Such of the harmosts as came l to them they received 
as friends, and such of them as did not come they invited. 

1 Ίόντας.~\ Venie?ites, as in c. 4, sect. 5, and v. 4, 29. They came 
after being sent out of the cities which had shaken off the yoke of 
the Lacedaemonians. Dindorf. 



CH. 8.] ACTS OF DERCYLIDAS AND CONON. 419 

After a large number of efficient men were thus collected 
within the city, Dercylidas crossed over to Sestus, which lies 
opposite Abydos, and is not. more than eight stadia distant 
from it. Here he assembled such persons as held land in the 
Chersonesus under favour of the Lacedaemonians, and such of 
the harmosts as had been ejected from the cities in Europe, 
receiving them kindly, and telling them that "they ought not 
to be dispirited any more than the people of Abydos, but to 
reflect that even in Asia, which from the first belonged to the 
king, there were Temnus, not indeed a large city, and JE{ 
and several other places, in which they might settle without 
becoming the king's subjects. Although," added he, <; what 
place can you find stronger than Sestus, or more difficult to 
be reduced by siege, for, if it were to be blockaded, it would 
require both a navy and land forces for the purpose*" By 
addressing them thus, he prevented them from being overcome 
with fear. 

c. When Pharnabazus found that Abydos and Sestus were 
in this condition, he sent word to them, that " if they did Dot 
eject the Lacedaemonians, he would make war upon them." 
As they paid no regard to his words, he directed Conon to 
prevent them from taking to the sea ; and then proceeded*, 
himself, to lay waste the lands of Abydos. But as his efforts 
were ineffectual to bring the people to a surrender, lie went 
home, desiring Conon to manage the towns on the Hellespont 
in such a manner that as large a fleet as possible might be 
collected from them by the spring; for, being enraged with 
the Lacedaemonians for what he had suffered IVoni them, he 
was eager, above all things, to sail to their country, and to 
take vengeance on them as far as he could. 

7. The winter, accordingly, they spent in making prepar- 
ations ; and, as soon as Spring came, Pharnabazus, having 
manned a number of vessels, and hired a body of mercenaries, 
sailed away, and Conon with him, through the islands 1 t<> 
Melos, from whence they proceeded towards Lacedsamon. 
But first making a descent on Fhera,' he ravaged the country 

1 Both towns of ZEolia. 

2 lie says "through the islands," because the voyage was in 

not through the open part of the JEgean ( hut through tin• midi 
the Cyclaaes. Dtndorj. 

3 In Messenia, as Bos ad Corn. Nep, Conon, c. 1, b 
Schneider. 

2 !. 



420 HELLENICS. [β. IV. 

there; and afterwards, disembarking at other points on the 
coast, he spread as much devastation as he could. Fearing, 
however, the want of harbours in those parts, the readiness of 
the people to assist one another, and the scarcity of provisions, 
he soon drew back, and, sailing off, came to an anchor at 
Phosnicus 1 in Cythera. 8. But as the Cytherians who held 
the town abandoned their defences, from fear of being made 
prisoners by assault, he sent them, according to a treaty which 
he made with them, into Laconia, while he himself, after 
strengthening the fortifications of the Cytherians, left a garri- 
son there with Nicophemus an Athenian in the character of 
governor. Having completed these affairs, he stood away to 
the Isthmus of Corinth ; and, exhorting the allies to prosecute 
the war with alacrity, and to prove themselves faithful adhe- 
rents to the king, he left them whatever money he had with 
him, and sailed off home. 

9. But as Conon represented to him that " if he would al- 
low him to have the fleet, he would supply it with provisions 
from the islands, and would make an expedition to his coun- 
try, and rebuild the Long Walls of the Athenians and the wall 
round the Piraeeus, than which exploit," he said, " he knew 
nothing would be more grievous to the Lacedaemonians ; " 
" and by that means," he continued, " you yourself will both 
gratify the Athenians and take revenge on the Lacedaemo- 
nians, since you will render that ineffectual on which they 
have exhausted their greatest efforts." Pharnabazus, on re- 
ceiving this proposal, gladly despatched him to Athens, and 
supplied him with money for the rebuilding of the walls, ίο. 
Conon, in consequence, proceeding to Athens, erected a large 
portion of the wall, employing his own crews in the work, 
supplying wages for carpenters and masons, and defraying 
whatever other expense was required. There was some part 
of the wall, however, which the Athenians themselves, the 
Boeotians, and other people, joined in building of their own 
accord. 

The Corinthians, in the mean time, having manned a num- 
ber of vessels with the money that Pharnabazus had left 
them, and having appointed Agathinus to the command of 
them, made themselves masters by sea in the gulf round 

1 A harbour not mentioned by any other writer. Weiske. 



CH. 8.] PEACE PROPOSED. 421 

Achaia and Lecha3um. n. The Lacedaemonians, also, fitted 

out a fleet to oppose them, of which Podanemus had the com- 
mand ; but as he was killed in an encounter, and Pollis, the 
second in command, was wounded and went home, Ilerip•- 
pidas took the charge of that fleet. Proaenus, a Corinthian, 
who succeeded Agathinus in command of the Corinthian fleet, 
abandoned Rhium, and the Lacedaemonians took possession of 
it. After this Teleutias came out to take the command of the 
Lacedaemonian fleet from Herippidas, and he, in his turn, be- 
came master of the gulf. 

12. The Lacedaemonians, when they heard that Co: ion was 
rebuilding the Avails of Athens with the king's money, main- 
taining his fleet by the same means, and inducing the islands 
and cities on the coast to join the Athenians, began to think 
that if they could apprize Tiribazus, the • u-ral, 1 of 

those particulars, they would either attach him to their own 
interest, or at least prevent him- from maintaining Conon's 
fleet. With these views, they eent Antalcidas to Tiribazus, 
instructing him to convey this information, and to endeavour 
to make peace between their government and the king. I :. 
The Athenians, at the same time, getting notice of their inten- 
tion, sent, on their part, an embassy under the escort of (Anion, 
consisting of Ilermogenes, Dion, Callisthenes, and Callime 
they invited also ambassadors to join them from their allies, and 
some came from the Boeotians, and from Corinth and A 
u. When they had all reached their place of destination, 
Antalcidas told Tiribazus that " he was come to solicit for bis 
country a pence with the king ; a peace such as the king al- 
ready desired; for the Lacedaemonians would not claim from 
the king the possession of the Greek cities in Asia, but would 
be content if the islands and other cities were left free•* 
"And when we," he proceeded, 'Meed thus disposed, for what 

reason should 3 t he king either continue at war with us, or be 

at sucli expense? for it will neither be possible for the Ath.•- 

1 He was not Bubjed to Pharnahazns, and dot I Hot seem to haw 

been a satrap at this time. Il•• is called Ktfrap of Cypna l>\ Polyav 

nil•, vii. 19, where it is said that DC WUM treacheioudy killed hy 
Orontes. Schn 

1 Aj it was PharnabaztU thai furnished pay for tin• licet. Morns 
would insert his name in the 

' J The words o\ "LXXz/rfc, which Morns and Schneider would . _ 
from the text, I have not tranda: 



422 HELLENICS. [β. IV. 

riians to maintain a war with the king, when we no longer 
take the lead, nor will it be possible for us to do so, when the 
cities are left independent." 15. These representations of 
Antalcidas pleased Tiribazus, as he listened to them, ex- 
tremely ; but to the opposite party they were mere words ; 
for the Athenians were afraid to consent that the cities and 
islands should be free, lest they should lose Lemnos, Imbros, 
and Scyros ; the Thebans were afraid, lest they should be 
obliged to set free the cities of Boeotia ; and the Argives did 
not think that, if such a treaty and conditions were made, they 
should be able, as they desired, to retain Corinth as one with 
Argos. 1 Thus this attempt at peace was ineffectual, and the 
ambassadors departed to their several homes. % 

16. Tiribazus thought it inconsistent with his personal 
safety openly to take the side of the Lacedaemonians without 
the consent of the king. Secretly, however, he gave a sum of 
money to Antalcidas, in order that a fleet might be maintain- 
ed by the Lacedaemonians, and the Athenians and their allies 
be thus made more desirous of peace. Conon, as one who 
had injured the king, and against whom the Lacedaemonians 
brought just accusations, he kept in confinement. After these 
proceedings he went up to the king, to state what the Lace- 
daemonians had proposed, to tell him that he had confined 
Conon as a mischievous character, and to ask how he should 
act with regard to all these matters. 17. But the king, as 
soon as Tiribazus arrived, sent down Struthes to take the 
command of the provinces on the coast. 

Struthes, for his part, showed strong attachment to the 
cause of the Athenians and their allies, remembering what 
damage the king's dominions had suffered from Agesilaus ; 
and the Lacedaemonians, as soon as they discovered that 
Struthes was hostile to them, and friendly to the Athenians, 
sent out Thibron to make war upon him, who, crossing the 
sea, and fixing his head quarters at Ephesus, and the towns 
in the plain of the Maeander, Priene, Leucophrys, and Achil- 
leium, ravaged and plundered the king's territories. 18. But 
after some time, Struthes having observed that Thibron sup- 
ported his plundering parties, on every occasion, without ob- 
serving any order, or showing any fear of an enemy, de- 
spatched a troop of cavalry into the plains, ordering them to 
1 See c. 4, sect. 5 and 6. 



CH. 8.] DEATH OF ΤΠΙΒΚΟΧ. 423 

gallop down, and to surround and drive off whatever they 
could. Thibron happened then to be passing the time after 
dinner in the tent of Thersander the musician. (Thersander 
was not only a good musician, but, as having been trained like a 
Spartan, had claims to distinction in bodily exercises.) It. 
Struthes, seeing that the enemy came to the rescue in disor- 
der, and that the foremost party were but few, showed him- 
self at the head of a numerous and compact body of h 
Thibron and Thersander were the first that they slew, and, 
when these had fallen, they put the rest of the army to 
flight, and pursued and killed a great number of them. 
Some escaped in safety to the towns that were friendly t<> 
them. A greater number, because they heard the call to the 
rescue too late, 1 * * * * ; for Thibron, on many other occa- 
sions, as well as on the present, started forth to support some 
of his men without giving due notice to the rest. Such was 
the way in which this affair terminated. 

SO. Certain of the Rhodians, who had been ejected 3 by the 
popular party, having gone to Lacediemon, represented that it 
would be wrong in the Lacedaemonians to allow the Athe- 
nians to subdue Rhodes, and gain so much additional powi r. 
The Lacedaemonians, therefore, well knowing that if the 
pie were masters, all Rhodes would be in the power of the 
Athenians, but that, if the rich prevailed, it would be their 
own, manned eight vessels to support the aristocracy, and ap- 
pointed Ecdicus to take the command of them. 81. With 
him, too, in this fleet, they sent Diphridas, whom they direct- 
ed to cross over into A-ia. to eecure the cities that hail re- 
ceived Thibron, to take the command of the troops that had 

d themselves, and, collecting others from whatever quarter 

he could, to make war upon Struthes. Diphrida- executed 
his order.-, succeeded in some other matters, and captured 
Tigranes, who had married Struthes' daughter, as he was 
going to Sardes with his wife, and did not set them at Liberty 

1 Leunclavius thinks that άτηλείποντο ought to hi• inserted in (he 
text. Morns, something in the sense of 

1 Diodoriu Siculus, \iv. 7'>, relates that while Agesilani wi 
Asia, the Elhodians attached themselves to Conon, and expelled the 
garrison of th<• L emonians, banishing at the same time, 
appears, such of their own ρ icedssmon 



424 HELLENICS. [β. IV. 

without receiving a vast sum of money, by means of which he 
was at once enabled to pay his troops. 22. Diphridas be- 
came not less popular than Thibron had been, and, as a gene- 
ral, was far more observant of discipline, and more enterpris- 
ing ; for bodily pleasures held no control over him, but, in 
whatever work he engaged, he prosecuted it with the utmost 
diligence. 

Ecdicus, having sailed to Cnidus, and found that the popu- 
lar party, having gained entire ascendancy at Rhodes, were 
masters both by land and water, and could put to sea with 
twice as many galleys as he himself had, remained quiet at 
Cnidus ; 23. while the Lacedaemonians, on their part, finding 
that he had too small a force to give any effectual support to 
their friends, directed Teleutias, with the twelve ships which 
he commanded in the bay about Achaia and Lechaeuni, to sail 
round to Ecdicus and send him home, and to take upon him- 
self, at the same time, the protection of such as desired to be 
their friends, and do whatever damage he could to the enemy. 
Teleutias, accordingly, having gone to Samos, and taken some 
vessels from thence, sailed to Cnidus, and Ecdicus returned 
home. 

24. Having now seven and twenty ships under his com- 
mand, Teleutias set sail for Rhodes, and, on his voyage, fell 
in with Philocrates the son of Ephialtus, who was proceeding 
with ten galleys from Athens to Cyprus, to assist Evagoras. 
The whole of these vessels he captured. But both parties, in 
this affair, acted in direct opposition to their own interests ; 
for the Athenians, who had the king of Persia for their friend, 
were sending aid to Evagoras, who was at war with him ; and 
Teleutias, while the Lacedaemonians were at war with the 
king of Persia, intercepted those who were going to further 
the war with him. Teleutias returned to Cnidus, and, after 
disposing of what he had taken, set off again to Rhodes to 
support the friends of the Lacedaemonians. 

25. The Athenians, apprehending that the Lacedaemonians 
might now re-establish their power at sea, sent out Thrasy- 
bulus of Styria, with forty ships, to oppose them. Thrasy- 
bulus, after he had set sail, resolved not to go to the aid of his 
countrymen at Rhodes, imagining, on the one hand, that he 
would not easily retaliate on the friends of the Lacedaemoni- 



CH. 8.] PROCEEDINGS OF THRASTBULUS. 425 

ans, as they occupied a fortified place, 1 and Teleutias was 
ready with a fleet to support them, and, on the other, that 
his own friends were not likely to fall into the hands of their 
enemies, as they were in possession of cities, were far more 
numerous, and had had the advantage in a battle. 2 26. Sailing 
oif, therefore, to the Hellespont, and no enemy appearing to 
oppose him, he thought that he might accomplish something 
that would be of service to his country. Having learned, ac- 
cordingly, that Medocus, the king of the Odrysa?, and Seuthes, 
the governor of the sea-coast, were at variance, he reconciled 
them, and made them friends and allies to the Athenians, ex- 
pecting that, when these were united, the Greek cities lying 
on the borders of Thrace would more readily pay regard to 
the Athenians. 27. These affairs, then, being satisfactorily 
arranged, and the cities in Asia being favourable to the 
Athenians, because the king was their friend, he steered to 
Byzantium, where he sold to the tax-gatherers the tenth ex- 
acted from people sailing out of the Pontile, and changed the 
government of Byzantium from an oligarchy into a demo- 
cracy ; so that the people of Byzantium saw without eon 
the great number of Athenians present in the city. S8. Hay- 
ing effected these objects, and made the people of Chalcedon 
his friends, he set sail for the Hellespont. 

In the island of Lesbos he found that all the towns had 
declared for the Lacedaemonians except Mitylene; but he took 
no measures against any of them until he had united in a 
body, at Mitylene, the four hundred heavy-armed men from 
his own vessels, and such of the exiles from the other cities 
as had fled to Mitylene, joining with them the most efficient 
of the Mitylenrcans themselves, and holding oat hope- to the 
Mitylemeans that if he should take the other cities, they 
themselves would be sovereigns of all Lesbos; to the exile-, 
that if they supported him in attacking all the cities severally, 
they would be able, each of them, to secure a return to hi- 
country; and to those who embarked with him as volnn: 
that if they rendered Lesbos friendly to Mitylene, they would 
acquire a great abundance of wealth. After giving them BOCfa 

1 Τείχος.] Does he mean the city of Rhodes? or lomfi l I 
strong place? For he docs not say ri Γ€Ϊχ< ;. 

2 This victory of the Athenian party is not mentioned 1 
rus Siculus. Wa 



426 HELLENICS. [β. IV. 

encouragements, lie drew them up in a body and led them 
against Methymne. 29. Therimachus, who was the Lacedae- 
monian harmost there, when he heard of the approach of 
Thrasybulus, took the soldiers from on board his vessels, the 
Methymnaeans themselves, and whatever exiles from Mitylene 
chanced to be there, and proceeded to meet him upon the bor- 
ders. A battle ensuing, Therimachus was killed on the field, 
and many of his party were slaughtered as they fled. 30. Af- 
ter this event, Thrasybulus brought over some of the towns, 
plundered the lands of such as refused to submit, and, having 
thus furnished pay to his soldiers, hastened to set out for 
Rhodes. But that he might be able to embody an efficient 
force there also, he proceeded to collect money, not only from 
other cities, but went also to Aspendus, and anchored near 
the river Eurymedon ; and he had already received a contri- 
bution from the Aspendians, when, as some of his men com- 
mitted depredations on their lands, the people were enraged, 
and, falling upon him in the night, killed him in his tent. 

31. Thus died Thrasybulus, a man who was regarded as 
possessed of great ability. The Athenians chose Agyrrhius 
in his place, and sent him out to take the command of the 
fleet. 

The Lacedaemonians, having heard that the tenth exacted 
from the ships sailing out of the Pontus had been sold at 
Byzantium by the Athenians, and that the other cities on the 
Hellespont, from Pharnabazus being friendly to them, were in 
a favourable condition for the Athenians, who occupied Chal- 
cedon, 1 saw that they must pay attention to matters in that 
quarter. 32. Of Dercylidas they had no reason to complain ; 
yet Anaxibius, as the ephori were inclined to favour him, 
contrived that he himself should be sent out as harmost to 
Abydos ; and engaged, if he should be intrusted with a sum 
of money and some vessels, to prosecute the war with the 
Athenians in such a manner that their prosperity on the 
Hellespont should be brought to an end. 3-3. The Lacedae- 
monians accordingly gave him three triremes, and pay suffi- 
cient for a thousand mercenaries, and despatched him. When 
he arrived at the parts to which he was sent, he collected a 

1 Καλχηδόνα εχονσι — εύ εχοιεν.'] " Were in a prosperous condition 
for them, (the Athenians,) holding Chalcedon." 



CH. 8.] ANAXIBIUS KILLED BY IPHICRATES. 427 

mercenary force by land, and detached some of the JEoliail 
cities from Pharnabazus ; while, whatever cities sent trooj 
attack Abydos, he took the field against them, and invaded 
and laid waste their territories. Having manned, too, three 
vessels at Abydos, in addition to those which he had, he 
brought into the harbour whatever vessels of the Athenians 
or their allies he was able to capture. 

34. The Athenians, receiving intelligence of these proceed- 
ings, and fearing that what Thrasybulus had done on the Hel- 
lespont would be lost to them, sent out Iphicrates with eight 
ships and about twelve hundred peltasts, of whom the greater 
part were those that he had commanded at Corinth, for after 
the Argives had made Argos and Corinth one, they said that 
they had no further need of them. Iphicrates, indeed, bad 
cut off some of those that favoured the Argives, and in con- 
sequence had retired to Athens and remained at home. 
After Iphicrates arrived at the Chersonesns, Anaxibius and 
he at first sent out bands of pirates, and carried on the war 
with one another in that way ; but, after some time had pae 
Iphicrates, having learned that Anaxibius was gone to An- 
tandros with his mercenaries, such Lacedaemonian troopc 
he had, and two hundred heavy-armed soldiers From Abydos, 
and having subsequently heard that he had attached Antan- 
dros to him, he suspected that, after settling a garrison there, 
he would return, and bring the Abydenians home again, and 
accordingly crossed over by night at the least frequented part 
of the territory of Abydos, where he retired op into the moun- 
tains and placed an ambuscade. The vessels which brought 
him over he ordered to Cruise, as soon as it was day. along the 
upper part of the Chersonesus, that he might bo thought to 
have gone, as he had been accustomed, to collect money. 
Having made these dispositions, he was not disappointed in 
his. expectations ; for Anaxibius was now on his return, though 
the victims that day, it was said, had not been favourable to 
him; a warning, however, of which he thought little, because 

lie was to go through a friendly country and to a friendly 

city; and, as he heard from persons who met him that Iphi- 
crates had Bailed towards Prcsoonnesus, he proceeded with -till 

em, 37. Iphicrates SS long BS the tr- iblUS 

were all on the sum: level, did not Πββ from his hiding-p• 
but when the men of Abydos, who led the way, had Γ6Ι 



428 



HELLENICS. 



[Β. IV. 



the plain near Cremastes, where they have their gold mines, 
and the rest of the force was following on the slope of the 
hill, and Anaxibius was just going to descend with his Lace- 
daemonians, Iphicrates started from his ambush, and rushed at 
full speed upon him. 38. Anaxibius, conscious that there was 
no hope of escape, as he saw his troops extended forwards in 
a long narrow road, and knew that those who had gone before 
could certainly not come to his aid up the steep, and perceiv- 
ing, too, that they were all struck with a panic as soon as they 
saw the ambuscade, said to those who were near him, " Friends, 
it becomes me to die here ; but do you, before you meet the 
charge of the enemy, hasten to consult your safety." 39. As 
he said this, he snatched his shield from the man that carried 
it, and fell fighting on the spot. A favourite boy stood by 
him to the last ; and about twelve of the Lacedaemonian har- 
mosts, who had joined him from the neighbouring cities, fought 
and died with him. The rest fled and were slaughtered, for 
the enemy pursued them to the city. Of the other troops 
about two hundred were killed ; of the heavy-armed men of 
Abydos about fifty. Having achieved this exploit, Iphicrates 
returned to the Chersonesus. 



CH. 1.1 AFFAIRS IN -tGIXA. 4'2'J 



BOOK V. 



CHAPTER I. 

The Athenians attack the iEginetans, to put a stop to their depr 
the coast of Attica. Teleutias, the Lacedemonian, puts to flight the 
Athenian fleet. Honours paid to Teleutiai by hi> soldi•. r>. 11 ii 
ceeded by Hierax, and Hierax by Antalcida-, who sends Nic 
Abydos. Gorgopas, a Lacedaemonian. pursues BOmi the Atlu- 

niaus under Kunomus near JEgma, and captures four of them, dial 
lies in ambush for Gorgopas in JEgina, and kills him and many ι 
supporters. Teleutias is again Bent out, to tin• great joy of the tr 
and mak Piraeus. TheAth 

ans unsuccessfully panne Antalcidas, who captures Thrasybulus of Col- 
lytus, and, with an accession of for - master of the whol• 

The Athenians, Lacedemonians, and Ajgires become all d 
peace. Tiribazus brings ponditionfl <»f peace from the kin:;, the principal 
of them being, that the Greek cities and islands should be Kit I 

proposal is well received by all except the Thebana, who art• nnwilli: 
leave any of the Boeotian towns in freedom, but in 

to submit, as well as the Corinthians and Argil 

i. Such was the state of affairs, with regard to the Ath 
ans and Lacedaemonians* on the Hellespont. 

In iEgina, meanwhile, the people of which had formerly 
maintained an intercourse with the Athenians. Eteonicus 
ing there again, 1 permitted them, as the war was openly car- 
ried nn by sea, and as the ephori gave their consent, t<> carry 
off plunder from Attica at pleasure. ft. The Athenians, in 
consequence, being annoyed by the .Iv/inetans, despatched to 
JEgina a body of heavy-armed troops, under the conduct of 

Pamphilus, and erected forts there to command the country, 

blockading the place not oidy by land, but witli ten galley) 

1 Xenophon has nowhere else said that Kteonicus was in JSgina 
before, but being here, as in many other parti of this history, some- 
what too studious of brevity, merely intimates by the word " again " 
that he had been there before. In the rest of the section, I 

there is much obscurity. Schneider. The Athenian! had a: 

time had the /Eginetani under their power, to wbich ρ 
must, «as Schneider obs( π "formerly, 

πρόιθ** χρύνυν, in the text. Lysandei afterwards set them ft 

and hence, layi Weiske, a hatred of the Atbenians bad been pro- 
duced in the Aginetans, so that Eteonicui had no 
but had only to kk permit " them, to plunder Λκ 



430 HELLENICS. [β. V. 

sea. Teleutias, however, who happened to be going to some 
of the islands to collect money, heard of the erection of the 
forts, and went to the support of the iEginetans ; when he 
forced the fleet to retire, but of the fortresses Pamphilus kept 
possession. 

3. Soon afterwards, Hierax was sent out by the Lacedae- 
monians as admiral, and took the command of the fleet. Te- 
leutias then set sail for Sparta, and with feelings of the highest 
gratification ; for when he went down, as he was starting, to 
the water-side, there was not a man among the soldiers there 
that did not take his hand ; while one crowned him with gar- 
lands, and another adorned him with fillets ; l and those even 
who were too late, nevertheless threw their garlands into the 
sea, and prayed for innumerable blessings on his head. 4. I 
know that in relating such particulars, I give no remarkable 
instance of munificence, defiance of danger, or able contriv- 
ance ; yet it appears to me, unquestionably, worthy of any 
man's consideration, by what sort of conduct Teleutias thus 
wrought on the affections of those under his command ; for 
a man's success in that way deserves far higher commendation 
than any lavishing of wealth or conquest of danger. 

5. Hierax left twelve ships at iEgina, with G-orgopas, his 
second in command, as harmost, and took the rest of the fleet 
again 2 to Rhodes. The Athenians in the line of forts at 
-ZEgina were now more closely besieged by Gorgopas than 
their enemies in the city by themselves ; so that the Athenians 
at home, by an express decree, manned several vessels, and 
brought off their men from the fortresses in the island in the 
fifth month afterwards. When this, however, was done, the 
Athenians were again infested both by the plunderers from 
JEgina and by Gorgopas. They therefore fitted out thirteen 
vessels to oppose them, and chose Eunomus to take the com- 
mand. 

1 Έταινίωσεν.] A great mark of honour ; for it was in general 
only the statues of the gods, the dead, conquerors in the games, 
and eminent benefactors to their country and mankind, that were 
so distinguished. Weiske. 

2 Πάλιν.] This word seems not to refer to the man, but to the 
matter ; not to indicate that Hierax had been at Rhodes before, 
but that there had been an affair with the Rhodians, and that in 
consequence of it the fleet was obliged to go thither again. Weiske. 
Schneider refers to iv. 8. 25. 



CH. 1.] STRATAGEM OF GORGOPAS. 431 

6. ΛΥΙιίΙθ Hierax was at Rhodes, the Lacedaemonians sent 
out Antaleidas as their admiral, thinking that by doing i*o 
they would highly gratify Tiribazus. Antaleidas, when he 
arrived at xEgina, took with him the ships under Gorgopas, 
and sailed to Ephesus, whence he sent Gorgopas back again 
with his twelve ships to JEgina, and appointed Nicolochus, 
his second in command, over the rest. Nicolochus sailed otF 
to give the people of Abydos support, but, turning aside to 
Tenedos, laid waste the country there, and, after securing 
some money, stood off again towards Abydos. 7. The Athe- 
nian commanders, however, assembling from Samothi 
Thasos, and the places in that quarter, came to the assistance 
of the people of Tenedos; and when they found that Nicolo- 
chus had already steered off for Abydos, they put to sea from 
the Chersonesus, and blocked him up there with two-and-tbirty 
vessels of their own, he having only twenty-five. In the mean 
time Gorgopas, as he was sailing from Epheeus, fell in with 
Eunomus, and for the present betook himself to .Kgina. a little 
before sunset, where he landed his men, and ordered them 
immediately to take their sappers, s. Eunomus also, having 
stayed here a short time, pursued his voyage, and when night 
came on, led the way with a light, as is usual, that the - 
behind may not miss their way ; when Gorgopas, having re- 
embarked his men, immediately followed him by tin* aid of 
the light, keeping at some distance behind, that he might not 
be perceived or afford any indication of his approach, the 
celeustcB 1 using the sound of stone-, instead of their vok 
give their time-signals, and oblique of their oars. 1 

But as soon as the of Eunomus had got to land near 

Zoster in Attica, he ordered an attack with sound of trum- 
pet. The men from some of the ships of Eunomus bad then 

1 The men whose office it was by voice or signals to give time to 
the rowers. 

2 napayioyj των κωπών.] LidcK 11 and Scott interpret this term 
in nearly the same manner as Sturz and Brodfleus, " a iliding mo- 
tion of the oars, so that they made no dash in going in and out of 
the water." Schneider and W'eiske suppose that flat 

oars on the water are meant, to make more ποίββ than usual, a* 
signals in combination with the dropping of the stones. Bui in thit 
supposition they must surely be deceived. Dindoif MJ 
must understand the expression tk ruin !»y which the re. eh r 

is not much assisted. 



432 



HELLENICS. 



[b. V. 



gone on shore ; others were anchoring, and others drawing to 
land. A battle taking place by moonlight, Gorgopas captured 
four of the enemy's ships, and went off with them in tow to 
JEgina ; but the rest of the Athenian vessels took shelter in 
the Piraeus. 

10. After these occurrences, Chabrias was sailing out 1 to 
Cyprus to the aid of Euagoras, with eight hundred peltasts 
and ten galleys ; but taking with him from Athens some other 
vessels, and a party of heavy-armed men, he landed by night 
on the island of iEgina, and placed himself in ambush, with 
his peltasts in a hollow some distance beyond the temple of 
Hercules. As soon as it was day, the heavy-armed Atheni- 
ans, as had been agreed, came to join him under the command 
of Demsenetus, and went up about sixteen stadia beyond the 
temple of Hercules, where the place called the Three Towers 2 
is. 11. Gorgopas, receiving intelligence of these proceedings, 
came out with a body of iEginetans, the soldiers from the 
fleet, and eight Spartans who happened to be there, to oppose 
the enemy. He issued orders, too, that all the free-men in 
the crews of the vessels should come to his support ; so that 
many of these also gave him aid, each bringing whatever 
weapon he could find. 12. But as soon as those in front had 
passed the ambuscade, Chabrias and his party started up, and 
hurled javelins and stones at them ; when the heavy-armed 
men, who had landed from the ships, advanced to the charge ; 
and the first party, for they were not in a compact body, were 
soon cut off; among them were Gorgopas and the Lacedae- 
monians ; and when these were killed, the rest took to flight. 
Of the iEginetans there perished about a hundred and fifty ; 
and of the foreigners, sojourners, and mariners, who had run 
down to give assistance, not less than two hundred. 13. Af- 
ter this the Athenians ranged the sea as quietly as in the 

midst of peace;, for the sailors refused to move an oar 3 for 

« 

1 Was he going from Athens? If so, why does Xenophon after- 
wards say, " taking with him from Athens," &c.? We must there- 
fore suppose that he brought ships and peltasts from some other 
place ; and were these the peltasts and ships which he had previ- 
ously used in the war with Corinth, when he succeeded Iphicrates? 
Schneider. 2 Ύριπνργία. 

3 Έμβάλλειν.] Schneider aptly interprets this word impellere re- 
mos, confirming this interpretation from Aristoph. Eq. 603 ; Ran. 
205. Weiske. 



CH. 1.] TELEUTIAS AT THE FLEET. 433 

Eteonicus, how much soever he tried to compel them, r-ince he 
had no money for their pay. 

Soon after, the Lacedaemonians sent out Teleutias to take 
the command of the ships in those parts ; and the sailors, 
when they saw him arrive, were in the highest degree de- 
lighted. He called them together, and addressed them thus : 
14. " I am come, my fellow-combatants, without any money ; 
but if the gods please, and you heartily support me, I will en- 
deavour to supply you with the greatest possible abundance of 
provisions ; and be assured that, as long as I command you, 
I pray that you may have subsistence not less plentifully than 
myself. You would perhaps wonder if I should say that I 
wish you to have plenty rather than myself; but. by the _ 
I would sooner submit to fast for two days than that you 
should fast for one. My door used to be open in past times, 
for any one that wanted anything of me to enter, and it shall 
be open also now ; so that, whenever you have abundance 
of provisions, you will then see my table, likewise, more plen- 
tifully supplied. 15. And when you behold me enduring cold, 
and heat, and want of sleep, consider that you yoursel 
ought to bear 1 the same inconveniences; for I do not require 
you to submit to hardships merely that you may Buffer pain, 
but that you may gain some advantage from them. 16, (Kn- 
own state, my fellow-soldiers, which is seen to be prosper 
acquired its blessings and honours, be assured, not by b 
slothful, but by being willing to submit to toils and dang 
whenever it might be necessary. You were formerly, 
myself know, brave men ; and it now behoves you to he ^ till 
more brave, that we may labour together with content, and 
enjoy success together with pleasure, it. What greater plea- 
sure can there be, indeed, than to have to Hatter no man, 
either Greek or Barbarian, for pay, but to be able to procure 
subsistence for ourselves, and to procure it by the most hon- 
ourable means? For abundance of spoil, taken from 
enemy in war, brings with it, you may be certain, not m 
subsistence, but fame among all mankind." 

18. Thus he spoke; and they all cried out that he might 
order them to do whatever he thought necessary, as 
were ready to obey, lie had already performed tie 

1 ΟΊεσβε και νμίΐς ταΐτα ~άιτα καπτίυΰΐ'.] Dim Μ to 

ώντο ά- ι'-ΐ'ίΐι, iv. 7. 1. 
VOL. II. 



434 



HELLENICS. 



[Β. V. 



ary sacrifices, and now said to them, " Go, then, soldiers, and 
take your suppers as you were about to do ; and then furnish 
yourselves, in accordance with my wishes, 1 with one day's 
provisions. When you have done so, repair at once to your 
vessels, that we may sail whither heaven directs us, and 
arrive at a fortunate time." 19. As soon as they were come, he 
made them go on board, and sailed off by night towards the 
harbour of Athens, sometimes slackening his course, and bid- 
ding the men take some rest, and sometimes speeding onward 
with the aid of oars. 

If any one thinks that he acted rashly, in going with only 
twelve galleys against a people possessed of so numerous a 
navy, let him consider what course of reasoning he adopted. 
20. He thought that the Athenians, since Gorgopas was killed, 
took less precaution to guard their ships in the harbour ; he 
believed that even if vessels of war were anchored there, it 
would be safer for him to attack twenty of them at Athens 
than ten of them elsewhere, for, in ships that were abroad, he 
knew that the seamen lay constantly on board, but at Athens 
he felt sure that the captains would sleep at home, and that 
the sailors would go to lodge in various places. It was with 
these considerations that he engaged in the enterprise. 

21. When he was about five or six stadia from the harbour, 
he remained quiet, and made his men rest themselves. But as 
soon as day appeared, he led onward with his ship, and the 
rest followed. He did not allow his crews to sink or damage 
any trading vessels, but, wherever they saw a war-galley, he 
bade them try to disable her for sailing. He told them also to 
fasten all the trading vessels, and such as had cargoes on 
board, to their own, and tow them out to sea ; and to board 
the larger ships, wherever they could, and carry off the peo- 
ple that they found in them. Some of his men even leaped 
into the marketplace on the quay, 2 and, seizing some traders 
and masters of vessels, carried them prisoners on board their 
own ships. 22. Such was the success of Teleutias. Of the 
Athenians, meanwhile, such as were within the city, and 

1 ΙίροπαράσχεσΒε δε μοι.~] Dativus pleonastice positus. Vultnempe 
milites unius diei cibum secum ferre. Weiske. 

2 To Αεϊγμα.'] A place at the Piraeeus where merchants and trades- 
men exhibited speciinens, δείγματα, of articles which they had for 
sale. Harpocrat. sub voce; Schol. Aristoph. ad Eq. 975. 



CH. L] TELEUTIAS. ANTALCIDAS. 435 

heard the noise, ran out to see what it was ; while, of such 
as were out of doors, some ran into their houses for their arm-, 
and others hastened to the city to tell the news. All the 
troops from Athens, both infantry and cavalry, then marched 
down with succour, just as if the Piraeus had been taken. 
23. But Teleutias sent off the vessels which he had captured 
to iEgina, and ordered his men to take three or four galleys 
with them ; while he himself, with the rest of his vessels, di- 
recting his course along the coast of Attica, surprised, as he 
was apparently sailing quietly out of the harbour, several 
fishing and ferry boats, full of people, coming in from the is- 
lands. Proceeding also to Sunium, he took a number of 
transport vessels, some laden with corn and some with mer- 
chandise. 24. After these successes he sailed back to JEgina, 
and, selling his spoils, gave his soldiers a month's pay in ad- 
vance. Continuing his cruise afterwards, also, he captured 
whatever he could, and, by this means, kept his ships well 
manned, and disposed his men to serve him with cheerfulness 
and activity. 

25. Antalcidas now returned with Tiribazus, having ob- 
tained the king's consent to support the Lacedaemonians, if 
the Athenians and their allies refused to acquiesce in the 
peace which he had proposed. Hearing, however, that Nico- 
lochus, with his vessels, was blocked up at Abydos by Iphi- 
crates and Diotimus, he proceeded to that city by land ; 
where he resumed the command of the fleet, and put out to 
sea 1 by night, spreading a report that the Chalcedonians had 
sent for him. At the harbour of Percote he anchored, and 
then remained quiet. 2β. Demoenetus, Dionysius, Leontichus, 
and Phanias, perceiving his departure, went in pursuit of him 
towards Procconnesus ; and he, when they had sailed pasl 
him, turned and went back to Abydos ; for he had heard that 
Polyxenus was coming with the twenty ships- from Syracuse 
and Italy, and lie purposed to unite them to hifl own. 

Soon after, Thrasybulus the Colyttian :; eel Bail with eight 
ships from Thrace, wishing to form a junction with the 

\νήγετο.~] It is not explained how, when Nicolochun 

blocked Up {παΧιαρκΗσΟαι) with the ships, Antalcidas COUld sail out. 

2 Zeune refers to i. 1. 18. 

3 So called from the demoa Colyttus, in which he was horn 1 

more eminent Thrasybulus was of the na. 

2 F 2 



436 



HELLENICS. 



[b. V. 



of the Athenian fleet. 27. Antalcidas, when his scouts gave 
him notice that the eight ships were coming up, sent men on 
board twelve of his best sailing vessels, ordering them to make 
up the crews, if any vessel was deficient, from the other ships, 
and lay on the watch as much out of sight as possible. As 
soon as they had passed him. he started in pursuit of them ; 
and they, seeing him, fled. With his best sailing vessels, he 
soon overtook those of the Athenians that sailed most slowly, 
but, as he had ordered such of his ships as should outstrip the 
rest, not to attack the hindmost of the enemy, he continued in 
pursuit of the foremost ; and when he had taken these, the 
last, seeing their vessels in front captured, became a prey, 
through being dispirited, to the slower vessels l of Antalcidas ; 
and thus the whole were captured. 

28. When there joined him, besides, the twenty ships 2 from 
Syracuse, with those from that part of Ionia of which Tiri- 
bazus was master, (the complement being made up from the 
part under Ariobarzanes, for Tiribazus had long been his 
guest-friend, and Pharnabazus had gone up 3 by summons to 
the royal court, at the time when he married the king's 
daughter,) Antalcidas, with all these vessels, amounting to 
more than eighty, rode master of the sea, so that he prevented 
ships from Pontus 4 from sailing to Athens, and carried them 
off as prizes to his own allies. 29. The Athenians, therefore, 
seeing that the enemy's fleet had become thus numerous, and 
fearing that, as the king had become an ally to the Lacedae- 
monians, they should be subdued as they had been before, and 
being harassed, at the same time, by pirates 5 from JEgina, 
grew, on all these accounts, extremely desirous of peace. 

The Lacedaemonians too, on their part, who had a batta- 
lion in garrison at Lechaeum, and another at Orchomenus, who 
had to watch the cities, which they trusted, lest they should 
be taken from them, and those which they distrusted, lest they 
should revolt, and who were still suffering and struggling 

1 Ύών βραδύτερων ή\ίσκοντο.~\ Before these words Stephens and 
Leunclavius very properly insert άπό. Schneider. 

2 See sect. 26. 

3 Being absent, therefore, he could make no opposition to Antal- 
cidas.. Weiske. 

4 Which were chiefly employed in bringing corn to Athens. 
Weiske. 

5 v. 1. 1, 5. 



CH. 1.] PEACE PRESCRIBED BY ARTAXERXES. 437 

about Corinth, were becoming discontented at the protraction 
of the war. 

The Argives also, who knew that another expedition was 
decreed against them, and were sensible that their allegation 
of the months l would no longer avail them, were most ea^er 
for peace. 

30. In consequence, when Tiribazus gave notice that such 
as desired to hear 2 the terms of the peace which the king had 
sent down, should attend him, they all very soon presented 
themselves. When they were assembled, Tiribazus, having 
showed them the king's seal, read what was written to them. 
It was as follows : 

31. " Artaxerxes the king thinks it right that the cities in 
Asia, with the islands of Clazomenoe 3 and Cyprus, should belong 
to himself, and that he should leave the other Grecian cities, 
small and great, free, except Lemnos, Imbros, and Scyros ; 
and that these, as formerly, should belong to the Athenians. 
Whichsoever of the two parties 4 does not assent to those terms 
of peace, I myself, in conjunction with those who receive 
them, will make war upon that party both by land and 
both with ships and money." 

32. The deputies from the several states, having listened 
to these terms, reported them severally to their own people. 
All the rest swore for themselves that they would observe 
them, but the Thebans demanded to swear in the name of all 
the Boeotians. Agesilaus, however, refused to admit their 
oath, unless they swore, as the king's letter expressed it, that 
" every city, small and great, should be free." The deputies 
of the Thebans said that power to do so had not been granted 
them. " Go then," said Age>ilaus, a and consult your people ; 
and tell them also that if they do not comply, tlu-y shall be 
excluded from the peace." 33. The deputies accordingly went 
away. But Agesilaus, from his hostility to the Thebans, did 

1 ir. 7. 2. 

2 'Χττακονσαι.'] We should rather read ίπακυΐσαι. Dind 

3 Palmerius, in allusion to this passage, shows, from Pausaniai, 

vii. p. 529, that the town of Clazonuna• was originally built on the 
continent, but that the inhabitants, from fear of the Persian! 
moved to the adjacent island; and that Alexander afterwards join- 
ed the island to the town by a mole, which was still in existence in 
the time of Chandler, who saw it, and describes it in hil 
Schneider. 4 Athenian or LacedsBmOllL 



438 HELLENICS. [β. V. 

not hesitate how to act, for, having brought the ephori over 
to his opinion, he at once offered sacrifice, and as the omens 
were favourable for crossing the frontiers, he proceeded to 
Tegea, and sent some of his horsemen to the neighbouring 
people 1 to summon their troops; he despatched also the cap- 
tains of the auxiliaries to their own towns. 2 But before he 
set out from Tegea, the Thebans came to him, saying that 
they would leave the cities free. The Lacedaemonians conse- 
quently returned home, and the Thebans were obliged to in- 
clude themselves in the peace, leaving the Boeotian cities in 
freedom. 

34. Yet the Corinthians, on their part, would not send away 
the garrison of Argives. But Agesilaus gave notice to them 
both, to the Corinthians, if they did not send away the Ar- 
gives, and to the Argives, if they did not quit Corinth, that he 
would make war upon them. As both were alarmed at this 
denunciation, the Argives marched out, and the city of Corinth 
became again its own mistress; when the authors of the 
massacre, 3 and those who were privy to it, withdrew of their 
own accord 4 from the city; and the other citizens readily re- 
admitted such as had formerly been banished. 

35. When these matters were arranged, and the states had 
sworn to adhere to the terms of peace which the king had 
sent, the land forces and naval forces were at the same time 
disbanded. Thus this first peace was made between the Lace- 
daemonians and Athenians, and the allies of each, after the 
war between them subsequent to the demolition of the walls 
of Athens. 36. The Lacedaemonians, who had turned the 
scale in their favour during the war, became still more distin- 
guished in consequence of the peace, as it was called, of An- 
talcidas. For making themselves executors of the peace sent 
down by the king, and insisting on the freedom of the cities, 
they gained Corinth as an ally ; they set the cities of Boeotia, 
as they had long desired, free from the Thebans ; and they 
caused the Argives to desist from appropriating Corinth, by 
declaring war against them unless they should quit the place. 

1 The people in the neighbourhood of Tegea, subject to that city. 
Weiske. 

2 The towns at some distance, independent of Tegea. Weiske. 

3 iv. 4. 2. 

4 Αυτοί γνόντες.~\ i. e. ipsorum decreto, sponte. Weiske. 



CH. 2.] LACED.EMOXIAXS ATTACK ΜΑΝΤΙΝΕΙΑ. 439 



CHAPTER II. 

The Lacedaemonians manifest their displeasure towards their refractory and 
suspected allies, and overthrow the city of Muntineia. Exiles from l'hlius 
apply for aid to the Lacedaemonians, by whose means they are reinstated 
in their country. Ambassadors from Acanthus and Apollonia ι 
Laceda?mon to complain of the increasing power of the Olynthians, and 
represent the dangers likely to arise from it. The Laceda-monians, in 
consequence, send out Eudamidas to Olynthus with such fore.•, as tluy 
could readily assemble, and appoint his brother Phoebidas to follow with 
a reinforcement. Phoebidas, having reached Thebes, which was then 
divided into two factions, is put in possession of the citadel by Leont; 
leader of one of the factions, who causes IsmeniaS, leader of the other, 
to be brought to trial as an enemy to hi» country. IsmeniaS is tried and 
condemned by commissioners from Sparta, and put to death. The I 
daemonians, who are pleased with the conduct of Phoebidas, in ha 
taken possession of the citadel, are assisted, by the influence of Leont: . 
with a large number of troops from Thebes for the Olynthian war. T< 
leutias is appointed harmu-t. His Bnccesf 

i. These matters having succeeded as they wished, they de- 
termined to punish such of their allies as had been trouble- 
some to them during the war, and had shown more favour to 
the enemy than to themselves ; and to deal with them in each 
a manner that they might not be disobedient to them in fu- 
ture. In the first place, accordingly, they sent to the Manti- 
neans, commanding them to pull down their walls, as they 
could not otherwise trust that they would not join their ene- 
mies ; 2. " for they had heard," they said, "that they had 
sent corn to the Argives when they were at war with Ar_ 
that at times they had refused to take the held with them, on 
pretext of the existence of a truce; and that, when they did 
nth them, they acted with no spirit•" 'liny Btated also, 
that "they knew they were envious of them if an \ 

attended them, and pleased if any calamity befell them." The 
truce, too, which bad been made with the Bfantineans for 

thirty years 1 after the battle at Mantineia, WAS .-aid to have 

1 On this passage Dodwell remarks to this effect : ''Since the bat- 
tle of which Thucydides speaks, v. <;<;, s( <j(|., and the truce. C 

not thirty, but at least two and thirty yean hid elapsed; and a 
treaty of peace had been made for fifty years; there must thei 
have been another treaty, which the Nantineani had mad 
their will." These observations of Dodwell are not 

tory to me, but no critic, as tar as I know, has suggested any:, 
better. Wciske. 



440 HELLENICS. [β. V. 

expired this year. 3. But as the Mantineans refused to pull 
down their walls, the Lacedaemonians gave notice of an expe- 
dition against them. 

Agesilaus begged his countrymen to excuse him from lead- 
ing the army on the occasion, representing to them that the 
people of Mantineia had frequently been of service to his 
father 1 in the wars with Messene. Agesipolis, therefore, 
took the command of the expedition, although his father, 
Pausanias, 2 had been very friendly with the leaders of the 
people at Mantineia. 4. When he had crossed the borders, 
he proceeded first to lay waste the country ; but as they would 
not even then pull down their walls, he dug a trench quite 
round the city, half of his men sitting by with the arms of 
those who were digging, while the other half carried on the 
work. After the trench was finished, he next constructed, 
without molestation, a wall around the city. Hearing, how- 
ever, that there was abundance of corn in the place, as there 
had been a plentiful harvest the preceding year, and thinking 
that it would be a great hardship if he should be obliged to 
wear out both his own people and the allies with military 
operations, he dammed up the river, 3 though it was very large, 
that runs through the city. 5. The course of the stream being 
thus stopped, the water rose above the foundations of the 
houses and above those of the city walls. The lower bricks 4 
being in consequence soaked through, and failing to support 
those above, the walls first began to crack, and then to give 
way. For a time the people propped them with pieces of 
timber, and contrived to prevent the tower 5 from falling ; but 
when they found themselves overpowered by the water, and 
were afraid that if any part of the wall fell, they should be 
taken by assault, they consented to demolish their walls. The 
Lacedaemonians, however, refused now to assent to their pro- 
posal, unless they would also distribute themselves into sepa- 
rate villages. The Mantineans, thinking that necessity 

1 Archidamus, in the war carried on for ten years from the first 
year of the 79th Olympiad. Dindorf. 

2 In exile at Tegea : see iii. 5. 25. Dindorf. 

3 The name of which was Ophis, according to Pausanias, viii. 8. 
Schneider. 

4 They were unburnt bricks, as Schneider observes from Pausa- 
nias, viii. 8. Weiske. 

5 What particular tower is meant, I know not. Schneider. 



CH. 2.] DEMOLITION OF ΜΑΝΤΙΝΕΙΑ. 441 

obliged them, agreed to this condition likewise. 6. As those 
who had favoured the Argives, 1 and those who had been 
leaders in the democracy, were afraid that they should be put 
to death, Pausanias, the father of Agesipolis, obtained his 
consent that their lives should be granted them if they would 
depart from the city ; the number of them being about sixty. 
The Lacedaemonians accordingly ranged themselves, with their 
spears in their hands, on both sides of the road, beginning 
from the very gates, to take a view of such as left the place ; 
and, though they hated them, they yet refrained from offering 
violence more easily than did the oligarchic party of the Man- 
tineans. Let this be recorded as a signal proof of their obe- 
dience to command. 7. The wall was then demolished, and 
the city was divided into four villages, just as the people had 
dwelt originally. At first they were very much discontented 
at having to pull down their present houses, and build others ; 
but when those who had property found themselves located 
nearer their estates, which lay round the villages, and when 
they had experience of an aristocracy, and were rid of their 
turbulent demagogues, they were delighted at the result. 2 
The Lacedasmonians sent them, not one captain only, 3 but 
one for each village ; and they joined them in the field from 
the villages much more cheerfully than they had done when 
they were under a democracy. Affairs respecting the Man- 
tineans" were thus brought to a conclusion, mankind being 
taught by their fate not to let a river run through their walls. 
8. At this time, those who had been banished from Phlius, 
observing that the Lacedasmonians were now examining how 
each of their allies had behaved to them during the war, 
thought it a fit season to state their own case, and, going to 

1 That the Mantineans had always taken the side of the Ar- 
gives appears from what is said above, and from Thucycl. v. 29. 
Schneider, 

2 The reader may observe how favourably Xenophon speaks of 
the treatment of the Mantineans, when other writers accuse the 
Lacedaemonians of great cruelty in the affair. It is not at all won- 
derful, therefore, that the Athenians, knowing the feelings and 
judgment of Xenophon as to a democracy, banished him as a dan- 
gerous citizen. Schneider, 

8 Οι) καθ' ϊνα.~] The sense is, as Weiske and Dindorf observe, 
much the same as ούχ ίνα, άλλα κατά τίττυρατ, the kutu being dis- 
tributive. They did not send, as they might have done, one ζίΐ'αγός• 
only, but one for each village. 



442 HELLENICS. [β. V. 

Lacedaemon, represented that as long as they themselves had 
remained at home, the people had received the Lacedaemoni- 
ans within their walls, and had followed them in the field 
wherever they led ; but that, after the city ejected them, they 
had not only not followed them anywhere, but refused the 
Lacedaemonians alone, of all men living, admittance within 
their gates. 9. The ephori, having listened to this represent- 
ation, thought it well deserving of attention, and, sending to 
the city of Phlius, intimated that " the exiles were friends to 
the Lacedaemonian people, and had been banished without 
having done anything wrong ; ,? and added that " they wished 
to obtain their restoration, not by compulsion, but with the 
voluntary consent of the people." The Phliasians, on receiv- 
ing this message, began to suspect that if the Lacedaemonians 
should march against them, some of their own people would 
let them into the city, as there were many relations of the 
exiles within the walls, who were well inclined to their cause 
on other accounts, and who, or at least some of them, from 
desire of a change in affairs, (as often happens under most 
governments,) were willing, to effect their restoration. 10. 
Entertaining such apprehensions, they passed a decree that 
they would re-admit the exiles ; that they would restore them 
the property that evidently belonged to them ; that whoever 
had bought anything of theirs should receive an equivalent 
for it from the public treasury ; and that, if any dispute arose 
among the parties, it should be settled by an equitable deci- 
sion. Such w^ere the arrangements made with regard to the 
Phliasian exiles on this occasion. 

11. Ambassadors from Acanthus and Apollonia, also, the 
largest cities in the neighbourhood of Olynthus, arrived at 
this time at Lacedaemon. The ephori, having learned with 
what object they came, brought them before the assembly of 
the people and the allies ; when Cleigenes of Acanthus spoke 
to the following effect : 

12. " We are of opinion, citizens and allies of Lacedaemon, 
that a power which is now rising up in Greece has escaped 
your observation. That Olynthus, however, is the largest of 
the cities on the borders of Thrace, you are almost all aware. 
The people of that city have attached some other cities to 
them, on the understanding that they are to use the same laws 
and be under the same government ; and these have since 



CH. 2.] INCREASING POSTER OF OLTNTHUS. 443 

brought some of the larger cities into union with them. They 
have in consequence attempted to set free the cities of Mace- 
donia from their subjection to Amyntas, king of the Macedo- 
nians ; 13. and, as those nearest them yielded to their solicita- 
tions, they soon proceeded to make attempts on the more distant 
and more important ; so that, when we left those parts, they 
were in possession, not only of several others, but also of 
Pella, the greatest of all the cities in Macedonia ; and we 
heard that Amyntas was withdrawing from his cities, and had 
been driven from almost the whole of Macedonia. 

" The Olynthians have also sent to us, and to the people of 
Apollonia, and signified that unless we prepare to act in the 
field with them, they will make war upon us. 14. But we, Ο 
men of Lacedaemon, desire to adhere to the laws of our country, 
and to remain an independent government. Yet, unless some 
other power supports us, we must of necessity unite ourselves 
with them. They have already not less than eight hundred 
heavy-armed troops, and of peltasts a much larger number ; 
and their cavalry, if we should have to join them, will be more 
than a thousand. 15. We left also ambassadors from the Atheni- 
ans and Boeotians there ; and we heard that it had been re- 
solved by the Olynthians themselves to send back ambassadors 
with them to those states to concert an alliance. If, then, 
so great a power shall be added to the present strength of the 
Athenians and Thebans, take care lest they be in future diffi- 
cult to be controlled by you. 

" Since they are in possession, too, of Potidoea, lying on 
the isthmus of Pallene, be sure that the towns within that 
isthmus must submit to them ; and let this be a proof to you 
of the extreme alarm which those towns feel, that, though 
they sincerely hate the Olynthians, they did not dare to send 
ambassadors with us to join in these representations to you. 

16. " Reflect, also, how it can be reasonable for you to take 
measures that Boeotia may not be united, and to disregard the 
combination of a far greater power ; a power which is grow- 
ing strong, not only by land, but also by sea; for what can 
hinder its progress, when there is timber in the; country for 
ship-building, tribute from many ports and trading towns, and 
a numerous population maintained by the fertility of the soil? 
it. The Thracians, moreover, who have no king, are neigh- 
bours to the Olynthians, and are already paying court to them, 



444 HELLENICS. [β. V. 

and, if they should submit to their authority, this would also 
be a vast accession of power to them. Besides, should the 
Thracians join them, the gold mines at Pangaeum will at once 
stretch out a hand to them. 

is. " In speaking thus, we say only what has been said ten 
thousand times among the people of Olynthus ; and the am- 
bition which they feel, who shall express ? for the deity has 
perhaps ordained that the ambition of men must increase with 
their power. 

" We, then, Ο citizens and allies of Lacedsemon, make 
known to you the state of things in that quarter; and it is 
for you to consider whether they seem deserving of attention. 
You ought, however, to feel assured, that the power which 
we have represented as great, is not yet irresistible ; for such 
towns as have joined the community of the Olynthians against 
their inclination, will, if they see any opposition, quickly revolt 
from them. 19. But if they shall become more closely connected 
with them by marriages and profitable intercourse, on which 
they have decided, and shall find that it is advantageous to join 
with the powerful, (as the Arcadians, when they take the field 
with you, preserve what is their own, and seize what belongs 
to others,) perhaps they will not be so easy to be detached." 

20. When this speech was concluded, the Lacedaemonians 
conferred with their allies, and requested them to recommend 
whatever they might respectively think best for the Pelopon- 
nesus and those in league with it. In consequence, a large 
number of them, and especially such as wished to please the 
Lacedaemonians, advised that they should assemble an army ;. 
and it was accordingly resolved that each city should furnish 
its complement to make up a force of ten thousand men. 21. 
Suggestions were also offered that any of the cities that wished 
might be allowed to furnish money instead of men, three oboli 
of JEgina a day for each man ; that if any furnished cavalry, 
the pay for each horse-soldier should be equivalent to that of 
four heavy-armed foot ; 22. and that if any one of the cities 
failed in its part towards the army, the Lacedasmonians should 
be empowered to fine it a stater a day for each man that was 
wanting. 23. When these proposals were approved, the 
Acanthians again rose up and said that " these were very ex- 
cellent resolutions, but could not be soon executed ;" and " it 
would be better therefore," they added, " that, while this force 



CH. 2.] PHCEBIDAS AT THEBES. 445 

was being collected, some person should at once go out as 
commander, and as large a force as could readily be sent with 
him from Lacedaenion and the other cities ; for, if this should 
be done, the towns which had not yet joined the Olynthians 
would stand as they were, and those which had been forced 
into union with them would yield them less support." 24. As 
these suggestions were also well received, the Lacedaemonians 
sent out Eudamidas, and with him a body of the newly-en- 
franchised citizens, and some of the periceci 1 and Sciritce, to 
the number of about two thousand in all. Eudamidas, how- 
ever, at his departure, requested of the ephori that his brother 
Phcebidas might collect the rest of the troops appointed to 
join him, and follow him with them. He himself, as soon as 
he arrived on the coasts of Thrace, sent garrisons to such of 
the cities as desired them, and brought over Potidaea, which 
had already joined the Olynthians, with its own free consent. 
From thence he afterwards made excursions, and conducted 
the war as became a general with a small force. 

•20. Phoebidas, as soon as the troops left by Eudamidas were 
ready for him, put himself at their head and set forward. 
When they reached Thebes, they encamped without the city 
near the gymnasium. The Thebans were at this time divided 
into parties, and Ismenias and Leontiades were generals-in- 
chief, who were at variance with one another, and each at the 
head of separate factions. Ismenias, from dislike to the La- 
cedaemonians, did not even visit Phcebidas, but Leontiades 
paid him attention in various ways, and, when he had grown 
familiar with him, spoke to him to this effect : 26. " It is in 
your power, Plnebidas, to do, on this very day, the greatest 
service to your country ; for if you will but follow me with 
your heavy-armed men, I will conduct you into the citadel ; 
and, when your establishment there is secured, you may be 
convinced that Thebes will be entirely in the power of the 
Lacedaemonians, and of our party who are your friends. VI. 
A proclamation, as you know, has just been made,- that none 
of the Thebans shall go into the field with you against the 

1 The name periceci signifies those who dwelt around Sparta ; a 
Μ of the population of Laconia between the Spartans and the 

helots. On the Scirita\ or people of Sciros, see note on Cyrop. 

- l : 

2 This is not mentioned before. 



446 HELLENICS. [β. V. 

Olynthians ; but if you only do what I propose, in concert 
with us, we will immediately send with you a numerous body 
of heavy-armed foot and another of horse ; so that you will 
support your brother with a powerful force, and, while he is 
meditating the reduction of Olynthus, you will already have 
become master of Thebes, a city far greater than Olynthus." 

28. Phoebidas, on hearing these suggestions, was highly 
elated ; for he was far more desirous of achieving something 
great than even of life itself, but does not appear to have 
been a man of great reasoning or depth of thought. 1 As he 
agreed to the proposal, Leontiades told him to put his troops 
in motion, as if he had packed up his baggage to take his 
departure ; " and when the proper time is come," added he, 
" I will join you, and will conduct you myself." 29. Whilst, 
therefore, the senate was sitting in the portico in the forum, 
because the women were celebrating the festival of Ceres in 
the citadel ; 2 and whilst, as it was summer and noon-day, 
there were very few persons in the streets, Leontiades rode 
up to Phoebidas, made him turn back, and conducted him 
without delay to the citadel. 

After having thus put Phoebidas and his party in possession 
of the place, given him the key of the gates, and charged him 
to let no one into the citadel but such as he himself sanc- 
tioned, he hastened away to the senate, and, having entered, 

1 By this remark on the character of Phoebidas, Xenophon en- 
deavours to remove all participation in this most treacherous deed 
from the public councils of the Lacedaemonians. Diodorus Siculus, 
on the other hand, (xv. 20,) says that the Spartans, dreading the 
increasing power of the Thebans, and presaging as it were their 
rising eminence, gave secret instructions to their generals that they 
should embrace any opportunity that offered of seizing on the cita- 
del of Thebes. Plutarch unhesitatingly attributes the seizure of it 
to the inveterate hatred of Agesilaus towards the Thebans ; * * * 
and Agesilaus manifestly showed his feeling in the saying which 
Xenophon attributes to him in sect. 32. See Plutarch, Agesil. c. 23. 
Morus has also remarked that Diodorus imputes to the Lacedaemo- 
nians as a body that which he ought to have attributed to Agesilaus 
alone. Schneider. 

2 Xenophon intimates that the senate would otherwise have been 
sitting in the citadel. This festival was celebrated in the beginning 
of November, with which time the expression in the text, " it was 
summer,'' is at variance, unless, as Schneider suggests, there were 
two festivals of the kind, one in spring, and the other in autumn. 
Weiske. 



CH. 2.] SEIZURE OF THE THEBAN CITADEL. 447 

said, so. " Be not concerned, senators, because the Lacedae- 
monians are in possession of the citadel ; for they declare that 
they come as enemies to no man who is not desirous of war. 
For my part, I, by the law that permits a general-in-chief to 
apprehend any one that appears to have been guilty of a 
capital crime, apprehend Ismenias here, as a contriver of war. 
You, officers of the army, and you who are commissioned to 
act with them, arise, take him, and conduct him to the place 
which has been appointed." 31. Those who were privy to 
the matter, accordingly, stood forward, obeyed the directions 
of Leontiades, and secured Ismenias ; while, of those who 
were strangers to the plot, and opposed to the faction of Leon- 
tiades, some fled at once out of the city, for fear of being put 
to death ; others retired at first to their homes, but when they 
heard that Ismenias was a prisoner in the citadel, all who 
were of the same party with Androcleides l and Ismenias, to 
the number of about four hundred, went off to Athens. 

32. AVhen this affair was concluded, they chose another 2 
general-in-chief in the room of Ismenias, and Leontiades im- 
mediately afterwards set out to Lacedasnion, where he found 
the ephori, and the body of the people, highly incensed with 
Phcebidas, for having engaged in such an affair without orders 
from the government. Agesilaus however observed, that " if 
what he had done was to the hurt of Lacedasmon, he deserved 
to be punished; but that if it was for its benefit, it was an 
old rule that a man might do such a thing of his own accord. 
This is the point, therefore," he added, " which we have to 
consider, whether good or evil has been done." 33. Just at 
this time Leontiades came before the council, 3 and addressed 
them thus : " How hostile the Thebans were to you, men of 
Lacedaemon, before the present affair took place, you your- 
selves used to confess ; for you saw that they were always 
well disposed towards your enemies, and ill disposed towards 
your friends. Did they not refuse to march with you against 
the popular party at the Piraeeus, 4 who were most inimical to 
you ? and did they not make war on the Phocians 5 because 
they knew that they were friendly towards you ? 34. When 
they saw, too, that you were going to war with the Olyn- 

1 Sec iii. '). l. - Archias. Sec c. 4, sec f .2. 

3 Τους ίκκλήτονς.] The same as y ίκκλησία. Duulorf ad ii. 1. 30. 

4 ii. 4. 30. b ii. 5. 3. 



448 HELLENICS. [β. V. 

thians, they immediately made an alliance with them ; and 
you were then always expecting the hour when you should 
hear that they had brought all Boeotia under their sway. But 
now, since our enterprise has succeeded, you have no longer 
any reason to fear the Thebans ; for a small scytale * will be 
sufficient to cause everything that you desire there to be done, 
if you but pay as much regard to us as we show to you." 
35. The Lacedaemonians, on hearing these representations, re- 
solved " to keep the citadel, as it had been seized ; and to 
hold a court on the conduct of Ismenias." They accordingly 
sent commissioners for the purpose, three from Lacedaemon, 
and one from every city, small and great, in alliance with 
Lacedaemon. When the court was assembled, it was laid to 
the charge of Ismenias, that " he was a friend to the Barba- 
rians ; that he had become a guest-friend to the Persian for 
no good to Greece ; that he had received a share of the money 
sent from the king ; and that he and Androcleides were the 
chief authors of all the disturbances in Greece." 36. He de- 
fended himself against every one of these charges, but could 
not convince his judges that he had not been an ambitious 2 
and mischievous character. He was accordingly condemned 
and put to death ; and the party of Leontiades continued to hold 
Thebes, and endeavoured to serve the Lacedaemonians even 
further than was required of them. 

37. When these affairs were settled, the Lacedaemonians 
hastened off the army against Olynthus with still more alacrity 
than before. They sent out Teleutias as harmost ; the peo- 
ple all contributed their complements to make up the ten 
thousand troops ; and the government sent scy talae 3 to the 
cities in alliance, ordering them to support Teleutias accord- 
ing to the decree of the confederacy. Others, therefore, served 
Teleutias with cheerfulness, (for he seemed not likely to be 
ungrateful to those who served him,) and the city 4 of Thebes, 
as he was the brother of Agesilaus, readily supplied him both 

1 See note on Corn. Nep. Paus. c 3. 

2 Μεγαλοπράγμων τε και κακοπράγμων.~\ The former word signi- 
fies one who attempts great things ; the latter, one who attempts 
them to his own hurt, and perhaps that of his country. Schneider. 

3 Sect. 34. 

4 That is, that faction in the city which had betrayed their coun- 
try into the hands of the Lacedaemonians ; for Agesilaus was hos- 
tile to the other faction. Weiske. 



CH. 2.] SUCCESS OF TELEUTIAS. 449 

with heavy-armed foot and cavalry. 38. Teleutias, though 
eager to proceed, did not make a hasty march, but studied to 
advance in such a way as not to hurt the lands of the friendly 
states, and to attach to himself as large reinforcements as 
possible. He sent forward, also, messengers to Amyntas, 1 and 
requested him to send him a body of mercenaries, and, if he wish- 
ed to recover his power, to distribute money among the neigh- 
bouring princes to induce them to become his allies. He sent 
also to Derdas, the prince of Elimia, 2 to admonish him that as 
the Olynthians had reduced the greater power of Macedonia, 
they would not refrain from humbling a lesser power, unless 
some force should put a stop to their presumption. 39. Acting 
in this manner, he arrived with a large army at the territories 
of his friends. When he reached Potidaea, he marshalled his 
forces, and proceeded into the enemy's country. As he ap- 
proached towards Olynthus, he neither devastated the lands 
by fire, nor cut down the trees, judging that, if he committed 
such ravages, everything would be adverse to him both in 
his advance and retreat ; but thinking that when he retired 
from the city, it would then be well for him to cut down the 
trees and throw them in the way of the enemy, if any of them 
should pursue him. 

40. When he was somewhat less than ten stadia from the 
city, he ordered his troops to halt under arms, occupying the 
left wing himself, (and thus it happened that he advanced up 
to the gate at which the enemy had gone out,) while the 
other part of the allied forces extended away towards the 
right. Of the cavalry, he posted the Lacedaemonians, The- 
bans, and as many of the Macedonians as he had, on the right ; 
Derdas and his cavalry, amounting to about four hundred, he 
retained near himself, both because he admired that body of 
horse, and because he wished to pay attention to Derdas, that 
he might support him with alacrity. 41. When the enemy 
had come forth, and ranged themselves under the wall, their 
cavalry, forming in a close body, charged down upon the Lace- 
lonians and Boeotians. Polycliarmus, the commander of 
the Lacedaemonian cavalry, they threw from his horse, and 

1 Khifr of Macedonia. \2. 

2 In Macedonia; called both Elym&a and Elimia, as appear! 
from the writers cited by Palmerius, Gr. Antiq. p. 165, lo'S. 
Schneider. 

vol. n. 2 ϋ 



450 



HELLENICS. 



[Β. V. 



gave him several wounds as he was lying on the ground ; 
others they killed ; and at length put to flight the whole of 
the cavalry on the left wing. As soon as the cavalry fled, 
that part of the infantry which was nearest to them gave 
way, and the whole army would have been in danger of being 
routed, had not Derdas with his body of horse ridden up 
straight to the gates of Olynthus. Teleutias and his own men 
followed him in order. 42. But when the Olynthian cavalry 
perceived these movements, they were afraid lest they should 
be shut out of the city, and, wheeling round, retreated with 
great speed. Here Derdas killed a vast number of their men 
as they were riding past him ; and the infantry of the Olyn- 
thians then retired into the city, very few of them being killed, as 
they were close to the wall. 43. After a trophy was erected, 
and the victory was fairly secured by Teleutias, he proceeded 
to cut down 'the trees as he retreated. And as he had spent 
the summer in this campaign, he dismissed the Macedonian 
troops and those of Derdas. But the Olynthians continued 
to make frequent excursions against the towns in alliance with 
the Lacedaemonians, carrying off plunder, and killing many of 
the inhabitants. 



CHAPTER III. 



Reverses of Teleutias ; he is killed at Olynthus. Agesipolis is sent out in 
his place by the Lacedaemonians, with a still greater force. The restored 
exiles at Phlius being ill-treated by the government, make complaints to 
the Lacedaemonians ; Agesilaus besieges Phlius ; his mode of incorporat- 
ing the exiles and their friends with his forces. Agesipolis harasses Olyn- 
thus ; his death. Obstinate resistance of Delphion at Phlius ; the place 
is compelled to surrender by famine. Humanity of Agesilaus, to whom 
the Lacedaemonians leave the decision as to the treatment of Phlius. 
Olynthus is received into alliance with Lacedsemon. 



l. At the very beginning of the next spring, the Olynthian 
cavalry, which were about six hundred in number, had made 
an excursion, one day about noon, against Apollonia, and 
dispersing themselves through the country, began to plunder 
it. But it chanced that Derdas, on the same day, had gone to 
Apollonia with his cavalry, and was stopping there for refresh- 



CH. 3.] REVERSES AND DEATH OF TELEUTIAS. 451 

ment. When he saw the advance of the enemy, he kept him- 
self quiet, with his horses in readiness for action, and the 
riders under arms ; and as the Olynthians rode up fearlessly 
into the suburbs and to the very gates, he sallied forth with 
his men in order of battle. The enemy no sooner saw him 
than they took to flight. 2. Derdas, when he had once made 
them turn their backs, did not cease from pursuing and 
slaughtering them the distance of ninety stadia, until he drove 
them to the very walls of Olynthus. Derdas was said to have 
killed on this occasion not less than eighty horsemen. From 
this time the enemy kept themselves more within their walls, 
and cultivated but a very small portion of their lands. 

3. Some time after, when Teleutias was leading his force 
towards the city of Olynthus, in order to cut down whatever 
trees were left standing, and to lay waste whatever land had 
been cultivated by the enemy, the Olynthian cavalry, having 
come out of the place, marched quietly forward and crossed the 
river that runs by the city, and then advanced silently towards 
the adverse army. Teleutias observing them, and being pro- 
voked at their audacity, immediately ordered Tlemonides, the 
captain of his peltasts, to rush down upon them at full speed ; 
4. and the Olynthians, when they saw the peltasts advancing 
upon them, wheeled round, retreated at a quiet pace, and re- 
crossed the river. The peltasts followed them with great 
intrepidity, and, supposing that they were in flight, crossed 
the river to pursue l them. But the Olynthian cavalry, when 
those who had crossed seemed to be in their power, faced 
about and attacked them, and killed Tlemonides himself, and 
more than a hundred of his men. 5. Teleutias, seeing what 
had happened, was fired with rage, and, seizing his arms, led 
forward the heavy-armed men at a quick pace, ordering the 
peltasts and the cavalry to follow, and to put forth their ut- 
most speed. A great portion of the other troops, having con- 
tinued the pursuit too close to the walls, 2 had found great 
difficulty in retreating ; and this latter party, being harassed 
with missiles from the towers, were compelled to retire in 

1 The text has ϊίώζαντες, but Schneider recommends thai we 
should read ciu/iovrer, which Leunclavius #ives in his margin. 

- Τοδ καιρού tyyvrtpuj του τείχους.'] That is, nearer the wall qudm 
par c rat ; justo propius. Compare Xen. Symp. ii. 19; Anah. iv. 1. 
21. Sc/ut cider. 



452 HELLENICS. [β. V. 

confusion, and to keep on their guard against the weapons 
hurled against them. 6. In this state of things the Olyn- 
thians sent out their cavalry, whom their peltasts supported ; 
the heavy-armed men sallied out at length, and all fell upon 
the disordered troops of the enemy. Here Teleutias was killed 
fighting, aud, as soon as he fell, all about him gave way ; no 
one any longer made a stand, but the whole army fled, some 
towards Spartolus, some to Acanthus, some to Apollonia, but 
the greater number to Potidsea ; and, as they thus fled in 
different directions, the enemy pursued them in as many dif- 
ferent ways, and cut off a vast number of men, and indeed 
all the efficient portion of the army. 

7. By such calamities I consider that men are taught that 
they ought not to inflict vengeance, even on their own domes- 
tics, in anger ; for masters, when angry, have often suffered 
more harm than they have done ; but to attack an enemy in 
anger, and not with cool judgment, is an inexcusable fault; 
since anger is thoughtless of consequences, but judgment has 
no less care to avoid injury than to inflict it on an enemy. 

8. The Lacedaemonians, when they heard of this disaster, 
judged, on deliberation, that they must send out a considerable 
force to Olynthus, so that the spirits of the victors might be 
repressed, and that what they had done might not prove use- 
less. Having come to this resolution, they despatched Agesi- 
polis the king, as general-in -chief, with a council of thirty 
Spartans, the same number that had gone with Agesilaus into 
Asia; 9. and many of the perioeci, men of honour and re- 
spectability, followed him as volunteers, as well as many 
strangers, of those called trophimi, 1 and illegitimate children 
of the Spartans, persons of excellent appearance, and not un- 
acquainted with the honourable discipline of the state. Volun- 
teers also from the allied cities joined the army, as well as cavalry 
from Thessaly, who wished to recommend themselves to the 
notice of Agesipolis ; and Amyntas and Derdas came with 
more alacrity than before. Agesipolis, attending to all that 

1 They are the same, says Schneider, as the μόθακες or μόθωνες ; 
persons (children chiefly, as it seems, of Helots) that were bred up, 
as foster-brothers, with the young Spartans. See Athenaeus, vi. p. 
271, where Lysander is said to have been one of them. They were 
allowed to be instructed in the same exercises as the young Spar- 
tans; hence Xenophon says that they were " not unacquainted," &c. 



CH. 3.] AFFAIRS AT PHL1US. 453 

concerned the expedition. 1 pursued his march towards Olyn- 
thus. 

10. The citizens of Phlius, 2 who had been commended by 
Agesipolis for having furnished large and prompt contribu- 
tions to his army, but who thought that, as Agesipolis was 
abroad, Agesilaus would not be likely to attack them, (since 
it was hardly probable that both kings would absent them- 
selves from Sparta at the same time,) haughtily refused jus- 
tice to the exiles that had lately returned. The exiles 
entreated that disputed points might be settled by an impar- 
tial tribunal; but their opponents compelled them to submit 
to such decisions as should be given in the city. 3 When those 
who had returned asked " what justice could be expected 
when the persons that had injured them were judges," the 
others paid no attention to them. n. The restored exiles, in 
consequence, went to Lacedcemon to lay an accusation against 
their city ; and other people from Phlius went with them, and 
stated that " the exiles were thought by many of the citizens 
to be treated unjustly." The people of Phlius, being incensed 
at these proceedings, imposed a fine on all those who had gone 
to Lacedcemon without being commissioned by the govern- 
ment. 12. Those who were fined were therefore afraid to return 
home, and, remaining at Sparta, represented that " the same 
persons who were the authors of this violence, were also those 
who had driven themselves into exile, and shut the gates 4 
against the Lacedaemonians ; that the same persons had bought 
their property, and sought by violent means to exempt them- 
selves from restoring it ; and that the same persons had pro- 
cured a fine to be laid upon them for going to Laccdamion, 
in order that no one, in future, might venture to go thither to 
report what was done at Phlius." 13, As the Phliasians, there- 
fore, appeared certainly to have been guilty of insolent oppres- 
sion, the ephori gave notice of an expedition against them. 
This proceeding was not at all displeasing to Agesilaus ; for 
Podanemus and his adherents, who were among the exiles 
that had then returned, had been guest-friends of his father ; 

1 Υαΰτα ππάττων.] Apparans ita expecUtionem. Morns. 

- See c 2, sect. lo. 

' That is, in the city of Phlius. They wished their causes, says 
Schneider, to be tried by a tribunal of Lacedieinonians. 
4 c. 2, sect. 8. 



454 HELLENICS. [β. V. 

and Procles, the son of Hipponicus, and his party, were guest- 
friends of his own. 14. As he made no delay, therefore, (the 
sacrifices for crossing the borders being propitious,) but com- 
menced his march at once, several embassies met him and 
offered him money not to enter their country. He replied 
that "he was not in the field to do injustice, but to vindi- 
cate those who had been wronged." 15. At last they said that 
they would submit to whatever he imposed on them, and 
entreated him not to invade their territories. His answer 
was, that " he could not trust to their words, as they had al- 
ready acted deceitfully, but that he must have some positive 
pledge of faith." Being asked what would be a sufficient 
pledge, he replied, "that which you gave before, and were not 
at ail injured by us." This was, to deliver up their citadel. 
16. But as they refused to do so, he marched into their coun- 
try, and soon formed a line of circumvallation, and laid siege 
to their city. Many of the Lacedaemonians remarking, how- 
ever, that, " for the sake of a few, they were engaging in hos- 
tilities with a city of more than nve thousand men," (for, that 
this might be certainly believed, the Phliasians openly pro- 
claimed it to those without the walls,) Agesilaus devised a plan 
to obviate the charge, n. Whenever any persons came out 
of the city to him, as being friends or relatives of the exiles, 
he instructed them to prepare their own tables, and to furnish 
whatever was sufficient for the maintenance of as many as 
wished to practise military exercises ; he enjoined them also 
to provide arms for them all, and not to hesitate at borrowing 
money for these objects. 1 They, complying with his wishes in 
these respects, supplied him with more than a thousand men 
in excellent condition of body, and well disciplined and armed ; 
so that the Lacedaemonians at last acknowledged that it was 
well for them to have such fellow -soldiers. Such was the 
mode in which Agesilaus employed himself. 

18. Agesipolis, in the mean time, advancing straight through 
Macedonia, brought up his forces before the walls of Olynthus. 
But as none of the people came out against him, he laid waste 
whatever in the Olynthian territory remained uninjured, and 
proceeding against the towns in alliance with Olynthus, de- 

1 These instructions I suppose to have been given by Agesilaus, 
not to the exiles only, but also to his own soldiers. Xenophon is too 
obscure in his account of this affair. Schneider. 



CH. 3.] DEATH OF AGESILAUS. 455 

stroyed their crops. Torone he attacked and took by storm. 
19. But, while he was engaged in these occupations, in the 
middle of summer, a burning fever seized him ; and, as he had 
recently seen the temple of Bacchus at Aphytis, a longing 
came over him for its shady bowers and limpid and cool 
streams. He was therefore carried thither still alive, but, on 
the seventh day after he fell sick, he expired without the verge 
of the temple. Being put in honey, and conveyed home, he 
was honoured with a royal interment. 

20. Agesilaus, on hearing of his death, was not rejoiced, as 
might have been expected, because a rival was removed, but 
shed tears, and mourned for the loss of his society. For the 
two kings, when they are at Sparta, reside in the same house ; 
and Agesipolis was well qualified to converse with Agesilaus 
on topics such as young men talk of, or on hunting, or horse- 
manship, or subjects of amusement. He also paid him, in 
their intercourse, such respect as it became him to pay to his 
senior. The Lacedaemonians sent out Polybiades in his room 
as harmost to Olynthus. 

21. Agesilaus had now spent more time before Phlius, 
than that for which it was said that there were provisions in 
the place. But such a difference does control of the appetite 
make, that the Phliasians, having determined to consume only 
half as much corn as before, and having adhered to their de- 
termination, had sustained the siege twice as long as had been 
expected. 22. So much does resolution, too, sometimes pre- 
vail over despondency, that a man named Delphion, who ap- 
pears to have been a person of note, was able, by attaching 
to himself three hundred Phliasians, to repress such of the 
people as wanted to make peace, and was able also to keep in 
confinement such as he distrusted. He had influence enough, 
besides, to force the common people to mount guard, and, by 
going the rounds, to keep them steady at their posts. He 
frequently sallied out, too, with his party, and drove off the 
guards at different points along the lines of circumvallation. 
23. But when this chosen body of men, after every possible 
search, were able to find no more corn in the city, they then 
-•in to Agesilaus, and begged him to make a truce with them 
for a deputation to go to Lacedaemon ; for they said that "they 
had resolved to allow the government at Lacediemon to do 
with their city whatever they pleased." 21. Age-ilaus. being 



456 



HELLENICS. 



[b. V. 



offended that they thus treated him personally as of no con- 
sideration, sent to his friends at home, and effected, by their 
means, that the decision of affairs concerning Phlius should 
be committed to himself. For the deputation he granted a 
truce ; and then kept a stricter guard round the place than 
before, that none of the people in it might escape. Delphion, 
however, and a branded slave with him, who stole many arms 
from the besiegers, effected their escape by night. 25. But 
when the messengers came from Lacedaeruon, announcing that 
the state permitted Agesilaus to settle matters at Phlius as he 
pleased, he appointed that " fifty of the late exiles and fifty 
of those who had stayed in the city, should in the first place 
determine which of the people in the place deserved to live, 
and which to die ; and should then draw up a body of laws, 
according to which they should conduct the government." 
Until they should settle these points, he left a garrison in the 
place and six months' pay for it. After making these arrange- 
ments, he dismissed the allies, and led his own troops home. 
The transactions at Phlius were thus brought to an end in a 
year and eight months. 

26. Polybiades had now obliged the Olynthians, who were 
suffering grievously from famine, as they could neither get 
provisions from the country, nor import them by sea, to send 
deputies to Lacedeemon concerning peace. Deputies accord- 
ingly went with full -powers, and entered into an engagement 
that " they would have the same enemies and friends as the 
Lacedaemonians ; that they would follow wherever they led ; 
and would be their allies." Having sworn to adhere to this 
engagement, they returned home. 

27. Success having thus attended the Lacedaemonians, so 
that the Thebans and other Boeotians were entirely under 
their power; the Corinthians were become faithful adherents 
to them ; the Argives were humbled, as their allegation of 
the months ] no longer availed them ; the Athenians were left 
unsupported ; and their allies, who had been disaffected, were 
chastised ; their dominion seemed to be fully established in 
honour and security. 



1 iv. 7. 2. 



CH. 4.] THE THEBAXS REGAIN THEIR CITADEL. 457 



CHAPTER IV. 

The Thebans rescue their citadel from the hands of the Lacedaemonians, 
who put to death their harmost for resigning it. Cleombrotus leads an 
expedition against Thebes, but returns without attempting anything, 
leaving Sphodrias as harmost at Thespiae. The Thebans, to involve the 
Athenians in the war, prevail on Sphodrias to make an incursion into 
Attica. Sphodrias is brought to trial for having acted in the matter 
without the consent of the Lacedaemonians, but is acquitted from regard 
to his past services, or rather on the intercession of Archidamus the son 
of Agesilaus. The Athenians are incited by the aggression of Sphodrias 
to give more efficient support to the Boeotians, whom the Lacedaemonians 
again attack under the leadership of Agesilaus. Agesilaus, after little 
success, leaves Phcebidas as harmost at Thespiae, who lays waste the The- 
ban territories, but is attacked by them and killed. Agesilaus commands 
another expedition against Thebes with great success, marching up to the 
very walls of the city. He quells discord at Thespiae. Two Theban tri- 
remes, sent out to bring corn, are captured by Aletas, a Lacedaemonian, 
and carried to Oreus, but the crews contrive to escape with the vessels 
and freight. Death of Agesilaus. Ill success of Cleombrotus against the 
Thebans. The Lacedaemonians fit out a large fleet to cut oil' supplies 
of com from Athens, but are foiled by the Athenians under Chabrias. 
The Athenians send out another fleet under Timotheus, who reduces 
Corcyra ; he is opposed, but unsuccessfully, by Xicolochus, the admiral 
of the Lacedaemonians. 

i. Many other proofs a writer might produce, from the 
histories both of Greeks and Barbarians, that the gods do not 
disregard those who conduct themselves impiously, or are 
guilty of unjust actions; but I shall now speak only of the 
subjects before me. The Lacedaemonians, who had sworn to 
leave the cities independent, and who nevertheless took pos- 
session of the citadel of Thebes, were punished by that very 
people, and that alone, who had been wronged by them, 
though they had not previously been conquered ' by any na- 
tion whatever ; and as to those citizens of Thebes who con- 
ducted the Lacedaemonians into the citadel, and wished their 
city to be a slave to Sparta, in order that they themselves 
might become tyrants, seven of the exiles, and no more, were 
sufficient to overthrow their power. How this enterprise was 
achieved, I will relate. 

2. There was a man named Phyllidas, who was secretary 

1 That is, as Moms observes, not so far conquered as to be brought 
under the power of any other nation ; for in single battles, he adds, 
they had often been conquered. 



458 



HELLENICS. 



[b. V. 



to Archias and the other polemarchs, 1 and who had served 
them in other matters, as it appears, very satisfactorily. He 
having gone to Athens on some business, Melon, one of the 
Theban exiles that had fled to Athens, a person with whom 
he was previously acquainted, chanced to meet him, and, 
having questioned him about the power in the hands of 
Archias the polemarch and Philippus, 2 and perceived that he 
disliked the state of things at home still more than himself, 
he gave him pledges of faith, and received others from him, 
and arranged with him how matters ought to be conducted. 
3. Melon, in consequence, taking with him six of the most 
efficient of the exiles, armed with daggers and no other 
weapon, proceeded, in the first place, to the neighbourhood 
of Thebes by night. Having passed the next day in some 
unfrequented place, they went up to the gates, like men re- 
turning from the fields, at the time when the latest of the 
labourers come in from their work. When they had thus 
effected an entrance into the city, they passed that night at 
the house of one Charon, with whom they also continued the 
following day. 4. Phyllidas was then preparing other mat- 
ters for the polemarchs, as they were going to celebrate the 
festival of Venus 3 at the expiration of their office, and, having 
long promised to bring them some of the finest and fairest 
women in Thebes, gave them notice that he would bring them 
at that very time. The polemarchs, for such was their cha- 
vacter, expected to pass the night with the greatest pleasure. 
5. When they had supped, and, by the zealous attentions of 
Phyllidas, had soon become intoxicated, and called on him 

1 The same that are previously called Bceotarchs, iii. 4. 4, as the 
Thebans held the government over the towns in Bceotia. Schneider. 
See note on that passage. 

2 Philippus appears not to have been one of the polemarchs. 
Schneider. 

3 Whether this was a custom, does not appear. Plutarch and 
Cornelius Nepos make no mention of this festival in their narrations 
of the transaction. Schneider, with whom Weiske concurs, thinks 
that Xenophon speaks of a festival of Venus only metaphorically, 
signifying such a feast of rejoicing as men might make at the end 
of any troublesome office or business, or at the termination of a 
long voyage, and refers, in support of his notion, to Plutarch, Op. 
Moral, ii. p. 795, 1095. But surely the mode in which Phyllidas 
prepares for the celebration of the festival shows that a real feast 
of Venus was intended. 



CH. 4.] DEATH OF THE THEBAX POLEMARCHS. 459 

again and again to bring in the women, he went out and in- 
troduced Melon and his party, three of whom he had dressed 
as mistresses, and the others as servants. 6. He conducted 
them first into the steward's room attached to the polemarchs' 
hall, and then went in and told Archias and the others that 
" the women said they would not come in, if any of the 
attendants remained in the apartment." In consequence, they 
at once told all the attendants to go out, and Phyllidas, sup- 
plying them with wine, sent them away to drink it at one of 
their own houses. He then introduced the pretended women, 
and seated them each by a man, for the arrangement was, 
that as soon as they were seated, they should immediately 
unveil themselves and kill. Such is the mode in which some 
say the polemarchs were put to death ; others relate that Me- 
lon and his party came in disguised as revellers, and so killed 
the polemarchs. 

7. Phyllidas, taking three of the conspirators with him, went 
off to the house of Leontiades, and, knocking at the door, 
said that he wished to deliver a message from the polemarchs. 
Leontiades happened to be still resting in retirement after 
supper, and his wife was sitting by him spinning. Thinking 
Phyllidas a trustworthy person, he gave orders that he might 
be admitted ; and the conspirators, when they had thus se- 
cured an entrance, put Leontiades to death, frightened his 
wife, and enjoined her to be silent. As they went out, they 
ordered that the door should be kept shut, threatening that, 
if they found it had been opened, they would kill every one 
in the house. 8. This part of the business being executed, 
Phyllidas took two of the men with him, and went to the 
public prison, where he told the gaoler that " he had brought 
him a man from the polemarchs whom he must keep in con- 
finement." When he opened the door, they immediately de- 
spatched him, and set free the prisoners, whom they soon 
armed by taking weapons down from the portico, and, con- 
ducting them to the Ampheium, 1 told them to range them- 

1 The derivation of this word, says Dindorf, is unknown, but 
"Αμφίΐα, the name of a town in Messenia, shows that it is Greek. 
Stephens, Morns, Schneider, and Weiske, read Άμψιεϊον, supposing 
that it must have its name from Amphion, the builder of the walls 
of Thebes. But it is not to he confounded, as Dindorf adds, with 
the tomb of Amphion mentioned by jEschylus and Euripides, which 
was without the walls. 



460 



HELLENICS. 



[β. v. 



selves there under arms. 9. They then made proclamation 
that " all the Theban cavalry and infantry should come out, 
as the tyrants were dead." The people of the city, however, 
as long as night lasted, were distrustful, and made no stir ; 
but when it was day, and what was done became known, both 
infantry and cavalry came forth in arms to give them aid. 
The exiles, too, who had returned, sent horsemen to their 
friends who were waiting on the frontiers of Attica, and to 
the two 1 Athenian leaders who were with them. They, 
knowing for what purpose they sent them, 2 '* * * * 

10. The Lacedaemonian harmost in the citadel, as soon as 
he knew of the proclamation made in the night, sent off at 
once to Plataese and Thespiae for aid. But the Theban ca- 
valry, observing that the Plataeans were coming, met them on 
the way and killed more than twenty of them. As soon as 
they returned after this exploit, and the Athenians from the 
frontiers joined them, they made an assault upon the citadel. 
ii. As the garrison in the citadel were conscious of their weak- 
ness, and perceived the ardour of all their assailants, with the 
great offers of reward to such as should first scale the wall, 
they were greatly intimidated, and offered to quit the place, 
if they would grant them their lives, and allow them to march 
out under arms. This request they willingly granted, and 
having made a truce, and taken oaths to observe the condi- 
tions, they allowed them to come out. 12. When they were 
gone, they seized and put to death whomsoever they knew to 
be of the number of their enemies. 3 Some few, however, 
were concealed and saved by the Athenians who had come to 
the aid of the exiles from the frontiers. The Thebans took 
even the children of the dead, as many as had children, and 
put them to death. 

13. When the Lacedaemonians heard of these occurrences, 
they put to death the harmost for quitting the citadel, when 
he should have waited in it for aid; and gave notice of an 

1 The two Athenian leaders of the exiles, who are said, sect. 19, 
to have been afterwards condemned by the people at Athens. 
Schneider. 

2 Some words are here wanting in the text ; we might supply 
something like δρόμφ αντόΐς άπηντων. "Ωχοντο, which Leunclavius 
suggests, is too tame. Weiske. 

3 Those who had fled into the citadel after the slaughter of the 
polemarchs. Schneider. 



CH. 4.] LACEDAEMONIANS INVADE BCEOTIA. 461 

expedition against Thebes. Agesilaus, however represented 
that he was fifty-eight years old, and that "as it was not re- 
quired of others of that age to serve out of their own country, 
so there was the same law for the kings;" and, by making 
this representation, exempted himself from the expedition. 
Yet it was not on account of his age that he stayed at home, 
but from knowing that if he took the command, his country- 
men would say that " he gave trouble to the state with the 
object of supporting tyrants." He allowed the government, 
therefore, to make arrangements about the expedition just as 
they pleased. 14. The ephori, accordingly, having received 
information from those who had escaped after the massacre at 
Thebes, sent out Cleombrotus, who then commanded for the 
first time, in the very depth of winter. The road that led 
by Eleuthera3 Chabrias was guarding, with a body of Athenian 
peltasts ; and Cleombrotus in consequence went up by that 
which leads to Platasae. His peltasts, who were in advance, 
fell in, upon the hill, with the men who had been freed from 
prison, and who were keeping guard there, in number about 
a hundred and fifty, all of whom, except one or two that 
may have escaped, they put to death. 10. Cleombrotus then 
marched down towards Platseae, which was still friendly to 
the Lacedaemonians ; but when he came to Thespiae, he went 
off from thence to Cynoscephake, 1 which was in the interest 
of the Thebans, and encamped there. After continuing at 
that place about sixteen days, he went back again to Thespiae, 
where he left Sphodrias as harmost, with a third part of each 
body of troops from the allies, giving him also whatever 
money he had brought from Sparta, and desiring him to hire 
a body of mercenaries. These directions Sphodrias executed. 
16. Cleombrotus then led home the troops that remained 
with him by the road through Creusis, the men being very 
much in doubt whether there was war with the Thebans or 
peace ; for he had led the army into the territory of Thebes, 
but was going back after doing them as little damage as pos- 
sible. 17. As he was on his way, a prodigious storm of wind 
lied him, which some thought an omen indicative of what 

1 Not, observes Schneider, the place of that name in Theeealy, 

as Moras and others supposed, but a place near Thebes, called by 
Steph. Byz. Κννοκέφαλοι. Pindar is said by some to have been born 
there ; by others, at Thebes. 



462 HELLENICS. [β. V. 

was going to happen ; for among many remarkable effects 
which it wrought, it hurled, as Cleombrotus with his troops 
was crossing the hills reaching from Creusis to the sea, se- 
veral asses with their loads of baggage over the precipices, 
and blew a great many arms, snatched from the soldiers' 
grasp, into the deep ; till at length numbers of the men, being 
unable to proceed with all their equipments, left their shields 
here and there upon the heights, turning them up and filling 
them with stones, is. That night they supped, as well as 
they could, at JEgosthena, in the territory of Megara, and the 
next day they returned and fetched off their arms. Soon 
after they went away to their several homes, for Cleom- 
brotus disbanded them. 

19. The Athenians, who saw how great the power of Lace- 
daemon was, and observed that there was no longer any war 
at Corinth, but that the Lacedaemonians, having passed by 
Attica, had made war upon Thebes, were so much alarmed 
that they brought to trial the two generals who had been 
privy to the insurrection of Melon against the party of Leon- 
tiades, one of whom they pat to death ; the other, as he did 
not wait to stand his trial, they declared an exile. 

20. The Thebans, being also under apprehension, in case 
none but themselves should continue at war with the Lacedae- 
monians, contrived the following scheme : they prevailed on 
Sphodrias, the harmost at Thespiae, by giving him, as was 
suspected, a sum of money, to make an incursion into Attica, 
in order to provoke the Athenians to take up arms against 
the Lacedaemonians. Sphodrias, complying with their solicit- 
ations, and pretending that he would seize the Piraeeus, as it 
was not jet secured by gates, led out his force from Thespiae, 
after an early supper, and declared that he would make his 
way to the Piraeeus before day. 21. Day, however, came 
upon him at Thrium, and he then took no care even to con- 
ceal what he had meditated, but, when he had to retreat, car- 
ried off the cattle and plundered the houses. ' Some persons 
too, who had met him in the night, fled back to the city, and 
told the Athenians that a large army was approaching. Ac- 
cordingly their cavalry and heavy- armed troops speedily 
equipped themselves, and formed into a body to guard the 
city. 22. Ambassadors from the Lacedaemonians also, Ety- 
mocles, Aristolochus, and Ocellus, happened then to be residing 



CH. 4.] OFFENCE AND ACQUITTAL OF SPHODRIAS. 463 

at Athens, in the house of Callias the proxenus ; ! whom the 
Athenians, as soon as the attempt of Sphodrias was made 
known, apprehended, and kept under guard, on suspicion that 
they were promoters of the plot. The ambassadors were ex- 
ceedingly alarmed at the occurrence, and represented, in their 
defence, that " if they had been aware of a design to seize 
the Piraeeus, they would not have been so foolish as to put 
themselves in the power of the Athenians in the city, and 
especially in the house of the proxenus, where they might 
be found in a moment." 23. They gave assurance, besides, 
that " it should be made clear to the Athenians that the go- 
vernment of the Lacedaemonians had no knowledge of the 
matter;" for "they were certain," they added, "that the 
Athenians would hear of Sphodrias being put to death by his 
countrymen." They were accordingly considered to have had 
no concern in the affair, and were set at liberty. 

24. The ephori recalled Sphodrias, and preferred a capital 
charge against him. Sphodrias, however, was afraid of the 
result, and would not appear. But, though he thus refused 
to stand a trial, he was nevertheless acquitted. This matter 
seemed to many to have been most iniquitously decided at 
Lacedaemon. But the cause of the decision was as follows. 

25. Sphodrias had a son, named Cleonymus, of an age just 
beyond boyhood, the most handsome and estimable of all of 
the same years ; and Archidamus, the son of Agesilaus, had 
a fondness for him. The friends of Cleombrotus, who were 
also intimates of Sphodrias, were inclined to have him ac- 
quitted, but were afraid of Agesilaus and his friends, and in- 
deed of all impartial persons ; for he had doubtless committed 
an enormous offence. 26. But Sphodrias soon after said to 
Cleonymus, " It is in your power, my son, to save your fa- 
ther's life, by entreating Archidamus to render Agesilaus 
favourable to me on my trial." Cleonymus, on hearing this, 
ventured to go to Archidamus, and begged him to be the 
preserver of his father. 27. But Archidamus, though, when he 
saw Cleonymus in tears, he stood by his side and wept with 
him, yet, when he heard his request, replied, " Be assured, 
Cleonymus, that I am not even able to look my father in the 
face, but that, if I wish to effect any object in the city, I 
solicit anybody else much sooner than my father ; neverthe- 
less, as you make this request, be certain that I will use my 

1 See note on iv. 3. 0. 



464 



HELLENICS. 



[b. V. 



warmest efforts that your desire may be accomplished." 28. 
Returning home, then, from the common hall where they 
were, he went to rest; and, rising early the next morning, 
he was on the watch that his father might not go out unob- 
served by him. Yet when he saw him going out, he, in the 
first place, if any of the citizens were by, allowed them to 
talk with him, and then, if any strangers were there, he al- 
lowed them similar precedence ; and afterwards, if any of the 
attendants wished to speak with him, he gave way to them. 
In fine, even when Agesilaus came back from the Eurotas, 1 
and entered the house, he went away without approaching 
him. The next day he acted precisely in the same manner. 
29. Agesilaus suspected why he came near him so often, yet 
asked him no questions, but let him alone. Archidamus 
was longing, as was natural, to see Cleonymus, but did 
not know how he could appear before him, when he had not 
spoken to his father about what he had requested of him. 
Sphodrias and his friends, meanwhile, not seeing Archidamus 
going to Cleonymus, though he used before to go to him fre- 
quently, felt fully persuaded that he had been chidden by Age- 
silaus. 30. At last, however, Archidamus summoned courage 
to go to Agesilaus, and to say, " Father, Cleonymus requests 
me to beg you to save his father, and I accordingly entreat 
you to do so, if it be in your power." Agesilaus replied, " I 
forgive you for making the request, but I do not see how I 
shall obtain forgiveness from my country if I do not condemn 
the man, as guilty, for what he has done to the detriment of 
my country." 2 31. Archidamus, on that occasion, made no 
reply, but went away silenced by the justice of the remark ; 
yet some time afterwards, either from his own thought or 
from being prompted by some one else, he came again to 
Agesilaus, and said, " That you would have acquitted Spho- 
drias, father, if he had done nothing wrong, I am certain ; 
and now, though he has done something wrong, let him obtain 

1 The narrative is here too brief, and in consequence obscure. 
We are to understand that the son followed the steps of the father 
as he went out and as he returned, but, even when he entered the 
house, and was alone, did not venture to speak to him. Weiske. 

2 Άδικεϊν οϊς ίχρηματίσατο, κ. τ. λ.] Eum graviter deliquisse Us rebus 
quibus pecuniam lucratus est in detrimentum civitatis. Weiske. But it 
is not absolutely necessary to refer εχρηματίσατο to dealings con- 
nected with money. 



CH. 4.] SPHODRIAS ESCAPES PUNISHMENT. 465 

from you acquittal for my sake." Agesilaus answered, " It 
shall be so, if it can be done with honour." His son, on 
hearing this reply, went away in great despondency. 

32. One of the friends of Sphodrias, however, conversing 
afterwards with Etymocles, observed, " All you, I suppose, 
who are friends of Agesilaus, will be inclined to put Sphodrias 
to death." "Then, by Jupiter," rejoined Etymocles, "we 
shall not act in the same way as Agesilaus ; l for he says, in- 
variably, to all with whom he converses on the matter, that 
it is impossible not to admit that Sphodrias has done wrong ; 
but that to put to death a man who, both as a boy, and a 
youth, and a grown-up person, uniformly discharged his duties 
with honour, would be a grievous hardship, for Sparta has 
need of such soldiers." 33. Sphodrias' friend, on hearing this, 
went and told it to Cleonymus, who, in great joy, hastened to 
Archidamus, and said, " That you have a regard for us, Ave 
are already aware ; and be well assured, Archidamus, that we 
will study to make it our care that you may never be ashamed 
of your regard for us." Nor did he fail to keep his word ; but 
observed, as long as he lived, whatever is honourable at Sparta ; 
and, as he was fighting at Leuctra before the king, in com- 
pany with Deinon one of the polemarchs, he, after falling 
three times, met his death, first of all the Spartans, in the 
midst of the enemy. His death grieved Archidamus to the 
utmost, though, as he promised, he did not disgrace him, but 
was rather an honour to him. By such means was it that 
Sphodrias escaped condemnation. 

84. Of the Athenians, however, such as favoured the Boeo- 
tians, represented to the people that the Lacedaemonians had 
not only not punished Sphodrias, but had even praised him, 
for having formed a design upon Athens. In consequence, 
the Athenians put gates to the Piraeeus, built ships, and pre- 
pared to aid the Boeotians with all possible ardour. 35. The 
Lacedaemonians, on the other hand, called out their forces for 
another expedition against the Thebans, and, thinking that 
Agesilaus would conduct it for them with more prudence than 
Cleombrotus, begged him to take the command of the army. 
He replied that "he would object to nothing that was np- 

1 All editors, except Dindorf, give this interrogatively, " Must ire 
not act in the same way as Agesilaus? " The ejection of the note of 
interrogation seems to be an improvement. 

VOL. II. 2 Η 



466 HELLENICS. [β. V. 

proved by the state," and prepared to take the field. 36. But 
as he knew that unless a foree should secure Cithasron, it 
would not be easy to penetrate tp Thebes, and as he had 
heard that the Cleitorians were at war with the Orchome- 
nians, and were maintaining a body of foreign troops, he made 
an arrangement with them that their foreign troops should 
join him, if he should need their services. 37. When the 
sacrifices for crossing the borders were favourable, therefore, 
he despatched a messenger, before he reached Tegea, to the 
captain of the foreign troops in the service of the Cleitorians, 
and, sending them a month's pay in advance, desired that they 
should occupy Cithaeron. To the Orchomenians he gave no- 
tice, also, that " they should abstain from hostilities as long as 
his expedition lasted ; and that if any state, while his force 
was abroad, should make war on any other state, he would 
march," he declared, " against the offending state first, accord- 
ing to the resolution passed by the allies." 38. As soon as he 
had passed over Cithaeron, he advanced to Thespiae, and, hast- 
ening from thence, entered the territory of the Thebans. But 
finding the plains, and the most valuable parts of the country, 
secured by a trench and palisading round them, he shifted his 
encampment from place to place, and, making excursions every 
day after breakfast, laid waste the ground on his side of 
the palisading and the trench ; for the enemy, on whatever 
- quarter Agesilaus showed himself, marched in that direction, 
keeping still within the palisading, and resolved to defend it. 
39. But on one occasion, as he was retreating to his camp, the 
Theban cavalry, after keeping out of sight for a while, sallied 
suddenly forth through the outlets made in the palisading, and 
while the peltasts were going oif to their suppers or getting 
them ready, and the cavalry were either dismounting or 
mounting again, galloped in among them, when they killed 
several of the peltasts, and, of the cavalry, Cleon and Epicy- 
dides, both Spartans, besides Eudicus, one of the perioeci, and 
some of the Theban exiles who had not yet mounted their 
horses. 40. But when Agesilaus faced about with his heavy- 
armed troops, and came to the rescue, and his cavalry rallied 
and rode up to meet the cavalry of the enemy, while the 
younger of the heavy-armed hurried forward with them, the 
cavalry of the Thebans became like men who had drunk a 
little too much in the heat of noon, for they made a stand, in^ 



CH. 4.] DEATH OF PHOEBIDAS. 467 

deed, against their assailants, so far as to throw their spears, 
but produced no effect with them, and at last, wheeling about 
at that distance to retreat, twelve of them were slain. 41. 
But as Agesilaus observed that it was always after breakfast 
that the enemy showed themselves, he offered sacrifice one 
morning at day-break, and, leading out his troops as speedily 
as possible, entered the palisading by a part entirely unguarded ; 
and then ravaged and burned the parts within up to the very 
walls of the city. After having done this, he went back again 
to Thespiae, and fortified that city ; and then, leaving Phoe- 
bidas harmost there, he passed over again to Megara, 1 dismiss- 
ed the allies, and conducted the Spartan troops home. 

42. Soon afterwards, Phoebidas, sending out plundering 
parties, ravaged and stripped the lands of the Thebans, and 
annoyed their whole neighbourhood with incursions. The 
Thebans, eager to have their revenge, marched with their 
whole force into the territory of the Thespians ; but, while 
they were in it, Phoebidas, hovering about them with his pel- 
tasts, allowed none of them anywhere to straggle from the 
main body ; so that the Thebans, greatly dissatisfied at the 
success of their incursions, prepared for a precipitate retreat, 
and the muleteers, throwing away the corn which they had 
collected > rode off homewards ; so great a panic had seized on 
the army. 43. Phoebidas, at that time, pressed boldly upon 
them, keeping the peltasts about him, and ordering his heavy- 
armed men to follow in order. He was in hopes of putting 
the Thebans entirely to rout ; for he led forward resolutely, 
and encouraged the rest of his men to grapple with the enemy, 
calling on the Thespian heavy-armed, at the same time, to 
follow closely behind. 44. But as the Theban cavalry in their 
retreat came to an impassable wood, they first collected in a 
close body, and then faced about from being at a loss where 
they should attempt a passage. The peltasts in advance, who 
were but few, felt alarmed, and took to flight ; and the cavalry, 
when they saw them doing so, were encouraged by their re- 
treat to attack them. 45. Here Phoebidas, and two or three 
with him, were killed fighting ; and the mercenaries, in con- 
sequence, took flight to a man, and when, in their retreat, 
they encountered the heavy-armed Thespians, they also, though 

1 Briefly expressed for " crossing over Cithieron and coming to 
Megara." Schyieider. 

2 η 2 



468 



HELLENICS. 



[Β. 



they had previously felt confident that they would never yield 
to the Thebans, gave way, but were not pursued far, for it 
was now late. Nor were many killed ; but the Thespians did 
not stop till they were within their own walls. 

46. After this occurrence the affairs of the Thebans assumed 
new spirit, and they made attacks on Thespiae and the other 
neighbouring towns. The democratic parties, indeed, from 
those places, had betaken themselves to Thebes ; for oligar- 
chies, like that at Thebes, had been established in them all ; 
so that the friends of the Lacedaemonians in them were greatly 
in need of succour. After the death of Phoebidas, the Lace- 
daemonians sent out one of the polemarchs, with a battalion, 
by sea, and garrisoned Thespiae with that force. 

47. When the next spring came on, the ephori again gave 
notice of an expedition against Thebes, and solicited Agesi- 
laus, as before, to take the command of it. He, continuing of 
the same opinion with regard to the mode of invasion, sent off 
a messenger, before he offered sacrifices, to the commander at 
Thespiae, and told him to secure the heights above the road by 
Mount Cithaeron, and to keep guard there until he himself 
should come up. 48. When he had passed that mountain, and 
had arrived at Plataeae, he pretended at first to be going back 
again to Thespiae, and, sending messengers thither, directed 
that the people should prepare provisions for sale, and that all 
deputations should wait for him there ; so that the Thebans 
strongly guarded the access to their city on the side of Thes- 
piae ; 49. but Agesilaus, sacrificing at day-break, directed his 
march along the road to Erythrae, and accomplishing, at the 
head of his forces, the march of two days in one, passed the 
line of palisading near Scolus, before the Thebans could come 
from their station at the place where he entered the previous 
year. Having met with this success, he laid waste the coun- 
try to the eastward of Thebes as far as Tanagra, (for Hypa- 
todorus l and his party, who were friends to the Lacedaemo- 
nians, still held Tanagra,) and then marched back, keeping 
the walls of Thebes on his left. 50. The Thebans however 
came out against him, and drew up in order of battle at 
Graosstethos, having the trench and palisading in their rear, 
and thinking it advisable to hazard an engagement there, for 
it was a rather narrow piece of ground, and difficult to be 

1 He is nowhere else mentioned. 



CH. 4.J AGESILAUS INVADES BCEOTIA. 469 

crossed. But Agesilaus, seeing that such was the case, did 
not advance against them, but, turning aside, directed his 
course towards the city of Thebes. 51. The Thebans, fearing 
for the city, as it was defenceless, left the place where they 
were posted, and hurried off towards Thebes along the road 
by Potniae, as being the safest. But it was thought to have 
been an excellent stratagem in Agesilaus, that, by drawing 
off to a distance from the enemy, he obliged them to quit their 
ground with precipitation. 52. Some of the officers of the Lace- 
daemonians, at the head of their companies, made an attack 
upon the Thebans as they were hurrying past them ; but the 
Thebans hurled missiles upon them from some eminences, and 
Alypetus, one of the officers, was killed, being pierced through 
with a spear. The Thebans however were forced to flee 
from these eminences, and the Sciritae l and some of the 
cavalry rode up, and harassed their rear as they were making 
off towards the city. 53. But the Thebans, when they drew 
near the walls, faced about ; and the Sciritae, observing their 
motions, retreated at a quick pace, and not a man of them was 
killed. Yet the Thebans erected a trophy, because their as- 
sailants had retreated. 54. Agesilaus, as it was now time, 
marched off and encamped in the place where he had found 
the enemy drawn up ; and the next day led his forces back to 
Thespiae. The peltasts in the pay of Thebes hung intrepidly 
on his rear, and called out to Chabrias to reproach him for 
not keeping up with them ; when the Olynthian cavalry (for 
they were now, according to the treaty, in the field with the 
Lacedaemonians) wheeled round, and, in the course of pur- 
suit, drove them to a hill, and killed a great many of them ; 
for foot-soldiers, going up a slope that horses can ascend, are 
easily overtaken by cavalry. 

55. When Agesilaus came back to Thespiae, he found the 
people of that city divided into parties, and as those who pro- 
fessed attachment to the Lacedaemonians were for putting their 
adversaries, among whom was Melon, to death, he would not 
allow them to do so, but, having reconciled them, and obliged 
them to take an oath to continue at peace with each other, 
he went back over Cithanron to Megara ; from whence he 
sent away the troops of the allies, and conducted the Spartan 
forces home. 

1 c. 2. sect. 24. 



470 



HELLENICS. 



[b. V. 



56. The Thebans, who were now suffering from want of 
corn, as they had had no produce from their land for the last two 
years, sent people in two galleys to buy corn at Pagasae, 
giving them ten talents for the purpose. But Alcetas, a Lace- 
daemonian, who was in garrison at Ore us, 1 proceeded, while 
they were purchasing their corn, to man three galleys, taking 
care that what he was doing should not be made known ; and 
when the corn was being taken off, he seized both it and the 
galleys, and made prisoners of the men on board, who were 
not less than three hundred. These he confined in the citadel 
at Oreus, where he himself had his quarters. 57. But as a 
certain youth, a son of one of the people of Oreus, and, as they 
reported, of a handsome and noble figure, used to follow Al- 
cetas, he would go down from the citadel and converse with 
him ; and the prisoners, observing this negligence of his, 
made themselves masters of the citadel, when the town re- 
volted from the Lacedaemonians, and the Thebans brought off 
their corn. 

58. When the spring came on, Agesilaus was confined to 
his bed ; for when he was leading home the army from 
Thebes, and while he was at Megara, as he was going up from 
the temple of Yenus to the town hall, a vein, whatever vein 
it was, burst in his body, and the blood flowed down from it 
into his sound leg. As the leg was in consequence excessively 
swollen, and the pain in it intolerable, a Syracusan surgeon 
opened the vein at the ancle ; and when the blood once began 
to flow, it continued running a whole night and day, and, 
though they used every contrivance, they were unable to 
stop it till he fainted, and then it ceased. In this condition 
he was conveyed to Lacedaemon, and was ill the rest of the 
summer and throughout the winter. 

59. The Lacedaemonians, however, as soon as spring ap- 
peared, called out their troops for an expedition, and desired 
Cleombrotus to take the command of it. He accordingly led 
out the troops, and when he drew near Mount Cithaeron, his 
peltasts advanced before him to secure the heights above the 
pass ; when a party of Thebans and Athenians, who had pre- 
viously taken possession of the post, allowed them, for a while, 
to prosecute their ascent, but, as soon as they came close upon 
them, they started up, pursued, and killed about forty of them. 

1 A city of Eubcea, previously called Histiaea. Schneider. 



CH. 4.] THE SPARTANS FIT OUT A FLEET. 471 

After this had happened, Cleombrotus, thinking it impracti- 
cable to pass over into the territory of the Thebans, led -back 
the army and disbanded it. 

60. The allies having met at Lacedaemon, remarks were 
made among them that " their strength would be wasted in 
the war for want of spirit ; for that the Lacedaemonians might 
man a far greater number of ships than the Athenians, and 
reduce their city by famine ; and that they might, in the same 
ships, carry over 1 troops to attack Thebes, landing them, if 
they thought proper, on the coast of Phocis, or, if they pre- 
ferred, at Creusis." 61. Taking these remarks into consider- 
ation, they manned a fleet of sixty vessels, and Pollis was 
appointed admiral of it. Nor were those who recommended 
this course disappointed, for the Athenians were quite blocked 
up ; their corn vessels had come as far as Geraestus, 2 but from 
thence they could not venture to sail, as the fleet of the Lace- 
daemonians was hovering about JEgina, Ceos, and Andros. 
But the people of Athens, feeling the necessity of doing some- 
thing, went on board their ships themselves, and coming, un- 
der the leadership of Chabrias, to an engagement with Pollis, 
obtained a victory : and thus the corn was brought into 
Athens. 

62. As the Lacedaemonians were preparing to carry over 
their forces to attack the Boeotians, the Thebans requested the 
Athenians to send an army round the Peloponnesus, thinking 
that, if this should be done, it would be impossible for the 
Lacedaemonians to guard their own coast, and the cities'in 
alliance with them in the neighbourhood, and to send over the 
water, at the same time, a sufficient force to maintain the con- 
test with Thebes. 63. The Athenians, accordingly, who were 
still full of resentment against the Lacedaemonians for the 
affair of Sphodrias, cheerfully fitted out sixty ships, and sent 
them round the Peloponnesus, making choice of Timotheus to 
have the command of them. But as the enemy had not in- 
vaded the territory of Thebes, either while Cleombrotus had 
the conduct of the army, or while Timotheus was sailing 
round the coast, the Thebans boldly assailed the neighbouring 
towns, and recovered them all. B4, Timotheus, during his 

1 Over the Corinthian Gulf. 

2 See iii. 4. 4. It was a promontory of Eubcea, an island friendly 
to the Athenians. Schneider* 



472 HELLENICS. [β. VI. 

cruise, reduced, in a very short time, the island of Corcyra, 
but did not make slaves of any of the people, or banish any, 
or make any change in the laws ; on which account he found 
the towns in those parts the more favourable to him. 

65. The Lacedaemonians, on their part, also sent out a fleet, 
with Nicolochus, a man of great bravery, as commander of 
it ; who, when he caught sight of the fleet of Timotheus, 
made no delay, although six vessels from Ambracia had not 
yet joined him, but, with fifty-five ships of his own, came to 
battle with sixty on the side of Timotheus. On this occasion 
he was defeated, and Timotheus erected a trophy at Alyzia. 
66. But while the ships of Timotheus were drawn on shore 
and under repair, Nicolochus, as the six ships from Ambracia 
had now come up, sailed to Alyzia, where Timotheus was, 
and as Timotheus did not come out against him, erected a 
trophy on the nearest islets. But Timotheus, after he had 
refitted the ships which he had, and had manned some others 
from Corcyra, became far superior in naval power, as his 
vessels were in all more than seventy. However, he had to 
send for money to Athens ; for having a numerous fleet, he 
needed large supplies. 



BOOK VI. 



CHAPTER I. 

The Spartans send aid to the Phocians, who are attacked by the Thebans. 
Polydamas of Pharsalus solicits support from the Lacedaemonians against 
Jason, a man of great power in Thessaly ; and gives an account of the 
character and habits of Jason. The Lacedaemonians being unable to grant 
what he wishes, he arranges matters, on his return, with Jason, who is 
made supreme governor of Thessaly. 

l. In such affairs were the Athenians and Lacedaemonians 
engaged. The Thebans, after they had reduced the towns in 
Boeotia, made an incursion also into Phocis ; and as the Pho-• 
cians sent an embassy to Lacedaemon, representing that if the 
Lacedaemonians did not assist them, they would be necessitated 



CH. 1.] SPEECH OF POLYDAMAS AT SPARTA. 473 

to submit to the Thebans, the Lacedaemonians, in consequence, 
sent over the sea into Phocis their king, Cleombrotus, with 
four battalions of their own forces, and the due complement 
of troops from the allies. 1 

2. Just at this time also Polydamas, a Pharsalian, came 
from Thessaly with some communications for the government 
of the Lacedaemonians ; a man who was held in great esteem 
throughout Thessaly in general, and bore, in his own city of 
Pharsalus, so noble and honourable a character, that the Phar- 
salians, when divided into factions, committed their citadel to 
his custody, and allowed him to receive the revenues, and to 
expend on sacrifices, and other matters of public concern, 
whatever was appointed by the laws; 3. and he, with this 
money, guarded and preserved the citadel for them, managed 
other affairs, and gave an account of his proceedings every 
year. When he was in want of funds, he made up the defi- 
ciency from his own purse ; and when he found a superfluity 
of income, he repaid himself. He was besides, after the 
fashion of Thessaly, 2 hospitable and munificent. This man, 
when he came to Lacedsemon, delivered the following state- 
ment : 

4. "I, Ο men of Lacedoemon, having been your Proxenus 3 
and Euergetes, 4 as well as some one of my family, as far back 
as we can remember, 5 think myself entitled, if I am in any 
difficulty, to apply to you, and, if anything prejudicial to you 
arises in Thessaly, to give you information of it. You have 
heard, I am sure, the name of Jason ; for he is a man that 
has great power and is much celebrated. Jason, after making 
a treaty with our city, came to a conference with me, and ad- 

1 Ίων συμμάχων το μέρος.] Schneider, following F. A. Wolf, 
reads τι μέρος, "a certain portion." Dindorf has restored the old 
reading. 

2 The Thessalians were all notorious for luxury, and especially 
the Pharsalians, as appears from Athenasus, lib. xii. p. 527. ScJuieider. 
The fertile soil of Thessaly produced all the necessaries of life in 
abundance. Weinke. 

3 See note on iv. 5. G. 

4 A title of honour, which the Athenians were accustomed to give 
to foreigners that had served or obliged them. By a decree of the 
people they conferred on them the dignity of προξενιά, ευεργεσία, 
and similar distinctions. ScJineider. 

5 Έκ πάντων ών μεμνημεθα προγόνων.] Μ Of all my ancestors 
whom we remember." 



474 HELLENICS. [Β. VI. 

dressed me thus : 5. ' That I am able, Polydamas, to bring 
your city under my power, even against its will, you may 
judge from the following considerations: for I have,' he con- 
tinued, ' most of the strongest cities of Thessaly in alliance 
w T ith me ; I subdued them, notwithstanding you took the field 
in their behalf against me ; and I have mercenary troops, 
you are aware, to the number of six thousand, with whom, as 
I think, no single city would easily be able to contend. An 
equal number, indeed, might come against me from other 
quarters ; but the troops from the cities contain men that are 
far advanced in age, and others not yet come to maturity ; 
and very few in each city exercise themselves sufficiently ; 
while no one receives pay from me who is not as able to sus- 
tain toil as I am.' 6. Jason himself, for I must tell you the 
truth, 1 is of a very strong frame, as well as extremely fond 
of exercise, and accordingly puts his men to the proof every 
day ; for he leads them out, under arms, in the places of ex- 
ercise, as well as on any warlike expedition ; and such of his 
mercenaries as he finds unequal to the toil, he discharges, but 
such as he observes to be lovers of toil and danger in the field, 
he distinguishes with double, triple, or quadruple pay, and 
with other presents, as well as with attendance when they are 
sick, and honours at their funerals ; so that all his mercenaries 
are well aware that valour in w r ar will secure them a life of 
the greatest honour and plenty. 

7." He pointed out to me also, what I well knew, that the 
Maracians, 2 Dolopians, and Alcetas 3 who rules over Epirus, 
are already at his command. ' And what should I apprehend, 
therefore,' said he, ' to make me suppose that I could not 
easily reduce you Pharsalians ? Perhaps somebody who does 
not know me may think with himself, And why then do you 
delay, and not march at once against the Pharsalians ? Be- 
cause, by Jupiter, it appears far better to me, in every way, 

1 For I ought not to be silent concerning his merits, since I have 
no intention to do him injustice, or bring odium upon him, and 
since you ought to have a full knowledge of him, so that you may 
fairly judge how you ought to act with regard to him. Weiske. 

2 Μαρακοί.] Fr. Portus, as Schneider remarks, has suggested that 
these are the same people whom Pliny, iv. 2, calls Maraces, and 
enumerates among the people of ./Etolia. Weiske. 

3 Prince of the Molossians in Epirus. He is mentioned again 
c. 2, sect. 10. Weiske* 



CH. 1.] RESOURCES OF JASON. 475 

to attach you to me with your own consent, than against your 
will ; for if you are brought under my power by compulsion, 
you will be meditating what harm you can do me, and I shall 
desire you to be in as weak a condition as possible ; but if 
you come over to me on persuasion, we shall doubtless seek to 
strengthen one another to the utmost of our power. 

8. " ' I am well aware, Polydamas,' he continued, ' that your 
native city looks up to you ; and if you can induce it to be 
friendly to me, I promise that I will make you the greatest 
man in Greece next to myself. And of what power I offer 
you the second share, listen while I state to you, and believe 
nothing of what I say that does not appear credible to you on 
reflection. It is plain, then, to both of us, that if Pharsalus, 
and the towns dependent upon you, be united to me, I should 
easily be made Tagos 1 of all the people of Thessaly ; and it 
is certain 2 that when Thessaly is under one Tagos, cavalry 
will be at his disposal to- the number of six thousand, while 
heavy-armed troops may be raised to the number of more 
than ten thousand. 9. When I contemplate, too, the vigour 
and spirit that will be in them, if any one heads them judi- 
ciously, I think that there is no nation to which the Thes- 
salians would willingly submit ; and as Thessaly is a very 
extensive country, all the nations around must yield to it, 
when once a Tagos is established over it ; and all the people 
in these parts are skilled in the use of the spear, so that our 
forces, it is likely, will be superior in the number of peltasts. 
io. The Boeotians, moreover, and all the people of Greece 
that are hostile to the Lacedaemonians, are my allies, 3 and 
profess themselves, accordingly, quite ready to follow me, if I 
but free them from the yoke of the Lacedaemonians. The 
Athenians, I arn certain, would do anything to become our 
allies ; but I believe that I shall not form any friendship with 
them ; for I think that I may gain power by sea still more 

1 The title by which the Thessalians distinguished their com- 
mander-in-chief, or generalissimo. 

2 On the words ως γε μην, which occur here, Schneider observes 
that Leunclaviua and .Morns would read υντως ye μην, but thinks, 
for his own part, that some such expression as ψανιμυν ι)μ\ν tan, has 
been lost out of the text. 

3 Plutarch, I)e Genio Socratis, p. ,307, says that Jason had given 
money to Kpaminohdas some time before the recovery of the Cad- 
mea. Schneider. 



476 HELLENICS. [β. VI. 

easily than power by land. 11. Whether I reason rightly on 
this point/ he continued, < look to the following considerations : 
When we are in possession of Macedonia, from whence the 
Athenians bring their timber, we shall be able to build a much 
larger number of ships than they ; and as to furnishing these 
ships with men, whether is it likely that the Athenians or 
ourselves will be better able to do so, when we have such a 
multitude of slaves ? To maintain sailors, too, whether is it 
probable that we shall be in better condition, who, from our 
abundance, send out corn to other people, or the Athenians, 
who have not sufficient even for themselves, unless they buy 
it ? 12. In regard to money, we must certainly have a larger 
supply, as we have not to look to little islands 1 for it, but can 
exact supplies from nations on a large continent ; for all the 
surrounding people have to pay tribute, when the government 
of Thessaly is in the hands of a Tagos. The king of the 
Persians, you know, collects his tribute, not from islands, but 
from the continent, and is the richest of men ; and I think it 
more easy to render that monarch submissive to me than 
Greece ; for I know that all the people in his dominions, ex- 
cept one, are more inclined to slavery than to resistance; and 
I know by how small a force, such as that which went up 
with Cyrus, and that under Agesilaus, the king of Persia was 
placed in the greatest danger.' 

] 3. " When, after he had made these observations, I replied 
that what he said as to other matters was reasonable enough, 
but that we, who are friends to the Lacedaemonians, should go 
over to their enemies, without having anything to lay to their 
charge, seemed to me impossible. He commended my plain- 
ness of speech, and, saying that he should now strive still 
more to attach me to him, since I was a man of such a cha- 
racter, gave me leave to come hither and acquaint you with 
the true state of things, and that he intends to make war on 
the Pharsalians, if we do not comply with his wishes. He 
told me also to ask assistance from you, * and if they be will- 

1 Ήησνδρια.'] He speaks contemptuously of them as little islands 
from which much is not to be expected. Yet from these tributary 
islands a great revenue accrued to the Athenians, to support their 
public expenses ; and even many private persons seem to have put 
their money out to use in the islands. See De Rep. Athen. 2. 16. 
Weis/ce, 



CH. 1.] CHARACTER OF JASOX. 477 

ing to grant it/ said he, β so that you can induce them to send 
you sufficient aid to make war with me, let us submit to what- 
ever may be the result of war ; but if they prove themselves 
unwilling to assist you sufficiently, you will not justly be free 
from blame in the opinion of your country, which now hon- 
ours you, and in which you enjoy the greatest advantages.' 

14. " It is about this affair that I come to you, and I give 
you an account of all that I have seen in those parts, and of 
all that I heard from Jason. The matter, as I think, stands 
thus: that if you, men of Lacedaemon, will send thither a 
force which may appear sufficient, not only to me, but to the 
other Thessalians, to maintain a war with Jason, the cities 
will detach themselves from him, for they all dread the extent 
to which the power of the man may advance ; but if you 
think that a body of the newly-enfranchised citizens, and an 
ordinary commander, 1 will suffice, I advise you to remain 
quiet ; 10. for be assured that it will be a struggle against a 
vast force, and against a man of such skill as a commander, 
that whatever he attempts, either by secret machinations, or 
in anticipation of the schemes of others, or by open force, he 
is by no means likely to fail. He is able to take advantage 
of the night as well as of the day ; and, when he is hurried, 
can attend to business while he takes his dinner or supper. 
Rest he thinks he ought to take only when he has arrived at the 
place to which he was going, or has accomplished the object 
which he had in view ; and he has accustomed all about him to 
act like himself. When his troops, by great exertion, have 
gained any important success, he knows how to gratify them, 
so that all who serve under him have learned that pleasures 
are the fruit of labour. 16. As to sensual gratifications, he is 
the most temperate of all men that I know ; nor does he ever 
lose time, under their influence, so as not to be able to do 
whatever is necessary. Consider, therefore, of these matters, 
and tell me, as becomes you, what you will be able, and what 
you propose, to do." 

17. Such was the statement of Polydamas. The Lacedae- 
monians deferred giving an answer on that day, and on the 
next, and the third day, they calculated how many battalions 
they had abroad, and how many galleys round Lacedaiinon to 

1 Άνδρα lcio)T7]v.~\ Ditcem unum dc mult is. Schneider. 



478 



HELLENICS. 



[b. VI. 



oppose to those sent out from Athens, and to maintain the 
war with their neighbours, and replied that " for the present 
they were unable to send him competent aid," and advised 
him "to return, and to settle affairs, for himself and his city, 
in the best manner that he could." 18. After commending, 
therefore, the sincerity of the Lacedaemonians, he returned 
home. 

He then entreated Jason not to oblige him to deliver up 
the citadel of Pharsalus, so that he might preserve it in safety 
for those who had intrusted it to him. He gave his own sons 
also to Jason as hostages, promising to make the city, by per- 
suasion, a willing ally to him, and to aid in procuring his 
election as Tagos. When they had accordingly exchanged 
pledges with one another, the Pharsalians were at once in 
the enjoyment of peace, and Jason was soon appointed indis- 
putably Tagos of Thessaly. 19. As soon as he was invested 
with this office, he settled what number of cavalry, and of 
heavy-armed infantry, each city should, according to its re- 
sources, furnish. Thus there were raised for him cavalry, in- 
cluding that of the allies, to the number of more than eight 
thousand ; his heavy-armed foot were computed at not less 
than twenty thousand ; and his peltasts were enough to op- 
pose any people whatever ; for it would be a labour even to 
number the towns that supplied them. 

Such was the way in which this matter terminated. I shall 
now return to the point from which I digressed to speak of the 
affairs of Jason. 



CH. 2.] ATHENS AT PEACE WITH SPAKTA. 479 



CHAPTER II. 

The Athenians, seeing the power of the Thebans increased, and their own 
diminished, make peace with the Lacedaemonians, and recall Timotheus, 
who, however, in his voyage homeward, re-establishes certain exiles at 
Zacynthus, and thus gives rise to a renewal of hostilities. The Lacedae- 
monians send out a large fleet under Mnasippus to wrest Corcyra from the 
Athenians, who despatch Iphicrates to its relief. Before his arrival, the 
Corcyraeans make a sally on the Lacedaemonians, many of whom, with 
Mnasippus, are killed, and the rest seek refuge at Leucas. Praise of 
Iphicrates and his discipline. He captures ten vessels sent to Corcyra by 
Dionysius of Syracuse, and meditates an invasion of Laconia. 

1. The Lacedaemonians and their allies were now assembled 
to support the Phocians ; l and the Thebans, returning to their 
own country, kept guard at the passes. The Athenians, 
meanwhile, seeing that the Thebans, though they had been 
strengthened by their means, contributed nothing to the sup- 
port of their fleet, 2 while they themselves were exhausted by 
raising money, by piratical attacks from iEgina, 3 and by 
maintaining the defences of their own country, grew desirous 
of bringing the war to an end, and, sending ambassadors to 
Lacedaemon, concluded a peace for themselves. 

2. Two of those ambassadors immediately sailed from Lace- 
daemon, according to the appointment of their countrymen, 
and told Timotheus to return home, as there was now peace. 
Timotheus, on his voyage, landed the exiles from Zacynthus 4 
on the shores of their own island. 3. But as the people of 
Zacynthus sent to the Lacedaemonians, and acquainted them 
how they had been treated 5 by Timotheus, the Lacedaemonians 

1 See c. 1, sect. 1. 

2 In the middle of the preceding Olympiad, the Athenians had 
sent deputations to the states subject to the Lacedaemonians, and 
exhorted them to detach themselves from the Spartan power, 
which was in its decay. In consequence the Chians, Byzantines, 
Rhodians, Mitylenaeans, and some time afterwards the Thebans, 
went over to the side of the Athenians, who then constituted a 
common council at Athens, and a common treasury. See Diod. Sic. 
v. 4. 34. Weiske. 

1 See v. 1. 1. 

4 They had been exiled by a faction in the Lacedaemonian in- 
terest. See Diod. Sic. xv. 45. 

5 How Timotheus had forcibly brought back those whom they 
had exiled. 



480 



HELLENICS. 



[b. VI. 



immediately came to a resolution that " the Athenians had 
committed injustice," and, preparing again to send out a fleet, 
collected vessels to the number of sixty from Lacedaemon 
itself, from Corinth, Leucas, Ambracia, Elis, Zacynthus, 
Achaia, Epidaurus, Troezen, Hermion, and the Halians. 1 4. 
Appointing Mnasippus admiral, they instructed him to attend 
to affairs in that sea 2 in general, and to make an attempt 
upon Corcyra. They sent also to Dionysius, 3 respresenting 
that it was for his interest that Corcyra should not be in the 
power of the Athenians. 

5. Mnasippus, when his fleet was collected, set sail for Cor- 
cyra. He had with him, in addition to the troops from 
Lacedsemon, a body of mercenaries to the amount of not less 
than fifteen hundred. 6. When he landed on the island, he 
at once became master of it, and laid waste the country, which 
was excellently cultivated and planted, and exhibited, through- 
out the fields, fine houses and well constructed wine-vaults ; 4 
so that the soldiers, they said, arrived at such a height of 
luxury, that they would drink no wine but such as was of a 
fragrant odour. Slaves and cattle in great numbers were 
carried off from the fields. 7. At length he encamped with 
his land forces on a hill, distant about five stadia from the 
city, and overlooking the country, so that if any of the Cor- 
cyrasans should come out into the fields, he might cut off their 
retreat ; his ships he stationed on the opposite side of the city, 
at a point where he thought that they would observe and stop 
whatever vessels might approach the coast. In addition to 
these arrangements, he anchored galleys, when foul weather 
did not prevent, in front of the harbour. Thus he kept the 
city in a state of blockade. 

8. As the Corcyrseans, in consequence, could get no supplies 
from their grounds, since they were overpowered by land, 
while nothing could be brought them by sea, because they 
were inferior in naval force, they suffered greatly from want 
of provisions, and, sending to the Athenians, entreated aid of 



1 The people of an obscure town on the coast of Laconia. Weiske. 
See Strabo, lib. viii. p. 373 ; Diod. Sic. xi. 78 ; Steph. Byz. 

2 The sea about Corcyra and Zacynthus. 

3 The elder Dionysius, tyrant of Syracuse. See vii. 4. 12. Weiske. 

4 Οίνώνας.] Cellce vinarice is the interpretation given to this word 
in this passage of Xenophon by Pollux, vi. 15 ; ix. 49. Morus. 



CH. 2.] IPHICRATES COMMANDS THE FLEET. 481 

them, and represented that " they would lose a very valuable 
possession 1 if they should be deprived of Corcyra, and would 
greatly increase, at the same time, the strength of their ene- 
mies ; for that from no state in Greece, except Athens, could 
more ships or money be raised;" they added, also, that 
" the island of Corcyra was favourably situated with regard 
to the Gulf of Corinth, and the cities lying upon it, and 
favourably, too, for ravaging the territory of Laconia, but 
most favourably of all with reference to the opposite conti- 
nent, and the passage from Sicily to the Peloponnesus." 10. 
The Athenians, on hearing these representations, were of 
opinion that they must pay careful attention to the matter, 
and sent out Stesicles, as general, with six hundred peltasts, 
requesting Alcetas to assist in conveying 2 them over the 
water. it. These troops were accordingly landed some- 
where on the coast by night, and made their way into the 
city of Corcyra. 

The Athenians also resolved to man sixty additional ships, 
and elected Timotheus as commander of them. 12. Timotheus, 
not being able to man these vessels at home, sailed about to 
the different islands, and endeavoured to complete his crews 
from thence ; thinking it would be no light matter to sail 
round 3 without due preparation against ships so well dis- 
ciplined as those of the enemy. 13. But the Athenians, 
imagining that he was wasting the whole of the season suit- 
able for the expedition, had no patience with him, and, de- 
priving him of his command, appointed Iphicrates in his room. 
14. Iphicrates, as soon as he was made commander, manned 
his vessels with the utmost expedition, and obliged the trier- 
archs 4 to exert themselves. He took from the Athenians, 
also, whatever ships were on the coast of Attica, as well as 
the Paralus and Salaminian ships, 5 observing that " if affairs 

1 The same argument, observes Morus, is used in Thucydides, 
i. 36. 

2 From Epirus, of which Alcetas is called prince, c. 1, sect. 7, 
not, as some have thought, from Zacynthus, or Athens itself. 
Dindorf. 

3 Ι\εριπλεΰσαι.~\ To sail round the Peloponnesus to Corcyra. So 
περίπλους in the following section. 

* Those who were responsible for the fitting out and manning of 
the ships at Athens. 
6 Two ships at Athens reserved for state service. 
vol. 11. 2 1 



482 



HELLENICS. 



[b. VI. 



ν 



at Corcyra were successful, he would send them back plenty 
of ships." His fleet amounted in all to about seventy. 

15. During this time the people of Corcyra were so griev- 
ously oppressed with famine, that, in consequence of the num- 
ber of deserters, Mnasippus made proclamation that "all 
deserters for the future should be sold as slaves." But when 
they continued to desert nevertheless, he at last scourged 
them, and sent them back. The people in the city, however, 
refused to receive any slaves into the town, and many, in 
consequence, perished without the walls. 16. Mnasippus, ob- 
serving this, imagined that he was all but in possession of the 
city, and began to make new arrangements as to his mercen- 
aries, some of whom he dismissed from his service, while to 
those who remained he continued in debt two months' pay, 
though not, as it was said, for want of money, for the greater 
number of the towns, in consequence of the expedition being 
over the sea, had sent him money instead of men. 17. But as 
the people in the city observed from their towers that the 
lines of the enemy were guarded with less strictness than be- 
fore, and that the men were straggling over the country, they 
made a sally upon them, and took some of them prisoners and 
killed some. 18. Mnasippus, perceiving what had happened, 
armed himself, and hastened, with all the heavy- armed troops 
that he had, to the succour of his men, ordering also the cap- 
tains and centurions to lead out the mercenaries. 19. Some 
of the captains observing that " it was not easy for those to 
have their men obedient who gave them no subsistence," he 
struck one of them with his staff, and another with the handle 
of his spear. Thus they all came out without spirit, and 
with feelings of hatred towards their general ; a state of mind 
by no means favourable for fighting. 20. However, when he 
had drawn up his force, he put to flight those of the enemy 
that were near the gates of the city, and pressed forward in 
pursuit of them ; but the pursued, when they were close to 
the wall, faced about, and hurled stones and darts at him from 
the tombs ; while others, sallying forth from the other gates, 
fell, in a dense body, upon the extremity of his line. 21. Mna- 
sippus's men there, being formed but eight deep, and think- 
ing their wing too weak, endeavoured to wheel round, but 
when they began to withdraw from their position, the enemy 
rushed upon them as if they were going to flee, when they 



CH. 2.] DEATH OF MXASIPPUS. 483 

themselves no longer attempted to turn, and those that were 
nearest to them took to flight. 22. Mnasippus, at the same 
time, was unable to support the party that were in difficulties, 
as the enemy were pressing upon him in front, and he was 
continually left with fewer and fewer men. At last the ene- 
my, collecting in a body, made a general attack upon those 
remaining with Mnasippus, now reduced to a very small 
number indeed ; while the people from the city, observing 
how things stood, sallied forth, and, after killing Mnasippus, 
joined in a general pursuit. 23. The pursuers would proba- 
bly have taken the camp and entrenchment, had they not ob- 
served the crowd in the market, and that of the servants and 
slaves, and, imagining it an efficient body of defenders, re- 
traced their steps. 24. The Corcyraeans however erected a 
trophy, and restored the dead under a truce. 

After this affair, the people in the city grew bolder, while 
those without were in extreme dejection ; for it was said that 
Iphicrates was almost at hand ; and the Corcyraeans actually 
proceeded to fit out their vessels. 25. But Hypermenes, who 
had been second in command to Mnasippus, manned all the 
Lacedaemonian ships that were there, and, sailing round to the 
encampment, loaded them every one with slaves and other 
effects, and sent them off. 26. He himself, with the marines, and 
such of the other soldiers as survived, stayed to guard the en- 
trenchment, but at last these also got on board, in the utmost 
disorder, and sailed away, leaving behind them a great quan- 
tity of corn and wine, and a number of slaves and sick per- 
sons ; for they were extremely afraid that they would be 
surprised in the island by the Athenians. However, they ar- 
rived in safety at Leucas. 

27. Iphicrates, as soon as he commenced his voyage, con- 
tinued, while he pursued his way, to prepare everything 
necessary for an engagement. He left his large sails 1 at 
home at starting, as standing out for a battle, and of his other 
sails, 1 even if the wind was favourable, he made little use ; 

1 Τά μεγάλα ιστία — τοϊς άκατίοις.~\ How these two kinds of sails 
are to be distinguished, the commentators find it hopeless to dis- 
cover. Schneider, referring to liesychius and others, makes them 
identical, but it is plain that Xenophon, if the text be correct, op- 
poses one to the other. Yet, as it is generally understood that 
άκατίον is a large sail, Weiske ingeniously conjectures that we 
should read τά μϊν άλλα ιστία. 

2 ι 2 



484 



HELLENICS. 



[b. VI. 



but, making his passage with the oar, caused his men, by that 
me,ans, to keep themselves in better condition, and his ships 
to pursue their course better. 1 28. Frequently, too, wherever 
the crews were going to dine or sup, he would draw off one 
extremity of the fleet to a distance from the land over against 
the place, and, when he had turned about, and ranged his 
vessels in a line with their prows towards it, would start 
them, at a signal, to race against each other to the shore ; 
when it was a great advantage for such as could first take 
their water, and whatever else they needed, and first finish 
their meal ; while, to such as came last, it was a great pun- 
ishment to have the disadvantage in all these respects, since 
they were all obliged to put out to sea again when he gave the 
signal ; for it was the fortune of those that landed first to do 
everything at their leisure, but of those that were last, to do 
all with hurry. 29. If he landed to take a meal in the ene- 
my's country, he not only posted sentinels, as was proper, on 
the shore, but also, raising the masts in his ships, kept a look- 
out from thence. The men stationed on the masts, indeed, 
saw much farther than those on the level ground, as they 
looked down from a higher position. Wherever he supped or 
slept, he kindled no fire in the camp at night, but kept a light 
burning in front of the encampment, that no one might ap- 
proach undiscovered. Often, moreover, if the weather was 
calm, he would resume his voyage as soon as supper was 
over ; and, if a breeze propelled the vessels, the men reposed 
as they ran on, but, if it was necessary to use the oar, he made 
them take rest by turns. 30. In his course by day, he would 
sometimes, at given signals, lead his ships in a line behind 
one another, and sometimes in a body side by side ; so that, 
while they pursued their voyage, they practised and acquired 
whatever was necessary for naval warfare, and thus arrived 
at the sea which they believed to be occupied by the enemy. 
They dined and supped, for the most part, on the enemy's ter- 
ritory ; but, as they did nothing more there than what was 
necessary, Iphicrates escaped all attacks by the suddenness 
with which he resumed his voyage, which he soon accom- 
plished. 31. About the time of Mnasippus's death he was at 



1 "Αμιινον — π\ιϊν.~\ 
ercised. Weiske. 



In consequence of the rowers being well ex- 



CH. 2.] ABLE MANAGEMENT OF IPHICRATES. 485 

the Sphagire 1 in Laconia. Advancing thence to the coast of 
Elis, and sailing past the mouth of the Alpheius, he came to 
anchor at the promontory called Icthys. Next day he pro- 
ceeded from thence to Cephallenia, with his fleet so arranged, 
and keeping his course in such a manner, that he could, if it 
should be requisite, get everything needful ready for battle, 
and engage at once ; for as to the fate of Mnasippus, he had 
heard no account from any eye-witness, and suspected that it 
might be a report intended to deceive him, and accordingly 
kept upon his guard. But when he arrived at Cephallenia, he 
received a full statement of facts, and stopped there to refresh 
his men. 

32. 1 am aware that whenever men expect to fight at sea, 
all such matters are practised and studied ; but what I com- 
mend in Iphicrates is, that when he had to hasten to the parts 
where he thought that he should come to a battle, he con- 
trived that his men should neither grow neglectful of prepara- 
tion for battle by reason of the length of the voyage, nor pursue 
their course the more slowly by attending to such preparation. 

33. Having reduced the towns in Cephallenia, he sailed off 
to Corcyra. Here the first intelligence he received was, that 
ten galleys were coming from Dionysius 2 to reinforce the 
Lacedaemonians ; and going in person therefore along the 
coast, and considering from what points it was possible to de- 
scry those vessels approaching, and for people making signals 
to render them visible at the city, he posted sentinels in those 
places, arranging with them what signals they should give 
when the enemy sailed up and cast anchor. 34. He then 
selected twenty of his own captains, w r ho were to be ready to 
follow him whenever he should send a messenger to them, and 
gave them notice, that, if anyone of them should not follow 
him, be must not complain of any penalty imposed upon him. 
Am -non as these ships, then, were signalled as approaching, 
and messengers were sent to the captains, their haste was de- 
serving of admiration ; for there was no one, of those that 

1 Pliny, Π. Χ. ίτ. 12, 10, speaks of three Sphagiae, islands lying 
before Pylofl ; they were therefore on the coast of Messenia, not on 
that of Laconia, unless Xenophon or his transcribers have made 

mistake in the name Weiske however thinks that Messenia 
was anciently included under the name of Laconia, referring to 
Thucyd. ii. 25, where Methone is said to he in Laconia. Schneider. 

2 See sect. 1. 



486 HELLENICS. [β. VI. 

were going to sail, that did not embark with the utmost speed. 
35. Standing away to the point where the ships of the enemy- 
were, he found that the men from the rest of them were gone 
ashore, but that Melanippus, a Rhodian captain, was exhort- 
ing the other commanders not to stay there, and, embarking 
his own crew, was sailing off. Melanippus, in consequence, 
though he met with the ships of Iphicrates, nevertheless 
escaped, but all the ships from Syracuse * were captured, with 
their crews. 36. Iphicrates, cutting off the beaks of the ves- 
sels, brought them in tow into the harbour of Corcyra, and 
settled a fixed 2 sum for each of the prisoners to pay for his 
ransom, except Crinippus the chief captain, whom he kept 
under guard, as if he would exact a vast sum from him, or 
sell him as a slave. He however died, through grief, by 
his own hands. The other prisoners Iphicrates discharged, 
taking security from the Corcyrseans for the payment of their 
ransom. 

37. He maintained his sailors, chiefly, by employing them 
in agriculture in the service of the Corcyraeans. With the 
peltasts, and the heavy-armed men from the fleet, he passed 
over to Acarnania, where he afforded aid to the friendly towns, 
if any required it, and made war upon the Thyreans, a people 
of great bravery, and occupying a strongly fortified place. 
38. Afterwards, fetching the fleet from Corcyra, consisting 
now of about ninety ships, he proceeded first to Cephallenia 
and raised contributions there, as well from people that were 
willing to give them, as from those that were unwilling. He 
then prepared to commit depredations on the territories of the 
Lacedaemonians ; and, of the cities in those parts attached to 
the enemy, to receive into alliance such as were willing to 
join him, and to make Avar on such as rejected his advances. 

39. I praise this expedition- as one of the greatest among 
the exploits of Iphicrates, and I commend him also for having 
procured Callistratus the popular orator, a man by no means 
his friend, 3 and Chabrias, who was esteemed an able general, 
to be joined with him in the command ; for if he regarded 
them as sensible men, and wished to take them as counsellors, 
he appears to have done what was prudent ; or, if he con- 

1 Melanippus's ship was therefore, apparently, from Rhodes. 

2 Συνέβη Γ\ Partus est. Dindorf. 

3 Ου μαλα ίπιτηδειον οντα.^\ A?nicu?n f η on idoneum* Dindorf. 



CH. 3.] ATHENS DISSATISFIED ΛΥΙΤΙΙ THEBES. 487 

sidered them enemies, and was in that case confident * that he 
should appear in no respect indolent or negligent, such con- 
duct seems to me to be that of a man having great confidence 
in himself. Such were the proceedings of Iphicrates. 



CHAPTER III. 



The Athenians, though displeased with the Thebans, think it best to invite 
them to make peace with the Lacediemonians. Deputies from the several 
states accordingly meet at Sparta. Speeches of Callias, Autocles, and 
Callistratus. Peace is settled on the understanding that the Lacedaemoni- 
ans shall recall their harmosts, disband their troops, and give liberty to 
their dependent cities ; and that if any state is wronged, any other state 
that will, may take its part. The several states swear to observe the con- 
ditions ; except the Thebans, who wish to take the oath in the name of all 
the Boeotians, and concerning whom the matter is left doubtful. 

ι. Τπε Athenians, seeing the Platoeans, 2 their friends, driven 
from Bceotia, and seeking refuge at Athens, and the Thespians 
entreating them " not to allow them to be deprived of a home," 
could no longer approve the conduct of the Thebans ; jet to 
go to war with them they were partly ashamed, and partly 
thought it inexpedient. But, when they saw them making 
war upon the Phocians, who were old friends to the city of 
Athens, and destroying cities that had been faithful in the 
war with the Barbarians, and well disposed to the Thebans 
themselves, they refused to have any further concern in what 
they were doing. 2. In consequence, the people of Athens, 
passing a resolution to make peace, sent, in the first place, 
ambassadors to Thebes, to call on the Thebans to send ambas- 

1 The text is in some way defective here, as Morns, Schneider, 
and Weiske observe. 1 translate according to the emendation of 
Jacobs, noticed by Schneider, c'i'riog ίΰάρσιι μήτε — ψαίνίσΰαι. 

2 The Platsanfl had sent for aid to Athens, and wished to deliver 
up their city to the Athenians, but the Thehans suddenly took ροβ- 

fon of the city, while it was undefended, and razed it. The 
people, thus driven into exile, fled to Athens, where they were ad- 
mitted as citizens. See Diod. Sic. κν. 46: Pausan. i\. p. 713 ; and 
the Plataic Orat. of Isoerates. Schfteiaer. Xenophon has neg- 
lected to give an account of this occurrence, as well as of the de- 
struction of Thespiae. See sect. .',. Mums. Theepiae is said by 
Pausanias, ix. 1 1, to have been destroyed after the hat tie of Lenctra. 



488 



HELLENICS. 



[Β. VI. 



sadors after them to Lacedaemon, to arrange, if they wished, 
conditions of peace. They then sent off ambassadors to Lace- 
daemon themselves ; among those chosen on the occasion were 
Callias the son of Hipponicus, Autocles the son of Strombi- 
chides, Demostratus the son of Aristophon, Aristocles, Cephi- 
sodotus, Melanopus, and Lycaethus. 3. When they appeared 
before the assembly of Lacedaemonians and allies, Callistratus 
the popular orator being present there, (for, having promised 
Iphicrates, that, if he would grant him his dismissal, he would 
either send him money for his fleet or effect a peace, he had 
been in consequence at Athens, 1 and endeavoured to settle 
about a peace,) when they appeared, I say, before the assem- 
bly of Lacedaemonians and allies, Callias, the torchbearer in 
the mysteries of Ceres, 2 was the first of them that spoke. 
He was a man that was not less pleased at being praised by 
himself than by others, and proceeded to speak, on this occa- 
sion, in some such manner as the following. 

4. " The office of public host, 3 Ο men of Lacedaemon, by 
which I am connected with you, I am not the only one of my 
family that has held, for my father's father had it, and left it 
as hereditary to his family. I wish also to mention to you, 
how our country has always felt towards us ; for, when there 
is war, it chooses us as commanders, and, when it desires quiet, 
sends us out as peace-makers. I have, indeed, been twice 4 
before at Lacedaemon for the purpose of putting an end to 
war, and, in both my embassies, made peace between you and 
us; and I now come a third time, and think that I may far 
more justly than ever hope to effect a reconciliation ; 5. for I 
see that you do not think one thing, and we another, but that 
you and we are alike indignant at the ruin of Plataeae and 
Thespiae. How can it be otherwise than fit, then, that men 
who entertain the same feelings should be friends rather than 
enemies to each other ? 

" It is indeed the part of wise men, even if little differ- 
ences of opinion arise between them, not to have recourse to 



1 Αθηνησί τε ήν.~] Morns thinks that we should read ΆΘήν^θε 
παρήν, " had come from Athens." 

2 This was a very honourable office. Weiske. 

3 Τίροξενίαν.'] See notes on ch. 1, sect. 4 ; and iv. 5. 6. 

4 Was he among those who are mentioned ii. 2. 12, 17, and ii. 4. 
37 ? Dindorf. 



CH. 3.] MEETING OF DEPUTIES AT SPARTA. 489 

war ; and, if we entirely agree in opinion, would it not be 
one of the strangest of things, that we should not make peace ? 
6. It would be just, let me say, that we should never bear arms 
against each other, since Triptolemus, our ancestor, is said to 
have communicated the secret mysteries of Ceres and Proser- 
pine to Hercules, your earliest chief, and to the Dioscuri 
your countrymen, first of all foreigners, and to have bestowed 
the seed of the fruits of Ceres on the Peloponnesus before 
any other country. How, therefore, is it just, either that 
you should ever come to lay waste the crops of those from 
whom you received seed, or that we should not wish as 
great an abundance of food as possible to arise to those to 
whom we gave seed ? And if it is appointed by the gods 
that wars must be among mankind, it at least becomes us to 
commence hostilities with the utmost tardiness, and, when 
they are commenced, to bring them to an end as soon as we 
can." 

7. After him, Autocles, who was regarded as a skilful 
orator, spoke to this effect : 

" I am not ignorant, men of Lacedremon, that what I am 
about to say will not be spoken to your gratification ; but it 
appears to me, that those who wish the friendship which they 
form to have the longest possible duration, should impress 
upon one another the causes of previous wars. You arc al- 
ways saying that the cities ought to be independent ; yet you 
yourselves are the greatest obstruction to their independence ; 
for you make this the first condition with people received into 
alliance with you, that they follow wherever you lead them ; 
and how is such a condition consistent with independence ? 
B. Vt.ii make enemies without consulting your allies, and then 
lead your allies to make war upon your enemies ; so that those 
who are said to be independent are often compelled to take 
the field against people who are their greatest friends. 

" Bat what is the most adverse of all things to independ- 
ence, you establish in some cities governments of Ten, and in 
others governments of Thirty; and you look to these governors, 
not that they may rule the cities with justice, hut that they 
may secure them by force ; go that yon appear to find more 
pleasure in tyrannies than in republics. :•. When the king 

of Persia, too, desired that tin; cities should he independent, 

you appeared plainly of opinion that if the Thcbans did not 



490 



HELLENICS. 



[β. VI. 



allow each city to govern itself, and to use whatever laws it 
pleased, they would not act in accordance with the king's let- 
ter ; but, when you got possession of the citadel of Thebes, 
you did not allow even the Thebans themselves to be inde- 
pendent. But it is not the part of those who would be friends, 
to be anxious to obtain justice from others, and to appear on 
their own part making as great encroachments as they can." 

10. As he spoke thus, he not only produced silence in the 
whole assembly, but caused such as were unfavourable to the 
Lacedaemonians to feel delighted. When he had concluded, 
Calli stratus said, 

" That there have not been faults, Ο men of Lacedsemon, 
both on our side and on yours, I do not imagine that I can 
assert ; yet I am not of opinion that we must have no further 
dealings with those who have done wrong ; for I see no human 
being passing through life without error ; and sometimes men 
w r ho have done wrong appear to me to become more discreet, 1 
especially if they have been punished by their errors as we 
have been. n. To you yourselves, also, I see that many re- 
taliations have at times occurred from imprudent actions ; 
among which was the seizure of the citadel at Thebes ; since 
now indeed, 2 zealous as you were that the cities should be in- 
dependent, they have all, since the Thebans were wronged, 
put themselves again into their hands ; so that I now hope 
that you, being taught how profitless encroachment is, will 
conduct yourselves with moderation in mutual friendship. 

12. " As to what some, who wish to prevent peace, insinuate 
against us, intimating that we are come hither, not to seek 
your friendship, but from fear that Antalcidas may have come 
with money from the king, consider how foolishly they talk ; 
for the king wrote that all the cities in Greece should be free, 
and why should we then, who conform in word and deed to 
the wishes of the king, apprehend anything from him ? Or 
does any one think that the king desires, at a. vast expense of 
money, to make others great, rather than that what he deems 
best should be effected for him without expense ? 13. But why 
then are we come ? That we do not come from distress, you 

1 Έυπορώτεροι.~] Fr. Portus supposes this word to be equivalent 
to εμπειρότεροι. Weiske interprets it by commodiores, faciliores. Neither 
of these explanations satisfies me. Schneider, 

2 Νυν γονν.~\ Nunc certe, " now at least." Weiske. 



CH. 3.] SPEECH OF CALLISTRATUS. 491 

may know by looking, if you please, to the state of our affairs 
at sea, and also, if you please, to the state of our affairs by 
land, at the present time. What, therefore, is the cause of our 
coming ? l It is plain that some of our allies are doing rather 
what is unpleasing to us than what is pleasing to you ; 2 and 
perhaps we may wish to communicate to you what we have 
clearly perceived, in return for your preservation of us. 3 14. 
But that I may still confine myself to the mention of what is 
advantageous, there are, among all the cities, some favourable 
to your interests, and some to ours ; in every city one party 
declares for the Lacedaemonians, and another for the Atheni- 
ans. But if 4 we become friends, from whom can we fairly 
expect any effectual opposition ? Who, when you are our 
friends, will be able to molest us by land ? Or who, when we 
are your supporters, will be able to hurt you by sea ? 

15. " That wars arise from time to time, and are brought 
to an end, we all know ; and we are conscious that we all shall 
at some time desire peace, even if we do not desire it now. 
Why then should we wait for that period when we shall be 
exhausted by a series of disasters, and not rather make peace 
at once, before any irremediable evil overtakes us ? 16. For 
my part, I can neither commend those persons, who, having 
become competitors in public games, and having gained reput- 
ation by several victories, are so fond of contention, that they 
will not cease from it until they are beaten and forced to re- 
linquish their profession ; nor can I praise those gamesters, 

1 Τι μην ίστιν ;] " This passage of the speech," says Weiske, 
" seems to me to be as defective as it is obscure ; for it is not likely 
that Xenophon would have made an eminent Athenian orator in- 
dulge in such Spartan brevity as to leave his meaning doubtful. 
From the commencement of section 14 the reader may see that all 
is perspicuous and intelligible." Schneider is of the same opinion 
as to the defectiveness of the passage. 

2 Ο/κ αρεστά πράττουσιν ημϊν η νμίν άρεστα.~] I translate these 
words in the sense given them by Morns, who understands μάλλον 
alter νμϊν, and with whom Weiske appears to concur. Leunelavius's 
translation is, ca designare out qua• nobis (/rata non sint, ant qua vobis 
platen, it ; but he proposes the correction ημΧν obtii υμίν aptcra. 
To what circumstances an allusion is intended, no commentator 

a conjecture. 

b» ϊνεκα πεοκ-σώσατε ημάς.] Proptereaquod ct ipri not cons rvaveri- 
.• unelavins. So Morns. 
4 'Efodv.] A disjunctive conjunction seems to he wanting; and 
I have therefore inserted but, and disregarded the <</ r. 



492 



HELLENICS. 



[Β. VI. 



who, if they are lucky in one trial, play for double stakes ; for 
I see that the greater part of such adventurers sink into utter 
destitution, 17. Contemplating these examples, it is incum- 
bent on us never to reduce ourselves to such a struggle, that 
we must either gain all or lose all, but to become, while we 
are yet strong and prosperous, friends to one another ; for 
thus we with your support, and you with ours, may prove 
still more powerful in Greece than has ever been the case in 
past times." 

18. As these speakers appeared to say what was reasonable, 
the Lacedaemonians passed a resolution to agree to the peace, 
on the understanding that " they should withdraw their 
harmosts from the cities, that they should disband both their 
sea and land forces, and that they should leave the cities in- 
dependent ; and that, if any one should act contrary to these 
arrangements, whoever was willing might take the part of 
such cities as were wronged ; but that on him who was not 
willing to take their part, it should not be considered as obli- 
gatory by his oath to do so." 19. On these conditions the 
Lacedaemonians swore to a treaty of peace for themselves and 
their allies ; and the Athenians and their allies in the name of 
their respective cities. The Thebans, however, having en- 
rolled their name in the list of the cities that took the oath, 
their deputies came back the next day, and requested the 
council to alter the record, and say, instead of " the Thebans," 
that " the Boeotians " had sworn. Agesilaus replied, " that 
he would alter nothing of that which they had at first sworn, 
and to which they had set their name ; " but said that, " if 
they did not wish to be included in the treaty, he would erase 
their name altogether, should they desire it." 20. Thus the 
rest having made peace, and there being a controversy 
only with the Thebans, the Athenians thought it was to be 
expected that the Thebans, as the saying is, would be deci- 
mated; 1 and the Thebans themselves went off in very great 
dejection. 

1 Αεκατενθήναι.] When Xerxes invaded Greece, many of the 
Grecian states joined him ; among them the Thebans and other 
Boeotians, except the Platseans and Thespians; see Herod, vii. 132. 
After Xerxes was defeated, the Greeks who had remained faithful 
to their country resolved to punish those who had deserted its cause, 
and to present the tenth of their property to Apollo. Schneider and 
Weiske. 



CH. 4.] SPARTA GOES TO AVAR WITH THEBES. 493 



CHAPTER IV. 

The Thebans refusing to set free the towns of Boeotia, Cleombrotus is di- 
rected by the ephori to march out of Phocis. He surprises the town of 
Creusis, takes twelve ships, and pitches his camp at Leuctra. The The- 
bans encamp at no great distance from him. Battle of Leuctra and defeat 
of the Lacedaemonians. The ephori send Archidamus with a reinforce- 
ment to the defeated army. The Thebans endeavour to excite the Atheni- 
ans to crush the Lacedaemonians, but, being unsuccessful, apply, with the 
same object, to Jason of Thessaly. Jason inarches into Boeotia, and dis- 
suades both the Thebans and Lacedaemonians from continuing the war. 
Returning home through Phocis, he demolishes the fortifications of He- 
raclea, that it may be no obstacle to his communication with Greece. He 
then prepares to celebrate the Pythian games, intending to preside at 
them, but is assassinated by seven young men. His successors, Poly- 
dorus, Polyphron, and Alexander. Death of Alexander, and succession 
of Tisiphonus. 

i. Immediately afterwards, the Athenians withdrew their 
garrisons from the several cities, and recalled Iphicrates and 
his fleet ; desiring him to restore all the places that he had 
taken after the oaths were sworn to the treaty at Lacedamion. 

2. As for the Lacedaemonians, they withdrew the harmosts 
and garrisons from the cities in general, but when Cleombro- 
tus, 1 who was at the head of the army in Phocis, sent to 
ask the authorities at home how he should act, Prothous 
said that " he thought they should disband the army accord- 
ing to the treaty, and send notice to the cities that each of 
them should contribute to the temple of Apollo 2 as much as it 
should think fit, and then, if any people should not leave the 
cities independent, they should summon the allies together 
again, as many of them at least as were willing to vindicate 
the general independence, and lead them against Mich as op- 
posed it, for by such conduct," he added, " he thought the 
gods weald be best rendered propitious, and the cities be least 
dissatisfied." :*. The assembly, on hearing these observations, 
were of opinion that he spoke foolishly, (for an evil spirit, as 
it seems, was now leading them on,) and the government sent 

1 This is a k)Bg sentence, which, as Weieke says, the author be- 
gan with the intention of giving it a different conclusion from that 
which it now has. II•' commences with ΚΧιόμβροτον, as if he had 

meant to add, ϊ-κίλη'σαν arndTtvtiv iwi rote 0//.-m<orr, hut finishes 
witli ίπίστίίλαν Ct Γω ΚΧ§θμβρότψ ί &C« 

2 The temple in Delos, or that at Delphi I Schneider. 



494 



HELLENICS. 



[b. VI. 



orders to Cleombrotus " not to disband his army, but to march 
at once against the Thebans unless they set the cities at 
liberty." 1 When therefore he perceived that they were not 
only not liberating the cities, but were even forbearing from 
disbanding their forces, in order that they might make head 
against him, he accordingly led his army into Bceotia. Where 
the Thebans expected that he would enter their country from 
Phocis, and where they were keeping guard at a narrow pass, 
he did not make his entrance, but marching through Thisbae, 
by a mountainous and uncontemplated route, arrived at Creu- 
sis, when he took the fortress, and possessed himself of twelve 
galleys belonging to the Thebans. 4. Having done this, and 
gone up from the sea, he encamped at Leuctra in the territory 
of Thespise. The Thebans encamped on the hill opposite to 
him, at no great distance, having no auxiliaries except Boeo- 
tians. 5. Some of the friends of Cleombrotus then went to 
him, and said, " If you allow the Thebans to go off without 
fighting, you will be in danger of suffering the greatest pun- 
ishment from your countrymen ; for they will call to mind re- 
specting you the time when you went to Cynoscephalse, 2 and 
did no damage to the Theban territory, and the subsequent 
occasion, when, after taking the field, you were prevented 
from entering their country, whereas Agesilaus had always 
entered it by the pass of Cithaeron. If therefore you have 
any regard for yourself, or any desire to live in your own 
country, you must lead on your army against that of the ene- 
my." In such a manner did his friends address him; while 
his enemies said,• " He will now show whether he is really a 
friend to the Thebans, as he is said to be." 6. Cleombrotus, 
hearing these remarks, was incited to come to a battle. 

The chief men of the Thebans, on the other hand, were 
arguing that if they did not fight, the surrounding cities 
would revolt from them, and they themselves would be be- 
sieged ; and that, if the populace of Thebes should be in want 
of provisions, the government would be likely to turn against 
them, and, as many of them had already been exiles, they 
considered that it would be better to die on the field of battle 

1 Four lines, which are mere repetition, through the- error, ap- 
parently, of some transcriber, and which Dindorf includes in 
brackets, are not translated. 

2 See v. 4. 15 and 50. 



CH. 4.] PREPARATIONS FOR BATTLE AT LEUCTRA. 495 

than to be banished a second time. 7. In addition to this, an 
oracle that was mentioned gave them some encouragement, 
importing that " the Lacedasmonians would be conquered 
where the tomb of the virgins 1 stood," who were said to have 
killed themselves because they had suffered violence from 
some Lacedaemonians. This tomb the Thebans decorated be- 
fore the battle. Intelligence was also brought them from 
Thebes that all the temples had opened of their own accord, 
and that the priestesses declared that the gods predicted vic- 
tory. From the temple of Hercules they said that the arms 
had disappeared, as if Hercules himself had gone forth to 
battle. Some however say that all these occurrences were 
mere artifices on the part of the leaders. 2 

8. For the battle everything was adverse on the side of the 
Lacedaemonians, while to the enemy everything was rendered 
favourable by fortune. It was after dinner that the last council 
of war was held by Cleombrotus; and, as the officers had 
drunk a little at noon, it was said that the wine in some de- 
gree inspired them. 9. And as, when both sides were fully 
armed, and it was now evident that a battle would take place, 
the people who had provisions for sale, with some of the bag- 
gage-carriers, and others who were unwilling to fight, were 
proceeding first of all to quit the camp of the Boeotians, the 
mercenaries under Hiero, the Phocian peltasts, and the Hera- 
clean and Phliasian cavalry, making a circuit, fell upon them 
as they were going off, turned them back, and pursued them 
to the Boeotian camp ; so that they made the army of the 
Boeotians larger and more numerous 3 than before. io. Be- 
sides, as there was a plain between the armies, the Lacedae- 
monians drew up their cavalry before their main body, and 
the Thebans drew up theirs over against them ; but the 
cavalry of the Thebans had been exercised in wars with the 
Orchomenians and Thespians, while that of the Lacedaemo- 

1 They were the daughters of Leuctrus, from whom Leuctra had 
its name, and of Scedasus, according to Diod. Sic. xv. 54. Plutarch, 
who gives a long story respecting them, calls them the daughters 
of Scedasus only. See Pausan. ix. 18. 

2 Especially of Epaminondas, according to Diod. Sic. xv. 53; 
Polyaen. ii. 2. s. WeUke. 

3 More numerous certainly; hut they were rather an obstacle to 
gaining a victory. Xenophon is too favourable to the Lacedaemo- 
nians. Schneider. 



496 HELLENICS. [β. VI. 

nians was at that time l in a very inefficient condition ; n. for 
the richest men maintained the horses, and, when notice of 
an expedition was given, the men appointed came to ride 
them, and each taking his horse, and whatever arms were 
given him, proceeded at once to the field ; and thus the weak- 
est and least spirited of all the men were mounted on horse- 
back. 12. Such was the cavalry on either side. Of the foot, 
it was said that the Lacedaemonians advanced with each 
enomotia 2 drawn up three deep; this arrangement making 
them not more than twelve deep in all. The Theban infantry, 
in close array, were not less than fifty deep, considering that 
if they could defeat the body of the enemy posted around the 
king, the rest of the army would be an easy conquest. 

13. As soon as Cleombrotus began to lead forward against 
the enemy, and even before the troops about him were aware 
that he was putting them in motion, the cavalry had already 
engaged, and those of the Lacedaemonians were at once de- 
feated, who, as they fled, fell in among their awn heavy-armed 
infantry, on which the troops of the Thebans were also 
pressing. But that the troops round Cleombrotus had 
at first the advantage in the contest, any one may be con- 
vinced by certain proof ; for they would not have been able to 
take him and carry him off alive, unless those who fought in 
front of him had been at that time victorious. 14. When, how- 
ever, Deimon the polemarch, Sphodrias, one of the attendants 
at the royal tent, 3 and Cleonymus his son, were killed, and 
the horse-guard, 4 those who are called supporters of the pole- 
march, and the rest, being overpowered by the mass of the 
enemy, were forced to fall back, the Lacedaemonians on the 

1 Was it ever otherwise? But cavalry from Heraclea and Phlius 
were in their army. Schneider. 

2 A company of twenty-five men, the fourth part of a λόχος. 
But the captain of the ενωμοτία was not reckoned as one, so that 
the company, when drawn up three deep, had eight men in front ; 
and when the four enomotice of the λόχος were thus ranged one be- 
hind the other, the λόχος would be twelve deep ; this is what Xeno- 
phon signifies in the text. 3 ΤΙερι ΰαμοσ'ιαν.~] See iv. 5. 8. 

4 Ot μεν ίπποι.] Leunclavius and Stephanus alter this word to 
ιππείς. Moras is content with explaining it by ιππείς. But to me the 
text seems far from correct ; for the commencement of the apodosis 
is not to be ascertained. Schneider. The passage is corrupt and ob- 
scure, and not at all cleared by a conjecture of Hemsterhusius 
given in Anecd. vol. i. p. 226. Dindorf. 



CH. 4.] RESULTS OF THE BATTLE OF LEUCTRA. 497 

left, seeing the right wing thus repulsed, also gave way, yet, 
though many were killed, and they were quite defeated, they 
were able, when they had repassed the trench which was in 
front of their camp, to form themselves under arms in the 
place from which they had set out. Their camp was nevertheless 
not on level ground, but rather somewhat on an acclivity. 

Some of the Lacedaemonians, at the time, who thought their 
disaster an insupportable disgrace, exclaimed that they ought 
to prevent the enemy from erecting a trophy, and endeavour 
to recover the dead, not by making a truce, but by fighting 
another battle, is. But the polemarchs, seeing that of the 
Lacedaemonians in all nearly a thousand had lost their lives ; 
and that of the Spartans, who were in the field to the number 
of about seven hundred, about four hundred had fallen ; and 
observing, also, that all the auxiliaries were too dispirited to 
renew the combat, and some of them not even concerned at 
what had happened, called a council of the chief officers, and 
deliberated what course they ought to pursue ; and as all were 
of opinion that " they ought to fetch off the dead by truce," 
they accordingly despatched a herald to treat respecting a 
truce. The Thebans soon after erected a trophy, and gave up 
the dead under truce. 

16. After these occurrences, the messenger who was sent 
with the news of the calamity to Lacedaemon, arrived there on 
the last day of the Gymnopasdiae, 1 after the chorus of men had 
made their entry. The ephori, when they heard of the cala- 
mity, were greatly concerned, as, I think, they naturally must 
have been ; yet they did not order that chorus to withdraw, 
but allowed them to finish the entertainment. They then 
sent the names of the dead to their several relatives, and gave 
notice to the women to make no lamentation, but to bear their 
affliction in silence. The day after, a person might have seen 
those whose relatives had died, appearing in public with looks 
of cheerfulness and joy ; but of those whose relatives were 
said to be alive, he would have seen but lew, and those going 
about with gloomy and dejected countenanc 

π. Soon after, the ephori called forth into service the re- 
maining battalions, consisting of men up to fifty-eight years 
of age. With these they sent some from the battalions already 

1 A festival at Sparta in honour of Apollo, Diana, and Latona, 
which lasted for several days : youths were the chief performers. 

VOL. II. 2 κ 



498 HELLENICS. [β. VI. 

abroad, up to the same age ; for those up to fifty-three years 
of age had previously gone out against the Phocians. They 
required those also, who had been left at home to fill public 
offices, to follow them. 18. Agesilaus had not yet recovered 
from his illness; and the government, therefore, appointed 
his son Archidamus to take the command. The Tegeans 
readily joined him in the field; for the party of Stasippus, 1 
who were favourable to the Lacedaemonians, and had the 
greatest influence in the city, were still in existence. The 
Mantineans also marched forth in great strength from their 
villages ; for they were under an aristocratical government. 2 
The Corinthians, Sicyonians, Phliasians, and Achaeans fol- 
lowed with much cheerfulness; and other towns sent out 
troops. The Lacedaemonians too, and Corinthians, manned 
their vessels, and called on the Sicyonians to man theirs, in 
which the Lacedaemonians thought of transporting their troops. 
Archidamus next proceeded to sacrifice with a view to cross- 
ing the borders. 

19. The Thebans, immediately after the battle, despatched 
a herald to Athens with a chaplet on his head, by whom they 
sent an account of the greatness of the victory, and a request, 
at the same time, for aid, saying that " it was now in the 
power of the Athenians to take vengeance on the Spartans 
for all that they had done to them." 20. The senate of the 
Athenians happened then to be sitting in the acropolis ; and, 
when they heard what had occurred, it was evident to every one 
that they were greatly troubled ; for they showed no hospitality 
to the herald, and gave no answer at all to the request for aid. 
The herald accordingly took his departure from Athens. 

The Thebans also sent in haste to Jason, who was their 
ally, urging him to send them succour, and meditating what 
results the future would have. 21. Jason immediately manned 
his galleys, as if intending to support them by sea, and, col- 
lecting his mercenary force and the cavalry that he had with 
him, proceeded, though the Phocians were in implacable hos- 
tility with him, through their country into Boeotia, showing 
himself in many of the towns before it was made known whither 
he was marching. He had accordingly proceeded a long way 
in advance, before any force could be collected from the dif- 

1 See c. 5, sect. 5, 6. 2 See v. 2. 7. 



CH. 4.] ADVICE OF JASON. 499 

ferent parts of the country, showing that expedition frequently 
effects its objects more successfully than strength. 22. When 
he had entered Boeotia, and the Thebans said that the time 
was come for overwhelming the Lacedaemonians, proposing 
that Jason, with his mercenaries, should pour upon them from 
the hills, 1 while they themselves charged them in front, Jason 
dissuaded them, observing that, after so noble a victory, it did 
not become them to court any further peril, with the risk of 
either gaining greater success, or losing the fruits of what they 
had already attained. 23. " Do you not see," said he, " that 
you yourselves obtained a victory when you were under the 
necessity of fighting ? It behoves you to reflect, therefore, 
that the Lacedaemonians, if they be forced to relinquish the 
hope of life, will fight with desperation ; and the divine pow- 
ers, as it seems, often take delight in making the little great, 
and the great little." 24. By such remarks he dissuaded the 
Thebans from incurring further hazard. The Lacedaemonians, 
on the other hand, he reminded of the difference between a 
vanquished and a victorious army ; " and if you desire," said 
he, " to extinguish the memory 2 of your late calamity, I ad- 
vise you to breathe and rest awhile, and, when you are grown 
stronger, to come to battle with these unconquered Thebans. 
But at the present time," added he, " be assured that there 
are some of your allies who are treating about peace with your 
enemies ; and therefore endeavour, by all means, to obtain a 
truce for yourselves. This object I have at heart, as I wish 
to save you, both because of the friendship which my father 
entertained for you, and because I am publicly connected with 
you by the laws of hospitality." 20. Such were the senti- 
ments that he expressed, and his object perhaps was, that both 
these parties, then at variance with one another, might look 
to him for support. However this might be, the Lacedse- 

1 Άνωθεν.] Weiske supposes that the hill or elope ifl meant 011 
which the Lacedaemonians are said to have been encamped, Beet 1 I. 
Jason was to come down from the top of it upon their roar, while 
their attention was occupied by the Thebans in front. 

2 Έπιλάθεσθαι — τυ ytytvmavov πάθοςΑ I take my translation of 
ίπιλάθίσθαι from Dr. Smith, believing it to he the nghl one. Or a 
pure middle signification may be given it : " to extinguish (in or 
among yourselves) the memory," that is, " to forget." Leunclavius 

gives ooUviaei. The verb is but seldom found with the accusative. 
Sturz gives the strange interpretation of " 

2 a 2 



500 



HELLENICS. 



[Β. VI. 



monians listened to him, and desired him to treat for them 
respecting a truce ; and, as soon as it was announced that a 
truce was arranged, the officers gave orders that all the men 
should collect their baggage after supper, in order to march 
off in the night, so that, by day-break, they might reach the 
ascent of Mount Cithasron. When the men had supped, there- 
fore, and before they could take any rest, the officers gave the 
word " to follow," and led off, at the close of the evening, 
along the road through Creusis, trusting more to the secrecy 
of their movements than to the truce. 26. Advancing in 
great discomfort, as men retreating in the night under the 
influence of fear, and pursuing a very difficult road, they 
reached JEgosthena in the territory of Megara, where they 
joined the troops under the command of Archidamus ; who, 
having halted there till all the allies arrived, conducted the 
whole army in a body as far as Corinth. Here he dismissed 
the allies, and led his own countrymen home. 

27. Jason, as he retired through Phocis, took the suburbs 
of Hyampolis, laid waste the adjacent country, and put to 
death many of the inhabitants. The rest of Phocis he tra- 
versed without doing any injury. Arriving at Heraclea, 1 he 
threw down the walls of that city, not fearing lest, when that 
way was opened, any of his enemies should invade his do- 
minions, but rather apprehending that some of them might 
seize Heraclea, which lay on a narrow pass, and stop him if 
he wished to march into any part of Greece. 28. When he 
returned to Thessaly, he was regarded as a great man, both 
because he was made Tagos of the Thessalians by law, and 
because he maintained about him a large body of mercenaries, 
both infantry and cavalry, all exercised in such a manner as 
to be in the best possible condition. He was considered as 
still greater, because many people had already become his 
allies, and others were desirous to be in the number of them. 
But he was greatest of all men of his time froin being of such 
a character that he could be despised by no one. 

29. When the Pythian games approached, he sent orders to 
each of the cities to prepare oxen, sheep, goats, and swine, as 
for the sacrifice ; and it was said that though but a very mo- 
derate number was required from each city, the oxen amounted 



Heraclea Trachinia. Diod. Sic. xv. 57. 



CH. 4.] DEATH OF JASON. 501 

to not less than a thousand, and the other cattle to more than 
ten thousand. He made proclamation also that whichsoever 
of the cities should produce the finest ox, worthy of being 
first sacrificed to the god, 1 its reward should be a golden 
crown. 30. He gave orders to the Thessalians, too, to be 
ready to take the field at the time of the Pythian games ; for 
he intended, as people said, to preside 2 in person at the sacred 
assembly and at the games in honour of the god. What de- 
sign he had with regard to the sacred treasures, is still un- 
known ; but it is said that when the people of Delphi in- 
quired " how they should act if he appropriated any part of 
the treasures of the deity," the god answered that " he himself 
would attend to that matter." 

31. But this man, possessed of such power, and meditating 
such vast and peculiar schemes, when, on a certain occasion, 
he was holding a review and examination of the cavalry of 
Pherse, and was sitting and answering applications, if any one 
came forward to make a petition to him, was stabbed and 
murdered by seven young men, who approached him on pre- 
tence of having a dispute among themselves. 32. As his 
guards who were at hand ran promptly to his defence, one of 
the assailants, while striking at Jason, was pierced with a 
lance and killed ; another was seized as he was mounting his 
horse, and put to death after receiving several wounds ; the 
rest sprung upon horses ready prepared for them, and made 
their escape ; and to whatever cities of Greece they afterwards 
went, they were in most of them received with honour. Hence 
it is evident that the Greeks had a great dread of Jason, lest 
he should prove a tyrant over them. 

33. After his death, Polydorus, his brother, and Polyphron, 3 
were chosen Tagi. Polydorus, as they were both travelling 
to Larissa, died while he was asleep at night, by the hands, as 

1 Έοΰν ηγεμόνα.] Α Βοΐις ήγεμών, in the opinion of Goldhagen, is 
as well one that leads the herd as one that is first sacrificed. Sturz. 

2 Διατιθέναι.] Moderari, prceess e. Weiske. As Jason was appre- 
hensive that if he ventured to preside at the games, he might he 
repelled by force, he wished to have his army with him, and to be 
in a condition to meet force with force. Morns. 

3 Since Polydorus and Polyphron were brothers, as appears from 
what follows, Bothe would alter the text to [Ιολύδωρος καϊ ΙΙολΰφρων 
αδελφοί αύτοϋ, i. e. " Polydorus and Polyphron the brothers of 
Jason." 



502 



HELLENICS. 



[β. VI. 



was supposed, of his brother Polyphron ; for his death was 
sudden, and from no apparent cause. 34. Polyphron held the 
government for a year, and made his rule similar to that of a 
tyrant ; for he put to death, at Pharsalus, Polydamas and eight 
others of the most respectable citizens, and drove several per- 
sons from Larissa into exile. As he was conducting himself 
in this manner, he was killed by Alexander, on the pretext of 
avenging Polydorus and overthrowing a tyranny. 35. But 
when Alexander got the government into his own hands, he 
proved himself a severe ruler to the Thessalians, and a violent 
enemy to the Thebans and Athenians, and an unprincipled 
robber by land and sea. After showing that such was his 
character, he was himself killed, by the hands indeed of his 
wife's brothers, but by the entire contrivance of his wife her- 
self ; 36. for she told her brothers that Alexander had a design 
on their lives, and concealed them a whole day in the house, 
and, taking Alexander in a state of intoxication, she removed 
his sword, after she had put him to sleep, while the lamp was 
left burning, and perceiving that her brothers were afraid to 
go into the room to Alexander, she declared that if they did 
not do the deed at once, she would awake him. As soon as 
they had entered, she closed the door, and kept fast hold of 
the bolt, until her husband was despatched. 37. Her hatred 
to Alexander is said by some to have arisen from the circum- 
stance, that when Alexander. had imprisoned a youth of whom 
he was fond, a boy of great beauty, and she entreated him to 
set him at liberty, he brought him out and put him to death. 
Others say that as he had no children by her, he sent to 
Thebes, and paid court to the widow of Jason to make her 
his wife. 1 The causes of the plot against him by his wife are 
thus related. Of the brothers who were agents in the affair, 
Tisiphonus, the eldest, has held the government till the time 
when this account was written. 



1 Schneider refers to Cic. Off. ii. 7 ; Ovid. Ibis, 823. H. Stephens 
admonishes us that the άναλαβεϊν in the text should be λαβεϊν. 



CH. 5.] POLICY OF THE ATHENIANS. 503 



CHAPTER V. 

The Peloponnesians being still under the influence of the Lacedaemonians, 
the Athenians endeayourto enjoin upon the several states a strict adherence 
to the terms of the peace of Antalcidas. All comply with their wishes 
except the Eleians, who are unwilling to grant freedom to certain of their 
towns. The Mantineans, contrary to the desire of the Lacedaemonians, 
re-unite themselves into one city. Factions of Collibius and Stasippus at 
Tegea ; that of Stasippus is overthrown by the aid of the Mantineans. 
The Lacedaemonians send out Agesilaus, at the head of an army, to pun- 
ish the Mantineans for their interference, but, though they make war also 
on the Orchomenians, he delays, and returns home without doing any- 
thing. The Thebans, who had been called to the support of the Tegeans 
and other Arcadians, wish to return home as soon as Agesilaus went 
away, but are induced by the solicitations of their party to invade the 
Lacedaemonian territories, which they lay waste, and march up nearly to 
the city itself. The Lacedaemonians, in their alarm, arm a large number 
of the helots, and show such determination to defend themselves, that the 
enemy at length withdraw. They also send an embassy to Athens to 
solicit succour, which the Athenians are chiefly induced to grant by the 
consideration that the Lacedaemonians had opposed the Thebans when 
they wished to destroy Athens. Excellent speech of Procles of Phlius. 
Iphicrates sent out, who does but little; the Thebans continue their 
march homewards. 

i. The affairs of Thessaly, such as took place in the time 
of Jason, and such as occurred immediately after his death 
until the assumption of the government by Tisiphonus, have 
been narrated. I shall now return to the point from which I 
digressed to give the account of them. 

When Archidamus brought his army back, after his march 
to the relief of the troops at Leuctra, the Athenians, reflect- 
ing that the Peloponnesians would still think it their duty to 
follow the Lacedemonians, and that the Lacedemonians were 
not yet reduced to the state to which they had reduced the 
Athenians, 1 summoned deputies from as many of the states as 
wished to be parties to the peace which the king of Persia 
had prescribed. 2. When il icy were assembled, they pas-c. I 
a resolution, in conjunction with those who desired to share in 
the peace, that each should take the following oath: M I will 
adhere to the treaty which the king has sent down to OS, and 
to the decrees of the Athenians and their allies; and if any 

'"For it was by means of the Lacedaemonians that the peace of 

Antalcidas was effected, by the terms of which the Athenians had lost 

their command over the cities that had been in alliance with them. 
Weinke. 



504 



HELLENICS. 



[Β. VI. 



power attack any one of the cities that have taken this oath, I will 
defend that city with all my strength." All who were present 
were pleased with this oath, except the Eleians, who stated, 
in objection to it, that " they were not called upon to leave 
either the Marganeans, the Scilluntians, on the Triphylians, 
independent, as those cities belonged to themselves." 3. The 
Athenians and the rest, however, having passed a resolution 
that " both the small and great cities should, as the king had 
specified, be alike independent," sent out a deputation to ad- 
minister the oath, and required the chief magistrates in every 
city to take it. All took it except the Eleians. 

Hence the people of Mantineia, as being now entirely their 
own masters, assembled in a body, and came to a determina- 
tion that "they would make the city of Mantineia one, 1 and 
fortify the city." 4. But the Lacedaemonians, on their part, 
thought it would be a grievous thing if such a project should 
be carried into execution without their consent. They there- 
fore sent Agesilaus as an ambassador to the Mantineans, be- 
cause he was regarded as their friend since the time of his 
father. When he went to them, the magistrates of the Man- 
tineans refused to assemble the people to hear him speak, but 
desired him to state what he wished to themselves alone. He 
then promised them, that " if they would desist for the present 
from building the wall, he would procure that it should after- 
wards be built with the consent of the Lacedaemonians, and 
without expense to them." 5. As they replied that " it was 
impossible for them to desist, as a resolution had been passed 
by their whole community to build a wall at once," Agesilaus 
immediately went off in anger. Yet it was not thought prac- 
ticable to make war upon them, as the peace was based on the 
condition that the cities should be independent. Some of the 
Arcadian towns, too, sent people to the Mantineans to assist 
them in building their wall, and the Eleians gave them three 
talents of silver to assist in defraying the expense of the work. 
In this manner were the Mantineans occupied. 

6. Among the people of Tegea, the party of Callibius and 
Proxenus were combining to procure that the whole body of 
Arcadians should meet together, and that whatever was voted 
by a majority of them in council, should be law in the several 



It had been divided into four, v. 2. 7. 



CH. Ο.] CONTENTIONS AT TEGEA. 505 

cities. But the party of Stasippus contended for allowing the 
city to remain as it was, 1 and for using their own hereditary 
laws. 7. The party of Proxenus and Callibius, being out- 
voted in all the theatres, 2 imagined that if the whole people 
should meet together, they would overpower the other party 
by their numbers, and accordingly brought out their arms. 
The party of Stasippus, perceiving this movement, armed 
themselves in opposition, and were not inferior to the others 
in number ; and, when they came to an engagement, they 
killed Proxenus and some few others with him, and put the 
rest to flight, but did not pursue them ; for Stasippus was a 
man of such a character as to be unwilling to put many of his 
fellow-citizens to death. 8. The followers of Callibius retreat- 
ed to the part of the wall, and the gates, on the side of Man- 
tineia, and, as the enemy no longer molested them, remained 
there quiet in a body. Some time before they had sent to the 
Mantineans to request assistance, and they now spoke with 
the party of Stasippus about a reconciliation. As the Man- 
tineans, however, were seen advancing, some of Callibius's 
men leaped upon the wall, and called to them to come forward 
with their utmost speed, shouting to them, and urging them 
to hasten, while others opened the gates for them. 9. The 
party of Stasippus, when they saw what was going on, rushed 
out at the gates opening towards Pallantium, 3 and succeeded in 
escaping, before they were overtaken by their pursuers, to the 
temple of Diana, when they shut themselves in and continued 
quiet. But their enemies, following close upon them, climbed 

1 Έάν re κατά χώραν την πάλιν.] Moms interprets, nihil immutare 
formam ciuitatis, but erroneously. He did not understand that it 

was in contemplation among the Arcadians to build Megalopolis; 
a project which was at length with some difficulty carried into exe- 
tion- This explains what is said at the beginning of the section, 
that "they were combining to procure that the whole body of Ar- 
cadians should meet together; " the object of Callibius and Prox- 
enus being to transfer their own fellow-citizens with the rest of the 
Arcadians to Megalopolis. But the words of Xenophon can hardly 
be in a sound, unmutilated condition. Schneider. See Diod. Sic. xv. 
72. The foundation of Megalopolis is placed by the Arundelian 
marbles, as Schneider observes, in Olymp. 102, 3. 

2 Where meetings were held, either of the people or senate, as 
Goldhagen observes. 

3 Pallantium is mentioned as a town of Arcadia by Steph. Byz. ; 
as well as by Diod. Sic. xv. 59 ; Pausan. viii. 43 ; Dionys. Hal. i. 
p. 24. Schneider. 



506 



HELLENICS. 



[Β. VI. 



upon the temple, broke through the roof, and pelted them with 
tiles. Seeing the necessity to which they were driven, there- 
fore, they called on their adversaries to desist, and promised 
to come out. But the others, as they had them in their power, 
bound them, and, putting them on a carriage, conveyed them 
back to Tegea ; where, in conjunction with the Mantineans, 
they sentenced them after a trial, and put them to death. 10. 
As soon as this took place, such of the people of Tegea as had 
been of the party of Stasippus, in number about eight hun- 
dred, fled to Lacedaemon. 

Upon these proceedings, it appeared to the Lacedaemonians 
that they must, according to their oaths, take the field in the 
cause of the dead and exiled Tegeans. They accordingly 
made war upon the Mantineans, as having, contrary to their 
oath, gone under arms against the people of Tegea. The 
ephori gave notice of a foreign expedition, and the people de- 
sired Agesilaus to take the command of it. It. The rest of 
the Arcadians were now assembled at Asea ; l but as the Or- 
chomenians declined to take part in the Arcadian confederacy, 
on account of their hostility to the Mantineans, and had even 
received into their city the mercenaries which had assembled 
at Corinth, and of which Polytropus had the command, the 
Mantineans remained at home to watch their proceedings. 
The Heraeans and Lepreans joined the Lacedaemonians in the 
field against the Mantineans. 12. Agesilaus, as soon as the 
sacrifices for crossing the borders were favourable, proceeded 
at once into Arcadia. Having taken Eutaea, a town lying on 
the frontier, and found the old men, women, and children left 
in the houses there, while those of military age were gone to 
join the Arcadian confederacy, he did no harm to the town, 
but allowed them to continue in their houses ; and his men 
purchased whatever they wanted ; or, if anything had been 
taken by force when he entered the place, he ordered it to be 
searched for and restored. He also repaired the walls, as far 
as they needed, whilst he halted there waiting for the merce- 
naries under Polytropus. 

13. In the mean time the Mantineans were taking the field 
against the Orchomenians. From the walls 2 they retired 

1 A village of Arcadia. Steph. Byz. 

2 Yet we have not been informed that they went to the walls. 
Some words seem to be wanting. Weiske. 



CH. 5.] AGESILAUS IN ARCADIA. 507 

with great difficulty, and some of them were killed ; but when, 
in their retreat, they reached Elymia, 1 and, though the heavy- 
armed Orchomenians no longer pursued them, the mercenaries 
under Polytropus pressed upon their rear with the utmost 
boldness, the Mantineans, seeing that unless they repulsed 
them, many of their own men would be killed by their missiles, 
faced about and joined battle with their pursuers. 14. Here 
Polytropus died fighting ; and of his men, who took to flight, 
many would have been killed, had not the Phliasian horse 
come up, and, riding round to the rear of the Mantineans, 
stopped their pursuit. The Mantineans, after they had ended 
this affair, went off home. 

15. Agesilaus, hearing of these occurrences, and thinking 
that the mercenaries from Orchomenus would not now join 
him, set forward from Eutaea. On the first day he supped in 
the territory of Tegea, but on the next he crossed over into 
that of Mantineia, and encamped at the foot of the hills to the 
west of the city, whence he plundered the country and laid 
waste the cultivated lands. Those of the Arcadians, however, 
who were assembled at Asea, advanced in the night to Tegea. 
16. The next day Agesilaus encamped about twenty stadia 
from Mantineia. The Arcadians from Tegea, meanwhile, 
keeping close to the mountains between Mantineia and Tegea, 
were advancing with a great number of heavy-armed men, 
eagerly desiring to join the Mantineans ; for the Argives, 
though not with their whole force, were following them ; and 
there were some who persuaded Agesilaus to attack them 
separately ; but he, fearing that while he was inarching 
against them, the Mantineans might sally from the city and 
assail him in flank and rear, thought it best to allow them to 
form their junction, and, if they wished to fight, to engage 
them both on a fair and open field. The Arcadians now accord- 
ingly united themselves to the Mantineans. 

17. The peltasts from Orchomenus, and the cavalry of 
the Phliasians with them, having passed along under the 
walls of Mantineia by night, showed themselves at day- 
break to Agesilaus as he was sacrificing in front of his 
camp, and made the rest run to their posts, and Age- 

1 Not, as Morns supposes, the same with Elimia in v. 2. 38. 
u This is a part of Areadia, but I have not seen it elsewhere men- 
tioned." Schneider. 



508 HELLENICS. [β. VI. 

silaus himself to retire to his heavy-armed men. But when 
they were perceived to be friends, and Agesilaus had favour- 
able omens from the sacrifice, he led forward his army, after 
breakfast, and, as evening came on, encamped, without being 
observed by the enemy, in a hollow behind the Mantinean 
territory, very close at hand, and entirely surrounded by hills. 
is. The next day at dawn he sacrificed in front of the camp, 
and seeing the enemy assembling from Mantineia upon the 
hills in the rear of his army, concluded that he must advance 
out of the hollow without loss of time. But if he led on 
straight forward, he was apprehensive lest the enemy should 
attack his rear ; he therefore remained quiet himself, and, 
turning his arms towards the enemy, sent orders to those in 
the rear to wheel to the right, and to march forward behind 
the main body towards him. Thus he at once drew them 
from the confined space, and rendered his main body con- 
tinually stronger. 19. When his main body was doubled, 
he advanced into the plain with his heavy-armed troops thus 
disposed, and then extended his line so as to be only nine 
or ten men in depth. The Mantineans, however, desisted 
from coming out to engage him ; for the Eleians, who had 
united their forces with them, persuaded them not to give 
battle till the Thebans came up ;• for "they were well assured," 
they said, Ci that they would come, as they had borrowed ten 
talents from themselves for the expenses of the expedition." 
20. The Arcadians, hearing these assurances, remained quiet 
in Mantineia. But Agesilaus, though he was very desirous 
to lead off the army, for it was the middle of winter, yet 
stayed three days where he was, that he might not seem to 
hasten his departure through fear. On the fourth day, in the 
morning, he set out after breakfast, with the intention of en- 
camping on the ground where he had encamped on his first 
day's march from Eutsea. 21. But as none of the Arca- 
dians showed themselves, he proceeded, with the utmost ex- 
pedition, as far as Eutasa itself, though he arrived there late 
in the evening ; being desirous to bring off the heavy-armed 
troops before they saw the enemy's fires, that no one might 
say his departure was a flight. He seemed to have suffi- 
ciently revived his countrymen from their former despondency, 
since he had invaded Arcadia, and no one had thought fit to 
encounter him while he was laying the country waste. As 



CH. Ο.] CONTEMPLATED INVASION OF LACOXIA. 509 

soon as he reached Laconia, he disbanded the Spartans and 
sent them home, and dismissed the perioeci to their respective 
towns. 

22. The Arcadians, when Agesilaus was gone, and they 
heard that his army was disbanded, while they themselves re- 
mained collected, marched against the Herasans, because they 
had refused to join the Arcadian confederacy, and because 
they had joined the Lacedasmonians in the invasion of Arca- 
dia. They burst into their territory, burnt their houses, and 
cut down their trees. 

But when the Thebans were reported to have come with 
succour to Mantineia, they drew off from the lands of He- 
raeum, and went to join the Thebans. 23. When they came 
together, the Thebans were of opinion that enough had been 
done for their honour, since they had come to the aid of their 
friends, and no longer saw any enemy in the country ; and 
they accordingly prepared to return home. But the Arcadi- 
ans, Argives, and Eleians persuaded them to march with all 
possible expedition into Laconia, expatiating on their own 
numbers, and highly extolling the Theban troops ; for the 
Boeotians, indeed, had all continued to exercise themselves in 
arms, ever since they were elated with their victory at Leuc- 
tra ; and the Phocians, who had submitted to their rule, the 
Euboeans from every city of the island, both the tribes of 
Locrians, the Acarnanians, Heracleans, and Melians were 
following them, as well as cavalry and peltasts from Thessaly. 
Seeing such a force collected, and insisting on the defenceless 
condition of Lacedaemon, they entreated them " not to return 
until they had made an incursion into the territory of the 
LacedaBmonians." 24. The Thebans listened to these argu- 
ments, but alleged, in reply to them, that "Laconia was said 
to be very difficult to enter, and that they felt sure that 
troops were posted at such points as afforded easiest admit- 
tance ; " for Ischolaus, in truth, was stationed at (Eon in 
Sciritis, with a party of newly-enfranchised Spartans, and the 
youngest of the exiles from Tegea, in number about four 
hundred ; and there was another party at Leuctrum 1 above 
the territory of Malea. The Thebans also reflected that the 

1 A small town in Laconia. Plutarch, Pclop. c 20 ; Pausan. iii. 
p. 277, 264 ; Strabo, viii. p. 1G2. Leuctra, where the famous battle 
was fought, was in Bccotia. 



510 



HELLENICS. 



[b. VI. 



forces of the Lacedaemonians could soon be brought together, 
and that they would nowhere fight better than on their own 
ground. Taking all these things into consideration, they were 
not very eager to march against Lacedaemon. 25. As people, 
however, came from Caryae, who confirmed the account of the 
defenceless state of the city, and offered to guide them on the 
march, bidding them, " if they were found deceiving them 
in anyway, to put them to death;" and as some of the 
perioeci, too, came to invite them, promising to revolt if they 
would but show themselves in the country, and stating that 
" the perioeci, when summoned by the Spartans, would not 
even now give them any assistance," the Thebans, hearing all 
these representations from everybody, at last yielded ; and 
they themselves entered Laconia by Caryae, and the Arcadi- 
ans by CEon in Sciritis. 26. Had Ischolaus, however, ad- 
vanced to the part most difficult of entrance, and made a stand 
there, it is said that no one could have gone up that way ; but 
from wishing to have the people of CEon to support him, he 
remained in that village ; and the Arcadians advanced up the 
ascent in great numbers. Here the party of Ischolaus, as 
long as they fought face to face with the enemy, had the ad- 
vantage ; but when the enemy came round them on the rear 
and on the flank, and, climbing on the houses, assailed them 
with spears and missiles from thence, Ischolaus was killed on 
the spot, with all his people, unless one or two escaped unob- 
served. 27. The Arcadians, having been thus successful, 
marched off towards Caryae to join the Thebans. 

The Thebans, when they heard what had been done by the 
Arcadians, marched down into the country with increased 
spirit. They immediately burnt and devastated Sellasia, and 
when, in proceeding through the plain, they had come to the 
precincts of the temple of Apollo, they encamped there. Next 
day they resumed their march ; but they did not attempt to 
cross over the bridge 1 leading to the city of Sparta, for 
heavy-armed troops of the enemy were observed in the temple 
of Minerva Alea ; 2 but, keeping the Eurotas on their right, 
they advanced along its banks, burning and laying waste 

1 Over the Eurotas. 

2 Minerva Prsedatrix. Pausanias, lib. iii. p. 258, says that he 
saw a statue of Minerva Alea on the road leading from Sparta to 
Therapne, on this side of the Eurotas. Schneider. 



CH. 5.] THE THEBANS ADVANCE TO SPARTA. 511 

houses full of much valuable property. 28. Of the people in 
the city, the women could not endure to look even on the 
smoke, as they had never seen an enemy before ; while the 
men of Sparta, having a city without walls, were stationed at 
different posts, and, though they both were and seemed few in 
number, kept guard round the place. The magistrates thought 
proper, also, to issue a proclamation to the helots, that "if 
any of them were willing to take arms, and to go into the 
ranks, they might receive pledges that such as aided in the 
war should be free." 29. It was said that they at once wrote 
down the names of more than six thousand, so that, when they 
took their places among the troops, they caused some alarm, 
and seemed to be far too many. But after the mercenaries 
from Orchomenus consented to stay with the Lacedaemonians, 
and the Phliasians, Corinthians, Epidaurians, Pellenians, and 
people from some of the other cities, came to their support, 
they then began to have less fear of those who were enrolled. 
30. As for the forces of the enemy, when they had advanced 
as far as Amycke, they then crossed the Eurotas. The The- 
bans, wherever they encamped, immediately threw as many 
as they could of the trees which they had felled before their 
lines, and thus made a defence for themselves ; but the Arca- 
dians took no such precautions ; for, leaving their arms, they 
went off into the houses for plunder. On the third or fourth 
day afterwards, all the Theban and Eleian cavalry, and as 
many of the Phocian, Thessalian, or Locrian cavalry as were 
with the army, advanced, in separate bodies, to the Hippo- 
drome at the temple of Neptune. 31. The Lacedaemonian 
cavalry, who appeared but very few, were drawn up to op- 
pose them ; and, as they had placed an ambush of the younger 
heavy-armed men, about three hundred in number, at the 
house ] of the Tyndaridoe, at the same moment that these men 
in ambush started forth, the cavalry charged that of the ene- 
my, who did not sustain their onset, but gave way, and many 
of the infantry, seeing this, took to flight. But as the Lace- 
daemonians came to a stop in their pursuit, and the Theban 
army kept its ground, they again encamped ; and it now ap- 

1 Ί> rg των Ύυνύαριΰών.'] Sc. οίκίφ. The house which Castor 
and Pollux inhabited, before they were placed among the gods, was 
for a long time kept in repair, and exhibited. Pausan. iii. 16. 
Morns. 



512 



HELLENICS. 



[Β. VI. 



peared somewhat more a matter of confidence to the Lacedae- 
monians that the enemy would make no further attack on the 
city. 32. The Thebans however broke up their camp from 
thence, and advanced along the road towards Helos and 
Gytheium ; the unwalled towns they set on fire, and made 
assaults on Gytheium, where the dockyards of the Lacedae- 
monians were, during three days. There were some of the 
periceci, too, who rose against the Lacedaemonians and joined 
the party of the Thebans. 

33. The Athenians, hearing of these proceedings, began to 
consider how they ought to act with regard to the Lacedae- 
monians, and, in accordance with a decree of the senate, con- 
voked an assembly of the people. Ambassadors from the 
Lacedaemonians, and such of their allies as still adhered to 
them, happened then to be at Athens ; of whom the Lacedae- 
monians, Aracus, Ocyllus, Pharax, Etymocles, and Olontheus, 
almost all spoke in a similar way ; for they reminded the 
Athenians that " the people of Athens and Lacedaemon had 
always, on occasions of the greatest emergency, stood by one 
another for good ; since the Lacedaemonians," they said, " had 
assisted in expelling the tyrants l from Athens, and the Atheni- 
ans, when the Lacedaemonians were besieged by the Messeni- 
ans, readily came to their assistance ;" 34. they enumerated 
also what advantages had ensued, when they both acted in con- 
cert, putting them in mind how they had fought in conjunc- 
tion against the Barbarians, and bidding them recollect that 
"the Athenians were chosen leaders of the fleet, and guardi- 
ans of the common treasure, 2 by the advice of the Lacedae- 
monians, and that the Lacedaemonians were confessedly pre- 
ferred by all the Greeks to be leaders by land through the 
advice of the Athenians to that effect." 35. One of them also 
expressed himself to this purpose : " If you and we, men of 
Athens, act in unanimity, there may now be hope, according 
to the old saying, that the Thebans will be decimated." 3 The 
Athenians however did not listen altogether cordially to what 
they said ; for a murmur of this kind went through the as- 
sembly : " they say so now, but, when they were in prosperity, 
they oppressed us." But the strongest argument used by the 

1 The Peisistratidae. Schneider. 

2 Corn. Nep. Aristid. c. 3 ; Thucyd. i. 96. 

3 See c. 3, sect. 20. 



CH. 5.] SPEECHES AT ATHENS. 513 

Lacedaemonians seems to have been, that, " when they had 
subdued the Athenians, and the Thebans wished to destroy 
Athens utterly, 1 they opposed the Thebans." 36. What they 
most insisted 2 on, however, was that " the Athenians ought 
to send them aid in conformity with their oath, as they had 
committed no injustice when the Arcadians and their con- 
federates attacked them, but were merely supporting the 
Tegeans because the Mantineans made war on them contrary 
to their oath." At these words, also, a great murmur per- 
vaded the assembly ; for some said that " the Mantineans had 
acted justly in assisting the party of Proxenus when they were 
being put to death by that of Stasippus;" others said that 
"they had acted unjustly in taking arms against the Tegeans." 

37. As these points were discussed by the assembly, Clei- 
teles, a Corinthian, rose and spoke thus : " It is, perhaps, a 
point for dispute, men of Athens, who it was that began to 
act unjustly. But with regard to ourselves, who, since the 
peace was made, can bring a charge against us, either that we 
have attacked any city, or have taken money from any people, 
or have laid waste any land belonging to others ? Yet the 
Thebans have marched into our country, have cut down our 
trees, have burned our houses, and have carried off our cattle 
and other property. How, therefore, if you do not assist us 
who are thus openly ill treated, will you fail of violating your 
oaths ? oaths, too, which you yourselves took care to adminis- 
ter, that we might, all of us, swear religiously to all of you." 
Here the Athenians uttered a shout, signifying that Cleiteles 
spoke with truth and justice. 38. After him Procles of Phlius 
arose, and spoke as follows: 

" That the Thebans, Ο men of Athens, will, if the Lace- 
daemonians be put out of their way, make Avar upon you next, 1 
is, I think, manifest to every one ; for they regard you alone, 
of all other people, as the obstacle that prevents them from 
being supreme rulers of Greece. 39. If such, then, be the 
case, I consider that, when you take the held, you will not aid 
the cause of the Lacedaemonians more than your own : for 

1 See ii. 2. 19. 

2 Ό ft πλύστος ην λόγος.] The meaning of these words is, " what 

was most urged by the Lacedaemonian ambassadors," as Moms has 
rightly in I them. Schneider, 

3 Πρώτους.] That is, "you before all others•' 1 , 

VOL. n. 2 L 



514 HELLENICS. [β. VI. 

that the Thebans, who are your enemies, and who dwell upon 
your borders, should become leaders of the Greeks, will, I 
think, give you much more trouble than you experienced 
when you had enemies at a distance. At le&st you would 
support the Lacedaemonians, while there are still allies left to 
them, with far more prospect of advantage to yourselves, than 
if you should be compelled, when they are utterly overthrown, 
to contend alone against the Thebans. 

40. " But if any of you are apprehensive that, if the Lace- 
daemonians now escape destruction, they may hereafter give 
you trouble, reflect that it is not those to whom a person has 
done good, but those to whom he has done ill, that he has 
cause to dread, in case they should become powerful. It be- 
hoves you to reflect, also, that it is the duty both of individuals 
and of communities, while they are in a flourishing condition, to 
lay up for themselves some real advantage, in order that if ever 
they become weak, they may have support from their previous 
labours ; and to you, by the favour of some god, is now pre- 
sented an opportunity, if you assist the Lacedaemonians in 
their need, of attaching them to you as sincere friends for 
ever. 41. For they will be seen, not by a few witnesses merely, 
to have received kindness from you, but the gods, who see all 
things now and for ever, will know your conduct ; and both 
your allies and your enemies, and all the Greeks and Barbari- 
ans besides, will be aware of what you have done ; for by no 
one will your acts be unregarded ; so that, if they show them- 
selves ungrateful towards you, who will ever again be ready 
to serve them ? 42. It is fair to hope, however, that they will 
behave well rather than ill to you ; for they may certainly 
deserve the character, if any people ever deserved it, of having 
persevered in the pursuit of praise, and of having abstained 
from whatever was dishonourable. 

43. " In addition to these considerations, reflect also, if 
danger should ever again fall upon Greece from the Bar- 
barians, in whom would you place confidence more strongly 
than in the Lacedaemonians ? Whom would you choose for 
supporters more willingly than that people, of whom those 
who were posted at Thermopylae preferred rather to fight and 
die to a man, than to save their lives and let the Barbarians 
into Greece? How can it be otherwise than just, therefore, 
that both you and we, in whose defence they stood as brave 



CH. Ο.] SPEECH OF PROCLES OF PHLIUS. 515 

men in conjunction with you, and in whose defence it is to be 
hoped that they may similarly exert themselves hereafter, should 
manifest the utmost alacrity to serve them. 44. It is right also 
that you should show zeal for them, from regard for their present 
allies ; for be assured that those who continue faithful to them 
in their calamities, will be ashamed not to show gratitude to 
you. And though our cities, who are willing to share danger 
with them, may seem but small, reflect that if your city joins 
us, we shall no longer be unimportant cities for their defence. 
45. " I, indeed, Ο men of Athens, formerly admired this 
city from report, because I heard that all who suffered injus- 
tice, or were afraid of suffering it, might seek refuge here, 
and obtain relief. I now, however, no longer hear, but am 
myself present among you, and see the much-extolled Lace- 
daemonians, and their most faithful adherents with them, 
coming to you and entreating you to aid them. 46. I see 
also the Thebans, who once in vain desired the Lacedasmonians 
to enslave you, now beseeching you to allow those who saved 
you to be destroyed. It is told to the honour of your an- 
cestors, that they did not suffer the dead bodies of the Argives, 
who fell at the citadel of Thebes, to remain uninterred ; but 
it will be much more honourable to you, if you do not allow 
such of the Lacedaemonians as are still alive, to be either ill- 
treated or brought to nought. 47. And though it was a praise- 
worthy act, when you restrained the insolence of Eurystheus, 
and preserved the children of Hercules, would it not be far 
more praiseworthy, if you, who saved the patron-heroes 1 of 
Sparta, should save also its whole community ? But it would 
be most praiseworthy of all, if, as the Spartans then saved 
you by a vote without danger to themselves, you "should now 
march to their relief under arms at your own peril. 48. And 
while we rejoice, who have exhorted you by our words to suc- 
cour brave men, it will appear noble in you, who are able to 
assist them by deeds, if, after having been often friends and 
often enemies to the Lacedaemonians, you remember not the 
injuries which you have suffered, but the services which you 
have received from them, and make fair repayment, not on 
behalf of yourselves only, but on that of all Greece, because 
they proved themselves brave men in its defence." 

1 *Αοχιιγίτας.'] The Lacedaemonians considered that their k U 
were descendants of Hercules. 

2 l 2 



516 



HELLENICS. 



[b, VI. 



49. After this speech was ended, the Athenians proceeded 
to deliberate. They could not listen with patience to those 
who spoke against the aid, but passed a resolution " to suc- 
cour the Lacedaemonians with all their force," and chose Iphi- 
crates as commander. But when the sacrifices were auspicious, 
and he issued orders that " the soldiers should take their sup- 
per in the Academy," it was said that many marched forth 
before Iphicrates himself. However, he soon took the lead, 
and they followed him, imagining that he was conducting 
them to some honourable enterprise. But as, when he reached 
Corinth, he wasted several days there, they at once blamed 
him, in the first place, for such delay, yet, when at length he 
led them out again, they readily followed whithersoever he 
conducted them, and, to whatever strong-hold he brought 
them, they readily attacked it. 50. Of the enemies that had 
been before Lacedcemon, however, the Arcadians, Argives, 
and Eleians, had mostly withdrawn, as they dwelt on the bor- 
ders, and were carrying or driving off the booty that they 
had taken. The Thebans and others, too, were inclined to 
leave the country, partly because they saw their force daily 
diminishing, and partly because provisions were growing in- 
sufficient, as some had been consumed, some carried off as 
plunder, some wasted, and some burnt. It was, besides, 
winter ; so that everybody was desirous to go home. 51. And 
as the enemy thus withdrew from Lacedaemon, Iphicrates led 
off the Athenians from Arcadia to Corinth. 

Whatever other enterprise Iphicrates conducted with hon- 
our, I have no wish to detract from the merit of it ; but as to 
all that he did on this occasion, I find that it was managed 
by him either without judgment or with no advantage. At- 
tempting to post a guard at Oneium, that the Boeotians might 
be unable to return home, he left the best pass, near Cen- 
chreiae, unguarded. Wishing to ascertain whether the Thebans 
had passed Oneium, he sent out all the Athenian and Cor- 
inthian cavalry to watch them ; though a few might have 
been able to observe them as well as many, and, in case they 
were obliged to retire, it would have been much more easy 
for a few than for many to find a commodious road and to re- 
treat at their ease ; but to send forward large numbers, and 
yet inferior to those of the enemy, what was it but the greatest 
folly ? For this body of horse, drawn up, as being numerous, 



CH. 1.] MEETING OF DEPUTIES AT ATHENS. 517 

over a large space, fell in, when they were obliged to retire, 
with many difficult pieces of ground, so that not less than 
twenty horse-soldiers were killed ; and the Thebans then 
marched off just as they pleased. 



BOOK VII. 
CHAPTER I. 

An embassy is sent by the Lacedaemonians to Athens to treat of peace. 
Procles proposes that the Athenians shall have the chief command by sea, 
and the Lacedaemonians by land ; but it is at last decided, on the pro- 
position of Cephisodotus, that they shall take the command alternately, 
each for five days. The Lacedaemonians and Athenians, meeting at Cor- 
inth, post themselves at the mountain Oneium, whence the Thebans dis- 
lodge them, and, in conjunction with the Arcadians, Eleians, and Argives, 
lay waste much of the country, but receive a check at Corinth. Twenty 
triremes come from Dionysius, bringing cavalry that severely harass the 
Thebans, who soon after return home. Rise of Lycomedes among the 
Arcadians, who, excited by his counsels, incur the dislike of the Thebans 
and Eleians. Philiscus comes into Greece with a large sum of money from 
Ariobarzanes, and assembles the Thebans and Lacedaemonians at Delphi, 
to re-establish peace, but, as the Lacedaemonians refuse to leave Messene 
free, the war is continued. Auxiliaries are again sent by Dionysius ; 
operations of Archidamus in conjunction with them. The Thebans, 
aspiring to the supremacy in Greece, send Pelopidas as ambassador to the 
king of Persia, whom Pelopidas induces to prescribe terms of peace ; but 
the Corinthians, and some other states, refuse to swear to the terms of it, 
and the attempt of the Thebans is frustrated. Epaminondas, wishing to 
attach Achaia to the party of the Thebans, marches into the country ; the 
chief men meet him submissively, and he makes a treaty of alliance with 
them. Rise of Euphron at Sicyon. 

1. The following year, commissioners from the Lacedae- 
monians and their allies arrived at Athens, with full powers 
to settle on what terms an alliance offensive and defensive 
might be made between the Lacedaemonians and Athenians. 
After several of the foreign commissioners, and several of the 
Athenians, had signified that the alliance ought to be made on 
fair and equal conditions, Procles of Phlius delivered the fol- 
lowing speech : 

2. '• since it ha» eeemed good to you, Ο men of Athene, 
to make the Lacedaemonians your friends, it appears to me 
that you ought to consider by what means friendship may en- 



18 HELLENICS. [β. VII. 

dure between you as long as possible. If, therefore, we make 
a treaty on such grounds as shall be advantageous to both 
parties, we shall, according to all probability, mutually adhere 
to it. As to other points, then, both parties are nearly agreed ; 
the consideration now is concerning the supremacy. By the 
senate it has been already arranged that the supremacy at sea 
should be yours, while that on land should belong to the La- 
cedaemonians ; and this is an arrangement which appears to 
me to be ordained, not more by human thought, than by the 
Divine power and by circumstances. 3, In the first place, 
you inhabit a country excellently adapted by nature for such 
an adjustment ; for many cities, that need supplies by sea, are 
situated around your city ; and all of them are weaker than 
your own. You have also harbours, without which it is not 
possible to maintain a naval power; you have numbers of 
vessels ; and to enlarge your force by sea is the occupation of 
your country. 4. You, moreover, possess all the arts neces- 
sary for such purposes, as your own ; and you far excel other 
nations in nautical experience ; for subsistence is gained by 
most of your people from the sea, so that, while you attend 
to your private pursuits, you are acquiring the knowledge 
requisite for naval warfare. Add to this the considera- 
tion, that from no harbours can more numerous fleets 
have issued than from your own ; a consideration which is 
indeed one of the strongest reasons for assigning you the 
supremacy by sea ; for to that which is already strong all 
men willingly unite themselves. 5. By the gods, likewise, it 
has been granted you to be successful in this pursuit ; for, 
having engaged in very many and most important contests by 
sea, you have been unfortunate in but few, and have succeed- 
ed in the far greater number. It is natural, therefore, that 
your allies should share the dangers of such contests with you 
with the greatest alacrity. 

6. "How necessary to you, moreover, and how naturally 
incumbent upon you, this attention to the sea is, convince your- 
selves from the following considerations. The Lacedaemonians 
were once at war with you for many years, and, though they 
became masters of your country, could not even then attain 
such success as to overthrow you ; but when the gods at length 
allowed them to conquer you by sea, you at once fell entirely un- 
der their power. 7. It is hence, therefore, manifest that all your 



CH. 1.] SPEECH OF PROCLES. 519 

safety depends on the sea ; and such being the state of things, 1 
how can it be proper for you to give up to the Lacedaemonians 
the supremacy by sea ? especially when they themselves con- 
fess, in the first place, that they are less skilful than you in 
the naval art ; and when, in the next place, the peril in con- 
tests between you at sea is not equal on both sides, for they 
are concerned only for the men in the vessels, while you con- 
tend for your children, your wives, and your whole community. 

8. " Such is the condition of things on your side ; consider 
next what it is on that of the Lacedcemonians. In the first 
place, they inhabit an inland country ; so that, while they are 
masters on land, they can even, if debarred from the sea, live 
with sufficient comfort. Conscious of their situation, accord- 
ingly, they practise from their very childhood exercises to 
qualify them for warfare on land ; and, in what is of the ut- 
most importance, obedience to commanders, 2 they are most 
distinguished by land and you by sea. 9. Besides, as you can 
go forth with the greatest numbers and greatest expedition 
by sea, so can the Lacedaemonians by land ; so that their allies 
must necessarily join them on land with the greatest confidence. 
The gods have also granted, as to you to be successful by 
sea, so to them to be successful by land ; for, having fought 
many battles on land, they have failed in very few, and been 
successful in the far greater number. 

10. "That attention to affairs on land, therefore, is not 
less necessary to them than attention to those at sea is to you, 
may be readily understood from past events ; for you, after 
being at war with them for many years, and defeating them 
several times at sea, made no progress towards subjugating 
them ; but, when they were once 3 beaten by land, they were 
immediately in peril respecting their families, their wives, 

1 Ούτως ovv πβφνκυτυ)».] Sc. πραγμάτων : just as προχωρονντων 
is elsewhere used. Schneider. 

2 TO πείθεσθαι τοΊς άρχονσιν.~\ That is, κατά το ττύθισθαι. The 
same charge against the Athenians, of not obeying their laws and 
magistrates, is also made hy our author in the Mem. Soc. iii. 5. 
lf>, and iv. l. 15; where he observes that the republic of Lacedae- 
mon was upheld and raised to excellence by constant obedience on 
the part of the people* Schneider. 

3 When Epaminondas laid waste Laconia, advancing to the very 
gates of the city, so that he threatened to destroy even the whole 
state of the Lacedemonians. B« vi. c. 5. Weiake, 



520 HELLENICS. [β. VII. 

and their whole political existence. 11. How then would it 
be otherwise than wonderful that they should suffer others to 
take the chief command by land, when they themselves can 
manage affairs by land better than any other people ? 

" Such suggestions have I offered, in accordance with what 
was arranged by the senate, and believe that I have recom- 
mended that which is most advantageous for both parties. 
May you happily succeed in determining on the best course 
for us all !" 

12. Thus spoke Procles ; and the Athenians, and such of 
the Lacedaemonians as were present, agreed in bestowing 
great commendation on his advice. But Cephisodotus \ came 
forward and said, " You do not perceive, men of Athens, that 
you are misled, but, if you will listen to me, I will at once 
make the matter plain to you. You are now to have the 
command by sea ; but, if the Lacedaemonians send you aux- 
iliaries, it is certain that they will furnish you with Lacedaemo- 
nian captains, and perhaps with Lacedaemonian marines ; while 
the sailors, doubtless, will be helots or hirelings. It is over such 
as these that you will have the command. 13. But whenever 
the Lacedaemonians call you to an expedition by land, you will 
assuredly send them your own heavy-armed troops and cavalry; 
and they, therefore, thus become commanders of you your- 
selves, while you will be commanders only of their slaves and 
men of no value. Tell me," added he, " Timocrates of Lace- 
daemon, did you not just now say 2 that you came hither to make 
an alliance upon fair and equal terms?" 14. "I did say 
so," replied Timocrates. " Can anything, then, be fairer," said 
Cephisodotus, " than that each party should have the com- 
mand of the fleet alternately, and of the land forces alternate- 
ly; and that you, if there is any advantage in taking the 
command by sea, may have a share in it, as well as we in the 
command by land?" The Athenians^ on hearing this pro- 
posal, changed their opinion, and passed a resolution that 
each should hold the chief command alternately for five days. 

is. As both parties, with their allies, then marched towards 

1 f O εκ Κεραμέων, who was supreme in public speaking, until De- 
mosthenes succeeded to his dignity. See Reiske's Index to De- 
mosth. sub voce. Schneider. 

2 We are to suppose, as Weiske intimates, that he was one of 
those who were said to have spoken in sect. 1. 



CH. L] SUCCESSES OF THE THEBANS. 521 

Corinth, it seemed proper to them to guard Oneium 1 in con- 
junction ; and when the Thebans and their party approached, 
they dreAV up, and stood on their defence, part on one side of 
Oneium, and part on the other, the Lacedaemonians and Pel- 
lenians, however, being on the quarter that was most assail- 
able. The Thebans and their party, when they were about 
thirty stadia from the force on guard, encamped in the plain, 
and calculating when they thought they might start so as to 
accomplish the whole distance, set forward, at twilight in the 
morning, 2 to attack the force of the Laceda3monians. 16. 
Nor were they deceived in the time ; for they came up to the 
Lacedaemonians and Pellenians just when the night-watches 
ended, and the men were rising from their couches to proceed 
to their several duties. At this moment the Thebans 3 as- 
sailed them, falling, as men prepared for action, upon men that 
were unprepared, and, as men in regular order, upon men that 
were in total disorder. 17. But when those who saved them- 
selves from the danger retired to the nearest eminence, and 
the Lacedaemonian commander, taking as many heavy-armed 
men from the allies, and as many peltasts, as he pleased, might 
have kept possession of the place, (for he might have safely 
brought provisions from Cenchreiae,) he would not make the 
attempt, but, though the Thebans were perplexed how to 
descend from the heights toward Sicyon, 4 or how to go back 
again, he made a truce, more for the advantage of the The- 
bans, as most people thought, than of his own party, and ac- 
cordingly withdrew and led off his troops. 

18. The Thebans, in consequence, effecting their descent 

1 We must refer to vi. 5. 41 for the thread of the narrative. Dio- 
dorus Sieulus, xv. 68, says that Chabrias, the Athenian general, had 
with him, including auxiliaries from Megara, Pellene, and Corinth, 
a force of ten thousand men, and that there were as many in the 
army of the Lacedaemonians and their allies, making in all twenty 
thousand ; and that, to stop the march of the Boeotians, he had 
made a rampart and a ditch from Cenchreia? to Leclueum. Schneider. 

2 "Αμα κνί<ρα.~] Κνεφας is here the morning twilight, diluculutn i 
not the evening, respertiuum. So κνεφάϊος, de Rep. Laced. 13. 3, 
signifies one who does anything at the dawn. Weiike, 

3 Under Epaminondas. The force of the Athenians was com- 
manded by Chabrias, Diod. Sic. xv. 68. Schneider. 

4 Έκ τοΰ τρός Σικν&να βλέποντος,] Brodeus adds λόφον. But 
Motllfl observes that βΚίπΟΡ is here of the neuter gender, and sig- 
nifies the pari of the heights looking towards Sicyon. Compare vi. 
5. 21 ; vii. 2. \o. Schneider. 



522 HELLENICS. [β. VII. 

in safety, and joining their allies, the Arcadians, Argives, and 
Eleians, immediately proceeded to attack 1 Sicyon and Pel- 
lene. Marching also against Epidaurus, they laid waste its 
whole territory ; and retreating from thence, in a manner that 
showed contempt for all their enemies, they advanced, when 
they drew near the city of Corinth, at full speed up to the 
gates on the side towards Phlius, intending to rush in if they 
chanced to be open. 19. But a party of light-armed men, 
sallying forth from the city, met the chosen men 2 of the 
Thebans not four hundred feet distant from the wall, and, 
mounting upon the monuments and higher places, hurled 
down stones and javelins upon them, killed a great number 
of the foremost, and, putting them to flight, pursued them for 
three or four stadia. When the affair was over, the Corinth- 
ians, having dragged the bodies of the slain to the wall, and 
afterwards restored them by truce, erected a trophy. At 
this turn of fortune the allies of the Lacedaemonians found 
their spirits revived. 

20. While these occurrences were taking place, the suc- 
cour from Dionysius to the Lacedaemonians arrived, consist- 
ing of more than twenty triremes, which carried Celts, Iberi- 
ans, 3 and about fifty horsemen. Next day, the Thebans and 
their allies, forming in order of battle, and covering the plain 
down to the sea, and up to the hills near the city, destroyed 
whatever was on the ground that could be of any service. As 
for the Athenian and Corinthian cavalry, they made no near 
approach to the army of the enemy, seeing how strong and 
numerous were the troops opposed to them ; 21. but those sent 

1 With what success, Xenophon does not say. Diodorus Sicu- 
lus states that Epaminondas attacked Trcezen and Epidaurus, and 
laid waste all the neighbouring country, but without capturing any 
town; though, at the same time, he gained over to his side Sicyon, 
Phlius, and some other places in those parts. Pausanias casually 
alludes to this expedition against Sicyon, vi. p. 457, where it is said 
that Stomius, the commander of the Eleian cavalry, is said to have 
challenged the commander of the Sicyonians to single combat, and 
to have killed him. Schneider. 

2 Τοις ίπιλεκτοις.'] They seem to have been men selected for the 
occasion ; picked men. 

3 It is said by Diodorus Siculus, xv. 70, that two thousand Celts 
and Iberians were sent, with pay for five months, and that they re- 
turned at the end of the summer. But he makes no mention of 
cavalry. Schneider. 



CII. 1.] RISE OF LYCOUEDES. *523 

by Dionysius. few as they were, spreading themselves over 
the plain, and galloping forward at different points, hurled 
their javelins as they rode up, and, when the enemy started 
forward to attack them, retreated, and then wheeled round 
and discharged their javelins a second time. In the midst of 
these feats, too, they would dismount from their horses and 
rest, but if any of the enemy rode at them while they were 
dismounted, they would easily vault into their seats and ride 
off. Or if any pursued them to a distance from the main 
body, they would press upon them, as soon as they began to 
retreat, hurling their javelins at them and wounding them 
severely, and would oblige the whole army to advance or re- 
tire according to their movements. 22. After these events 
the Thebans stayed but a few days, and went off with their 
allies to their respective homes. 

Soon afterwards, the auxiliaries from Dionysius made an 
attack upon Sicyon, 1 and defeated the Sicyonians in a battle 
on the plain, killing about seventy of them. They also took 
the fortress of Dera by assault. And, having completed these 
operations, this first 2 auxiliary force from Dionysius sailed 
away to return to Syracuse. 

Hitherto the Thebans, and all who had revolted from the 
Lacedaemonians, had acted and taken the field with the ut- 
most unanimity, the Thebans retaining the command. 23. 
But now arose 3 a man named Lycomedes, a Mantinean, a 
person of birth inferior to none, of superior wealth, and, with 
all these advantages, of extraordinary ambition, who filled 
the Arcadians with notions of their own importance, telling 
them that " the Peloponnesus was their own proper country, 
for that they alone were the original inhabitants of it; and 
that the Arcadians were the most numerous people of Greece, 
and in the best condition for military service." He also en- 
deavoured to show that they were the bravest of the Greek-. 
offering as proofs of* this assertion, that "whenever any peo- 
ple required auxiliaries, they choee none in preference to the 
Aicadians;" and that, "without their support, the Laeeda- 

monians would never have made their attacks upon Athens, 

1 Now 011 the side of the Theban . t< IS. 

2 The second Ν mentioned in sect. 28. 

3 'Kyytro/if j'or.J / is given aa *U equivalent for this word 
by Leunelavius ; I suspect it to be not genuine. Schtui 



524 HELLENICS. [β. VII. 

nor would the Thebans now, without the Arcadians, have 
advanced upon Lacedaemon. 24. If you are wise, therefore," 
continued he, " you will desist from following whither other 
people lead you ; for formerly, when you followed the Lace- 
daemonians, you increased their power, and now, if you in- 
considerately follow the Thebans, and do not insist on com- 
manding in return, you will perhaps soon find the Thebans 
to be second Lacedaemonians." 

The Arcadians, on hearing these arguments, were ex- 
tremely puffed up, and quite in love with Lycomedes, seeming 
to think him the only man among them ; so that they ap- 
pointed as officers whomsoever he desired. 25. From the 
events that had occurred, too, the Arcadians were greatly 
exalted ; for, when the Argives invaded the territory of 
Epidaurus, 1 and were prevented from retreating by the mer- 
cenary troops of Chabrias, and by the Athenians and Corinth- 
ians, the Arcadians, coming to their aid, set them at liberty 
when they were closely blockaded, though they had to contend, 
not only with the enemy, but the difficulties of the ground. 
Having undertaken an expedition, too, against Asine in La- 
conia, they overcame the Lacedaemonian garrison, killed 
Geranor the commander, a genuine Spartan, 2 and destroyed 
the suburbs of the place. Wherever, indeed, they resolved 
to march, neither night, nor winter, nor length of way, nor 
difficult mountains, could stop their course, so that at that 
time they thought themselves the most valiant of mankind. 
26. On these accounts, the Thebans began to regard the Ar- 
cadians with envy, and ceased to entertain feelings of friend- 
ship towards them. The Eleians too, as, when they solicited 
from the Arcadians repossession of the cities of which they 
had been deprived by the Lacedaemonians, they found that 
they paid no attention to their requests, but showed great 
regard for the Triphylians and others that had revolted from 
them, because they alleged that they were Arcadians, began 
also themselves to be unfavourably disposed towards them. 

27. While each 3 of the allied states were thus forming high 

1 He means that expedition of the Argives to which he had 
alluded in sect. 18. 

2 Σπαρτιάτην γβγενημενον.] It would have been much less credit 
to the conquerors if he had not been so. Schneider. 

3 Only the Arcadians are specified as forming such high notions. 



CH. 1.] CONSULTATION AT DELPHI. 525 

notions of themselves, Philiscus of Abydos came with a large 
sum of money from Ariobarzanes ; l and he, in the first place, 
convened 2 the Thebans and their allies, with the Lacedae- 
monians, to a consultation at Delphi concerning a peace. 
Having assembled there, they did not consult the god how a 
peace might be arranged, but proceeded to deliberate them- 
selves. But as the Thebans could not agree that Messene 3 
should be under the Lacedaemonians, Philiscus next collected 
a large body of mercenaries, that he might support the Lace- 
daemonians in the field. 

28. During these proceedings, the second 4 body of auxili- 
aries from Dionysius arrived ; and the Athenians observing 
that it would be proper to send them into Thessaly 5 to act 
against the Thebans, while the Lacedaemonians proposed to 
despatch them into Laconia, the latter suggestion found 
greater favour among the allies. The troops, therefore, from 
Dionysius sailing round to Lacedcemon, 6 Archidamus 7 took 
them under his command, and marched with them and the 

But we are to understand that all were looking enviously, and with 
dissatisfaction, on the Arcadians, and were perhaps envying one 
another. 

1 Diodorus Siculus, xv. 70, says " from Artaxerxes ;" and Morus 
would substitute the name of Artaxerxes in Xenophon's text. 
Philiscus was the chief of the governors under Ariobarzanes, who 
had taken possession of the Greek cities on the Hellespont, and 
plundered them. * * * This is the same Ariobarzanes, to whose aid 
Τ imotheus was sent by the Athenians, but whom, when he saw that 
he had revolted from the king of Persia, he deserted, as we learn 
from Demosthenes de Rhodior. Libert, p. 193. Hence the hatred 
of Ariobarzanes towards the Athenians; and the reader will of 
course understand that the common reading of the text is not to be 
altered. See Cyrop. viii. 8. 4. Schneider. 

2 The Persian king had the right of assembling the states of 
Greece, for the purpose of maintaining and recommending peace, 
by the well-known treaty mentioned in v. i. 28. Morus. 

3 It is plain that the new city built by Epaminondas, and the ter- 
ritory belonging to it, are signified. See Diod. Sic. xv. 66; Pausan. 
iv. 26 ; Polyb. iv. 32• Schneider. 

4 See sect. 22. 

5 The power of the Thebans had greatly increased in this coun- 
try, the Thessalians having called them to their aid against Alex- 
ander of Phera? ; vi. <1. 34 j Diod. Sic. xv. 67, 71 ; Plutarch. Pelop. 
c. 26. Morus. The word ττί/ιττίπ', or BOme such verb, is wanting in 
the text, as Leunclavius observes. 

6 That is, to Laconia. Morus. 

7 Son of Agesilaus. 



526 HELLENICS. [β. VII. 

forces of his countrymen into the field. He then took Caryae * 
by assault, and put all that he found alive in it to the sword. 
Proceeding from thence, with the same force, against the 
Parrhasians of Arcadia, he laid waste their country; but 
when the Arcadians and Argives came to their support, he 
retreated and encamped upon the hills at Midea. 2 While he 
was there, Cissidas, the commander of the auxiliaries from 
Dionysius, apprized him that " the time which was appointed 
for him to remain was expired ; " and he had no sooner 
given them this intimation than he went off towards Sparta. 
29. But as the Messenians stopped him on his march, at a 
narrow pass in the road, he sent back to Archidamus and so- 
licited succour. Archidamus accordingly proceeded to his 
relief. But when his troops arrived at the turning towards 
Eutresii, 3 the Arcadians and Argives advanced into Laconia, 
to cut him off from his way homewards, when he, turning 
aside into the level piece of ground lying at the junction of 
the roads to Eutresii and Midea, drew up his force as if de- 
termined upon a battle ; and it is said that he rode along be- 
fore the several companies and addressed to them the follow- 
ing exhortation : 

" Soldiers and citizens, let us now, acting as brave men, 
look up with undaunted eyes. Let us deliver our country to 
our descendants as we received it from our forefathers. Let 
us cease to be ashamed before our children and wives, before 
older men and foreigners, in whose eyes we were formerly 
the most admirable of all the Greeks." 

31. When these words were uttered, it is said that thunder 
and lightning, of a propitious nature, appeared from ,a clear 
sky ; and there happened to be also on his right wing a 
sacred grove and statue of Hercules, of whom Archidamus is 
said to be a descendant. 4 From all these circumstances, in 
consequence, it is said that such spirit and boldness was pro- 
duced in his men, that it was difficult for the Officers to re- 

1 A town in the territory of Laconia, which had recently re- 
volted, vi. 5. 25, 27. Weiske. 

2 The exact situation ot this place is unknown. See Mr. Grote's 
Hist, of Greece, ch. lxxix. vol. x. p. 363. 

3 Mentioned by Pausan. Arcad. p. 654, as a town of Arcadia. 
Steph. Byz. calls it Έύτρήσιον, as Schneider observes. 

4 Like all members of the royal houses of Sparta. See Morus 
ad Isocr. Panegyr. c. 16. Schneider. 



CH. 1.] THE "TEARLESS BATTLE." 527 

strain them from rushing forward at once to charge the 
enemy. Accordingly, when Archidamus led them on, those 
few of the enemy who received their charge at the point of 
the spear, 1 were killed ; and the rest, who fled, fell some by 
the hands of the cavalry, and others by those of the Celts. 
32. When the battle was over, and he had erected a trophy, 
he immediately sent home Demoteles, the herald, to announce 
the greatness of the victory, and to say that not one of the 
Lacedaemonians was killed, but a very large number of the 
enemy. It was said, however, that the people at Sparta, 
when they heard the news, all, beginning with Agesilaus, the 
senators, and the ephori, shed tears ; so common are tears both 
to sorrow and joy. 1 At this ill fortune of the Arcadians the 
Thebans and Eleians were not much less pleased than the Lace- 
daemonians ; so much were they offended at their presumption. 
33. As the Thebans were constantly contriving how to at- 
tain the sovereignty of Greece, they thought that if they sent 
to the king of Persia, they might forward their views in some 
degree by his means. Having accordingly summoned a meet- 
ing of their allies, on the pretext that Euthycles the Lacedae- 
monian was now with the king, there went up into Persia, of 
the Thebans, Pelopidas ; of the Arcadians, Antiochus the 
pancratiast ; of the Eleians, Archidamus, and Argivus 3 also 
followed ; and the Athenians, hearing of their departure, sent 
up Timagoras and Leon. 34. When they had all arrived, 
Pelopidas gained far the most influence with the Persian 
monarch ; for he could say that " the Thebans alone, of all 
the Greeks, had joined the king of Persia at Platan ; that 
they had never since been engaged in hostilities against the 
king ; and that the Lacedaemonians had made war upon them 
for this reason only, that they refused to go with Agesilaus 
against him, and would not allow him to sacrifice to Diana at 

1 Ε/ς δόρυ.] Not signifying here, as in many other places, dtx- 
trorsum, but usque eo xd hasta feriri posscnt. Weiske. 

2 From the extraordinary joy of the Lacedaemonians on this occa- 
sion, Plutarch, Agesil. c 33, remarks how great must have been the 
reduction of their power, and how much their spirits must have 
been sunk. Schneider. 

3 Άργίϊος.] Morus supposed that the name of an Argive com- 
missioner had fallen out of the text, not being aware that this is 
the proper name of a commissioner from Elis, who is named again 
in ch. 4, sect. 15. Schneider. 



528 HELLENICS. [β. VII. 

Aulis, 1 where Agamemnon sacrificed when he sailed to Asia 
and took Troy." 35. It also contributed to gain Pelopidas 
honourable attention, that the Thebans had been victorious in 
the battle at Leuctra, and that they were known 2 to have laid 
waste the Lacedaemonian territory. Pelopidas also added that 
u the Argives and Arcadians had been defeated by the Lace- 
daemonians, because the Thebans were not with them." Tima- 
goras, the Athenian, bore witness to Pelopidas that he spoke 
the truth in all these particulars, and was in consequence held 
in honour next to Pelopidas. 36. Afterwards, Pelopidas be- 
ing asked by the king " what he wished to be written in the 
letter for him," replied, that " Messene should be left inde- 
pendent by the Lacedaemonians, and that the Athenians should 
lay up their fleet ; that, if they refused to comply with these 
requisitions, war should be made upon them ; and that, if any 
state declined to follow to the field, hostilities should be di- 
rected against that state first." 37. These particulars being 
accordingly committed to writing, and read over to the am- 
bassadors, Leon exclaimed, in the hearing of the king, " By 
Jupiter, Athenians, it is time for you, as it appears to me, to 
seek some other friend in place of the king." After the se- 
cretary had interpreted 3 what the Athenian said, he again 
brought out 4 the letter with the following clause added: " but 
if the Athenians think of anything more reasonable than this, 
they are to go to the king and make him acquainted with it." 
38. As soon as the ambassadors had returned to their se- 
veral homes, the Athenians put Timagoras to death ; for Leon 
brought a charge against him, that " he refused to lodge in 
the same apartments with him," and that " he supported Pelo- 
pidas in all his objects." Of the other ambassadors, Archi- 
damus, the Eleian, extolled the state of the king's affairs, 
because he gave the preference to Elis 5 over Arcadia ; but 

• l See iii. 4. 4. 

2 'Έφαίνοντο.~\ Not videbantur, but palam erat eos vastusse. Morus. 

3 Άπηγγειλεν.] He interpreted the Greek to the king, as Pirk- 
heimer and Goldhagen rightly understand the passage. Schneider. 

4 Έξήνεγκε.~] The conditions of peace seem to have been written 
in a separate apartment, that of the secretary, and then to have 
been brought out, and read in the presence of the king and the am- 
bassadors. Schneider. 

5 As he made no present to Antiochus, the Arcadian ambassador. 
Schneider. 



CH. 1.] THE KING'S LETTER READ TO THE DEPUTIES. 529 

Antiochus, because the Arcadian power was slighted by him, 
and because he received no presents, reported to the Ten 
Thousand 1 that the king had an infinite number of bakers, 
cooks, cup-bearers, and door-keepers, but men who would be 
capable of fighting with the Greeks he said that he had not 
been able to see, though he looked about for them with the 
utmost diligence ; besides, he observed that that vast quantity 
of wealth appeared to him mere ostentation, since the golden 
plane-tree, 2 so much celebrated, would be unable to afford 
shade even to a grasshopper. 

39. When the Thebans had summoned deputies from all the 
states to hear the king's letter, and the Persians who brought 
it, after showing the king's seal, had read the contents, the 
Thebans called on all who wished to be friends to the king• 
and to themselves, to take an oath to obey the requisitions ; 
but the deputies from the states replied that " they were not 
sent to swear, but to hear," and told them, " if they required 
oaths, to send to the different states to that effect." Lyco- 
medes the Arcadian also observed that " the congress should 
not have been held at Thebes, but in the place where the war 

.was ;" 3 and as the Thebans expressed displeasure at what he 
said, aud told him that he was dissolving the confederacy, lie 
refused even to sit any longer in the council, but took his de- 
parture, and all the deputies from Arcadia went off with 
him. 

40. But as the deputies assembled at Thebes still declined 
to take the oath, the Thebans sent commissioners to the 
several states to desire them to take it, thinking that they 
would act according to the king's letter, and that each of the 
states, individually, would be afraid to incur the hostility of 

1 The senate or council of the Arcadians, instituted by Lyco- 
medes, to determine on peace and war. See Diod. Sic. xv. 59 ; 
Demosth. de Fals. Leg. p. 514, 403, ed. Reisk. ; Vales, ad Harpocr. 
p. 130. The same senate or council is mentioned below, c. 4, sect. 
2, 33, 34. Schneider. 

2 Presented to Darius by Pytheas of Sardes, as we are told hy 
Herodotus, vii. 27, and Pliny, 11. N. xxiii. 10. The real plane-tree 
is large and spreading, and the grasshopper likes to settle in the 
shady branches of trees ; yet that golden plane-tree would not suf- 
fice to overshadow even a grasshopper. Schneider. Weieke sup- 
poses that there is an allusion intended to the golden grasshoppers 
which the Athenians wore in their hair. 

3 In Arcadia? So I suppose. Weieke, 
vol. :i. 2 Μ 



530 HELLENICS. [Β. ΥΠ. 

themselves and the king. However, as they went first of all 
to Corinth, and the Corinthians objected, replying that " they 
wanted to take no common oaths to the king," many others of 
the states also followed their example, and gave answers to 
the same effect. Thus this attempt 1 of Pelopidas and the 
Thebans at sovereignty was brought to an end. 

41. But Epaminondas, again, wishing to bring the Achaeans 
under the power of the Thebans, in order that the Arcadians 
and their other allies might pay greater attention to them, 
resolved upon going to war with Achaia. He therefore pre- 
vailed on Peisias the Argive, who had the command of the 
army at Argos, to take possession of Oneium. Peisias, ac- 
cordingly, having observed that the guard at Oneium was 
but negligently maintained by Naucles, who commanded the 
mercenaries of the Lacedaemonians, as well as by Timomachus 
the Athenian, seized upon the hill above Cenchreiae in the 
night, at the head of two thousand heavy-armed men, and 
having with him provisions for seven days. 42. During those 
days the Thebans came up, and passed Oneium ; and then all 
the confederates marched into Achaia, under the leadership of 
Epaminondas. But as the chief men of Achaia made sub- 
mission 2 to him, Epaminondas prevailed with them, by his in- 
fluence, that they should send none of the aristocracy into 
exile, nor make any change in the government, and, having 
received pledges from the Achaeans that they would be faith- 
ful allies, and follow whithersoever the Thebans should lead 
them, he turned his course homewards, 43. But as the Arca- 
dians, and such as were opposed to him, accused him of march- 
ing off home after having put Achaia in a favourable condition 
for the Lacedaemonians, 3 it was resolved by the Thebans to 
send harmosts into the cities of Achaia, who, on their arrival, 
expelled the aristocracy with the aid of the common people, 
and established aristocracies throughout Achaia. However 
the persons thus exiled, concerting soon after together, made 
attempts upon each of the cities separately, and, being by no 
means few in number, effected their return, and kept posses- 

1 ΐΙεξ)ΐβολή.~] Conatus, studiwn imperii acquirendi, as Morus rightly 
explains it. Schneider. 

2 ΤΙροσπεσόντων.] Cum eum suppUces rogarent. Morus. 

3 By instituting an oligarchy in most of the cities and towns. 
Schneider. 



£H. 1.] PROCEEDINGS OF EUPHRON AT SICYOX. 531 

sion of the cities. And as, on their return, they no longer 
acted a moderate part, but zealously supported the Lacedae- 
monian interest, the Arcadians were pressed on one side by 
the Lacedaemonians, and on the other by the Achaeans. 

44. At Sicyon, down to this period, the government had 
been maintained in conformity with their ancient 1 laws. But 
at this time Euphron, who, being the most considerable of the 
citizens in the estimation of the Lacedaemonians, 2 desired also 
to take the lead among the party opposed to them, intimated 
to the Argives and Arcadians that if the most wealthy citizens 
should hold the chief power at Sicyon, the city, wherever an 
opportunity offered, would doubtless go over again to the side 
of the Lacedaemonians ; " but if a democracy be established," 
said he, " be assured that the state will continue to adhere to 
you. If, therefore, you will support me," he added, " 1 will 
take upon myself to convene the people ; and I will offer you 
this 3 as a pledge of sincerity on my part, and will engage to 
keep the city firmly in alliance with you. This course I 
adopt," continued he, "because, you may be certain, I have 
long been dissatisfied, like yourselves, with the haughtiness of 
the Lacedaemonians, and would willingly escape from bond- 
age." 45. The Arcadians and Argives, accordingly, listening 
to these representations with pleasure, prepared to give him 
their support ; and he, without delay, assembled the people in 
the forum, in the presence of deputies from the Argives and 
Arcadians, as if intending that " the government should be 
established on a basis just and equal for all." When the people 
had met, he desired them to choose as military commanders 
whomsoever they pleased ; and they in consequence chose 
Euphron himself, llippodamus, Oleander, Acrisius, and Ly- 
sander. This matter being arranged, he appointed his own 
son Adeas over the mercenary troops, setting aside Lysimenes 
who had commanded them before. 46. Of these mercenary 
troops, Euphron soon attached some to him by conferring 

1 Dindorf justly prefers αρχαίους, which is found in at least two 
manuscripts, to the old reading Άχαίων, which Schneider and 
Weiske retain, though not without distrust, in their texts. 

2 Below, c. 3, sect. 7, he is called φιΧαίτατος Α,ακεδαιμονίοις. 

Schneider. 
2 That is, the convocation of a general assemhly of the people. 

2 μ 2 



532 



HELLENICS. 



[Β. VII. 



favours upon them ; others he gained by bribery, sparing 
neither the public money nor the treasures in the temples. 
Whatever persons, too, he banished for favouring the Lace- 
daemonians, he put their property to a similar use. Of his 
colleagues in command, he put some to death, and sent others 
into exile ; so that he brought everything under his own 
power, and became undoubtedly a tyrant. And in order that 
the allies might allow him to pursue this course, he partly 
prevailed with them by sending them money, and partly by 
following them readily to the field with his mercenaries, wher- 
ever they undertook any military expedition. 



CHAPTER II. 



The steady aitachment of the city of Phlius to the Lacedaemonians during 
all changes of fortune. Instances of the spirit and resolution of its in- 
habitants. They expel from the city a force of the Eleians and Arca- 
dians, assisted by their own exiles, even after they had got possession of 
the citadel. They repulse the Argives and Arcadians ; also the Sicyonians 
and Pellenians. They release Proxenus without ransom. Their successes 
in bringing provisions from Corinth, and in taking the fortress of Thya- 
mia from the Sicyonians. 



i. These affairs having thus far succeeded, and the Ar- 
gives having fortified Tricaranon, 1 which is above the temple 
of Juno, to command the city of Phlius, while the Sicyonians 
had fortified Thyamia on the Phliasian confines, the people of 
Phlius were very much distressed and in want of provisions. 
Yet they still adhered to their alliance with the Lacedaemo- 
nians. 

Of great states, if they have done anything to their honour, 
all historians make mention ; but it appears to me that if any 

1 A fortress in the territory of Phlius. Steph. Byz. This chapter is 
a digression from the course of the history to celebrate the praises 
of the Phliasians. There is much reference to the events related 
before, but chiefly in order to show what part the Phliasians took 
in them. Morus. Xenophon manifests, in this digression in praise 
of a small city, his strong feeling in favour of the Lacedaemonians. 
Schneider. 



CH. 2.] ATTACHMENT OF PHLIUS TO SPARTA. 533 

small state has achieved many honourable acts, it is even still 
more proper to set forth its praises. 

2. The Phliasians, for instance, became friends to the Lace- 
daemonians when they were in the greatest height of power ; 
and, when they were overthrown in the battle of Leuctra, 
when many of the neighbouring people withdrew from them, 
and when all the helots, and all their allies except a few, re- 
volted, and when all the Greeks, so to speak, made war upon 
them, they still continued faithful to them ; and though they 
had the Arcadians and Argives for their enemies, the most 
powerful people in the Peloponnesus, they nevertheless gave 
them assistance ; and when it was their lot to go over l to 
Prasiae last of all the confederates, (and these were the Cor- 
inthians, Epidaurians, Troezenians, Hermionians, Halians, Sicy- 
onians, and Pellenians,) they did not even then withdraw their 
aid ; 3. nor, though the commander of the confederates took 
those that had crossed first, and went off leaving them behind, 
did they turn back, but, hiring a guide at Prasice, penetrated 
through the country as well as they were able, though the 
enemy were close upon Amyclse, and arrived at Sparta. The 
Lacedaemonians, besides paying them other marks of honour, 
sent them an ox to entertain themselves. 

4. When, too, after the army had withdrawn from Lacedse- 
mon, the Argives, exasperated at the attachment of the Phlia- 
sians to the Lacedaemonians, directed their whole force against 
Phlius, and laid waste their territories, they did not even on 
that occasion submit, but when the enemy, after having spread 
as much devastation as they could, commenced their retreat, 
the cavalry of the Phliasians sallied forth and pursued them^ 
and though all the horse, with some companies of infantry be- 
hind them, guarded the rear of the Argives, they, though but 
sixty in number, fell upon them, and put the whole rear-guard 
to flight. It was but a few that they killed ; yet they erected 
a trophy in the sight of the Argives, with not less boldness 
than if they had killed them all. 

-. On another occasion, while the Lacedaemonians and their 

1 Over the Lerna, says Gail, in his version. Prams was a small 

town on the Sinus Argolieus, Tbucyd. ii. •"><;. It was settled by lot 

in what order the confederates should ^o ; and it was the lot of the 
Phliasians to he last. The words oe yap ττω τότ(, a little below, are 
justly thought by Schneider to be in some way corrupt. 



534 HELLENICS. [β. VII. 

allies were keeping guard at Oneiura, and the Thebans were 
advancing with an intention to go beyond it, 1 and while the 
Arcadians and Eleians, at the same time, were proceeding 
through Nemea to form a junction with the Thebans, some 
exiles from Phlius gave intimation to [the Thebans], 2 that "if 
they would only show themselves to the Phliasians, they might 
take the city ;" and as it was agreed to make the attempt, the 
exiles, and others with them, to the number of about six hun- 
dred, took a position close under the wall 3 by night with lad- 
ders ; and when the sentinels gave notice that the enemy were 
advancing from Ti?icaranon, 4 and the people directed their at- 
tention to their adversaries in that quarter, those who were 
ready to betray their city 5 made a signal to those sitting under 
the wall to mount, 6. who, mounting accordingly, and seizing on 
such arms belonging to the garrison as were lying unguarded, 
went in pursuit of the day-sentinels, 6 who were ten in num- 
ber, (for one out of every five was left as a sentinel,) 7 and 

1 So as to effect an entrance, over the higher grounds, into the 
territory of Corinth. ScJmeider. 

2 I have supplied the words in brackets. Xenophon does not say 
to whom the intimation was given. " The author has left it doubt- 
ful," says Schneider, " to whom the exiles addressed themselves, 
the Thebans or their allies ; nor is it made sufficiently clear who 
placed themselves under the walls of the citadel. It appears, how- 
ever, that the Thebans themselves are to be understood." Schneider. 
The account of the movements of the different parties, in this at- 
tack on Phlius, is so extremely obscure, that I can but faintly hope 
that, with the help of the notes, which I borrow chiefly from 
Schneider, I may- make the narrative intelligible to the reader. 

3 Close under the citadel. Schneider. The citadel seems not to 
have been surrounded by the wall of the city. The city wall ap- 
pears• to have joined that of the citadel on each side of the citadel. 

4 The Argives, who held the fortress of Tricaranon, commanding 
the town of Phlius, planned and executed this attack on the city in 
common with the Thebans. It was the Argives, therefore, of whom 
the sentinels gave notice as advancing from Tricaranon ; and the 
Phliasians, looking out for their approach, did not perceive the 
enemy lying in wait under the walls. Hence the Argives and Ar- 
cadians, sect. 8, surround the city, and begin to make a breach in 
the wall of the citadel, while the Thebans are fighting within the 
citadel. Schneider. 

5 Οι 7τροδιδόντες.~] Those of the citizens who were in concert with 
the exiles to betray the city to the Thebans and their party. 

6 'Ημεροφνλακας.^ In opposition to the night watch. The same 
as ημεροσκόττονς. 

7 Hence we learn that the number of the garrison in the citadel 
was fifty. Schneider and Weiske. 



CH. 2.] THEBANS REPULSED AT PHLIUS. 535 

killed one while he was still asleep, and another as he was 
fleeing to the temple of Juno ; and as the other sentinels in 
their flight leaped down from the part of the wall 1 that looks 
towards the city, those who had climhed up the wall of the 
city were indisputably masters of the citadel. 7. But as, on 
the noise reaching the city, the citizens came out with suc- 
cour, the enemy, 2 sallying forth from the citadel, contended 
with them, at first in the space before the gates opening to- 
wards the city ; but afterwards, being hemmed in by the de- 
fenders 3 of the place, they retreated back to the citadel, and 
the citizens rushed in with them. The space between the 
walls and the citadel, 4 accordingly, became at once clear ; but 
the enemy, climbing on the walls and the towers, hurled jave- 
lins and stones at those within, who defended themselves stand- 
ing on the ground, and maintained the contest at the foot of 
the stairs leading up to the wall; 8. and when the citizens 
became masters of some of the towers on each side of them, 
they closed hand to hand, in desperation, with those that had 
mounted them ; but, being hard pressed by them, in their au- 
dacity and fury, were driven together into still smaller and 
smaller space. At this very time the Arcadians and Argives 
collected around the city, and began to make a breach in the 
wall of the citadel at the upper part 5 of the city; while, of 
the people within, 6 some struck at those on the wall, and some 
at those mounting up, with their feet still on the ladders, while 
others made head against those who had now ascended the 
towers, and, having found fire in the tents, applied it to the 
towers, bringing up to them from the citadel some bundles of 
straw which happened to be lying there cut. 7 The men upon 

1 Of the citadel. Dindorf. 

2 That is, " those who had climbed up the wall." V/eiske. .Οι άνα- 
βόντες, as they are just before called. 

3 Ύπο των προσβοηΘονντων.^\ By those who had come to the sup- 
port of the displaced garrison. 

4 To μίνσϊν μέσον της άκρο7ΓΟλεως.~\ I consider that by these 
words is meant all the space between the gates of the city and the 
citadel. Schneider. 

5 Κατά κεφα\ήν.~\ We must understand της πόλεως, " at the 
head " of the city, which the citadel overhung. Dindorf. 

6 Understand the Phliasians; for there were also Thebans there. 
Schneider* 

7 Weiske (ad sect. 7) supposes that there was space within the 
walls of the city for corn to grow. 



536 HELLENICS. [β. VII. 

the towers, dreading the flame, then leaped down, while those 
on the wall were struck and hurled down by the citizens ; 
and when the enemy once began to give way, the whole cita- 
del was soon cleared of them. The Phliasian cavalry imme- 
diately sallied out, and the enemy, at the sight of them, made 
off altogether, leaving behind them the scaling-ladders and 
the dead, and some, too, alive, that had been maimed. Of the 
enemy, such as fought within the wall, and such as leaped 
down from it, there were killed not less than eighty. A per- 
son might then have seen the men shaking each other by the 
hand, with mutual congratulations on their safety, and the 
women bringing them drink, and weeping, at the same time, 
for joy. Indeed, smiles mingled with tears prevailed among 
all those who were present on the occasion. 

10. Next year the Argives and Arcadians made an attack 
upon Phlius with their whole force. The cause of their 
continued hostility to them, was partly that they were ex- 
asperated with them, and partly that they saw the town of 
Phlius lying between them, and were constantly in hopes 
that they would reduce them to submission through want of 
provisions. But, in this invasion also, the cavalry, and picked 
infantry of the Phliasians, with such of the Athenian horse 
as were with them, attacked the enemy at the crossing of the 
river, 1 and, having the advantage, forced the enemy, for the 
remainder of the day, to retire to the tops of the hills, as if 
anxious not to trample down any of the corn of their friends 
in the plain. 2 

11. On another occasion the Theban commander at Sicyon 
made an expedition against Phlius, taking with him the Sicy- 
onians and Pellenians whom he had in the garrison ; (for 
those people were then accustomed to follow the Thebans ;) 
and Euphron also joined in the enterprise with his mercenaries, 
in number about two thousand. The rest of the force went 
down by Tricaranon towards the temple of Juno, as if intend- 
ing to lay waste the plain ; but the Sicyonians and Pellenians 
the commander left on the eminence by the gates opening to- 

1 The Asopus, as appears from Pausanias. Schneider. 

2 A sarcasm. They were afraid of the Phliasian and Athenian 
cavalry. * * * But when, in their fear, they betook themselves to 
the mountain, they appeared desirous to spare the fields in the plain. 

Weiske. 



CH. 2.] HONOURABLE ACTS OF THE PHLIASIANS. 537 

wards Corinth, lest the Phliasians, going round in that direc- 
tion, should occupy still higher ground above the temple of 
Juno. 12. But when the people in the city learned that the 
enemy were marching into the plain, the cavalry and chosen 
infantry of Phlius went out to meet them, and, engaging with 
them, prevented them from entering the plain. The greater 
part of the day they spent in skirmishing on the field, the 
troops of Euphron pursuing as far as the ground was adapted 
for cavalry, and the people of the city as far as the temple of 
Juno. 13. But when the enemy thought it time to retreat, 
they went off by a circuit round Tricaranon, for the ravine 
before the wall prevented them from taking the shortest road 
to the Pellenians. 1 The Phliasians, having followed them, a 
short distance, to the ascent, turned off and went along the 
road by the wall towards the Pellenians and those with them. 
14. The party with the Theban commander, observing the 
haste of the Phliasians, made all possible expedition to out- 
strip them and aid the Pellenians. But the Phliasian cavalry, 
arriving first, attacked the Pellenians, but, as they withstood 
their first charge, they returned to a second in conjunction 
with such of the foot as had come up, and engaged them hand 
to hand, when the enemy soon gave way, and some of the 
Sicyonians, and a large number of the bravest men of the Pel- 
lenians, were killed. 15. Such being the case, the Phliasians 
erected a trophy, and sung, as they had just reason, the prean 
of victory ; whilst the Theban commander, Euphron, and 
their troops, stood looking at their proceedings, as if they had 
come out on an excursion 2 only to see a sight. After such a 
termination to the affair, the one party went off to Sicyon, 
and the others retreated into the city. 

16. The following is another honourable act that the Phli- 
asians performed. Having taken Proxenus 3 of Pellene pri- 
soner, they gave him his liberty, though they were in want of 
every necessary, without requiring any ransom. Who would 
deny that people who did such things were high-minded and 
gallant men ? 

1 Those who had been left with the Sicyonians, sect. 11 ? 

2 llipiCfrptf/i/jjcorfr.] Morns would prefer χαρΜίεδραμηκόττς, 

3 That this word is the proper name of a man, ban already been 
observed by Geldhagen. If a proxenue, or public host, were in- 
tended, his name might have been expected to be given. Schneider. 



538 HELLENICS. [β. VII. 

17. That they maintained their fidelity to their friends 
with the most persevering constancy, is known to all; for, 
when they were prevented from raising crops from their 
lands, they procured subsistence, partly by taking provisions 
from the enemy's territories, and partly by purchasing from 
Corinth, going to market amidst many perils, 1 with difficulty 
finding money to pay, and with difficulty conciliating those 
that could furnish them with provisions, as they could scarcely 
produce sureties for the beasts to take them away. 18. At 
length, when they were in total distress, they prevailed upon 
Chares to afford them a convoy. When Chares and his men 
came to Phlius, they begged him to take the useless part of 
the population with him as far as Pellene, 2 where they left 
them ; and, having made their purchases, 3 and laden as many 
beasts as they could, they commenced their return by night, 
not ignorant that they would be exposed to an ambush from 
the enemy, but thinking that to want food was worse than to 
fight. 19. They proceeded accordingly in company with 
Chares, and, as they fell in with the enemy, they immediately 
engaged them, and, encouraging one another, pressed them 
with the utmost vigour, shouting at the same time to Chares 
to support them. The victory at last being theirs, and the 
enemy being driven from the road, they got safe back, them- 
selves and what they were conveying, to Phlius. As they had 
passed the night without sleep, they slept far into the next 
day. 20. But as soon as Chares had risen, the cavalry, and 
the most efficient of the heavy-armed men, went to him, and 
said, 

" It is in your power, Chares, to achieve to-day a most 
honourable exploit ; for the Sicyonians are building a fortress 4 

1 The way to Corinth passed close by the mountain on which 
Tricaranon, the fortress of the Argives, intended to command the 
citadel, was built; whence the Argives could harass the Phliasians 
as they went past. Schneider. 

2 The Pellenians were therefore, at this time, in friendship with 
the Phliasians, their feelings having been changed, perhaps, by the 
generosity of the Phliasians to Proxenus, mentioned in sect. 16, as 
Goldhagen also suspects. Xenophon alludes to this reconciliation 
afterwards, c. 4. sect. 17. Schneider. 

3 Having left their useless mouths at Pellene, they proceeded to 
Corinth and bought provisions. Of the obscure brevity of Xeno- 
phon in this passage Palmerius has already complained. Exercitatt. 
p. 75. Schneider. 4 Thyamia. See sect. 23. 



CH. 2.] CHARES AT PHLIUS. 539 

on our confines, having with them a great number of masons, 
and but a small party of heavy-armed men. We, therefore, 
the cavalry and the strongest of the infantry, will march 
forth as your guides, and if you, with your mercenaries, will 
follow us, perhaps you will find the matter settled when you 
come to the place ; or, perhaps, by merely showing yourself, 
you will cause the enemy to take flight, as was the case at 
Pellene. 1 But if what we propose seems formidable to you, 
consult the gods by sacrifice ; for Ave think that the gods will 
exhort you, even more strongly than ourselves, to undertake 
the enterprise ; and you may be well assured, Chares, that if 
you succeed in the attempt, you will have secured possession 
of a fortress 2 to bear upon the enemy, you will have saved a 
friendly city, you will be highly honoured in your own coun- 
try, and be greatly celebrated both among allies and enemies." 
21. Chares, being moved by these representations, pro- 
ceeded to sacrifice ; and the horsemen of the Phliasians imme- 
diately put on their corselets, and bridled their horses ; and 
the heavy-armed troops made whatever preparations are ne- 
cessary for infantry. When they had taken their arms, and 
were going to the place where the sacrifice was being offered, 
Chares and the augur met them, and said that the omens were 
propitious. " But stay a little," they added, " for we will go 
out at once with you." As soon as notice was given by the 
herald, accordingly, the mercenaries hastened forth with an 
alacrity that seemed prompted by the gods. 28. When Chares 
commenced his march, the Phliasians, horse and foot, went on 
in front of him ; they led off", at the very first, with expedi- 
tion, and still quickened their pace ; at length the cavalry 
hurried forward at full speed, and the infantry followed as 
fast as they could without breaking their ranks, Chares 
briskly keeping up with them. The time of day was a little 
before sun-set ; and, of the enemy at the fortress, they found 
some bathing, some dressing their meat, some kneading their 
bread, and others preparing their couches. 23, But when 
they saw the impetuosity of the invaders' approach, they were 
immediately struck with a panic, and took to flight, leaving 

1 Compare sect. 14. Schneider, 

2 ΎοΊς ukv TroXf/uo/r t-irtrti \iKior ίσπ.] If yon seize on ;i for! 
already built, namely, Thyamia, yon will he in possession of a 
strong-hold which you may use against the enemy. Morus. 



540 HELLENICS. [β. VII. 

all their provisions for the use of their brave assailants, who, 
accordingly, supped upon what they found, and what they had 
brought from Phlius, and, pouring libations and singing a 
psean for their good success, and then placing sentinels, went 
to their repose. The Corinthians, as a messenger came to 
them in the night with the news of the occurrence at Thya- 
mia, called, with the utmost good-will, for all their carriages 
and beasts of burden, and, loading them with corn, drove off 
to Phlius ; and, until the building of the fortress was com- 
pleted, supplies of provisions continued to be daily despatched 
from Corinth. 



CHAPTER III. 



iEneas, general of the Arcadians, endeavours to put an end to civil discord 
at Sicyon. Euphron, fearing for his life, takes refuge in the harbour, 
which he delivers into the hands of the Lacedaemonians. He afterwards 

, goes to Thebes, to bribe the Thebans to make him master of Sicyon. He 
is put to death at Thebes by a party of his countrymen. The man that 
killed him pleads his cause before the Theban senate, and is pronounced 
to have acted justifiably. 

i. Concerning the Phliasians, how faithful they were to 
their friends, how bravely they conducted themselves through- 
out the war, and how, though in want of every necessary, 
they still adhered to their alliance, has now been related. 

About the same time ^Eneas of Stymphalus, being appointed 
general of the Arcadians, and thinking that the proceedings at 
Sicyon l were not to be endured, marched up with his troops 
into the citadel, called an assembly of the principal Sicyonians 
that were in the city, and sent for such of them as had been 
banished without any public decree. 2 2. Euphron, being 
alarmed at these transactions, took refuge in the harbour of 
Sicyon, and sending for Pasimelus from Corinth, delivered 
up the harbour, through him, to the Lacedaemonians, and re- 
presented himself as in alliance with them, saying that " he 

1 On the state of things established at Sicyon, see c. 1, sect. 44. 
Dindorf. 

2 Not by any public decree of the government, but by the in- 
justice of Euphron. Schneider. 



CH. 3.] ASSASSINATION OF EUPHRON. 541 

had still remained faithful to the Lacedaemonians ; for when 
it was put to the vote in the city, whether the Sicyonians 
should revolt, he had voted against doing so with the mi- 
nority, and had afterwards instituted the democracy only from 
a desire to be revenged on those who had deserted him. 
3. And now," added he, " all those who deserted you are in 
banishment by my means. If, therefore, I had been able, I 
should have come over to you with the whole city ; the har- 
bour, of which I was master, I now give up to you." Many 
heard these statements proceed from him ; but how many be- 
lieved him is not at all certain. 

4. But since I have begun to speak of what concerned 
Euphron, I should wish to finish the account of it. The 
aristocracy and the common people of Sicyon being at vari- 
ance, Euphron, bringing with him some mercenaries from 
Athens, returned thither, and, with the aid of the populace, 
made himself master of the city ; but, as the Theban harmost 
still held the citadel, and he was conscious that he should be 
unable, as long as the Thebans were in possession of that 
strong-hold, to retain the city under his power, he collected a 
sum of money and went off to Thebes, designing to prevail on 
the Thebans, by means of that money, to eject the aristocracy, 
and to put the city again into his hands. 5. But those who 
had previously been exiled became aware of his journey and 
intention, and proceeded to Thebes to counteract it. As they 
found him, however, conversing familiarly with the principal 
men, and grew apprehensive that he would effect what he de- 
sired, some of them put their lives in peril, and assassinated him 
in the citadel, while the magistrates and senate were sitting in 
council. The magistrates then brought those who had done 
the deed before the senate, and spoke to the following effect : 

<;. " We arraign these persons, fellow-citizens, who have 
killed Euphron, as guilty of death ; knowing that well-prin- 
cipled men do nothing unjust or impious, and that wicked 
men commit crimes indeed, but endeavour to keep themselves 
undiscovered; but these persons have so far exceeded all 
Other men in daring and atrocity, that they have, of their own 
will, assassinated this man before the very magistracy, and in 
presence of you yourselves, who have the sole authority of 
pronouncing who ought and who ought not to die. If tl 
persons, therefore, shall not sutler the severest penalty of the 



542 HELLENICS. [β. VII. 

law, who will ever visit your city with confidence ? Or 
what indeed will become of the city, if any one that pleases 
shall be allowed to kill a stranger, before he has even made 
known to us for what purpose he has come ? We therefore, 
I say, arraign these men as guilty of the greatest impiety and 
injustice, and of having shown the utmost contempt for this 
city. You, after giving them a hearing, award them what- 
ever kind of punishment they appear to deserve." 

7. Thus spoke the magistrates. Of the assassins, all the 
rest, except one, severally denied that they had struck the 
blow ; but that one avowed himself guilty, and proceeded to 
plead in his defence to the following effect: 

" It is impossible, Ο Thebans, for a man who is aware that 
you have absolute power to do whatever you please with him, 
to show disrespect for you. On what, then, did I place my 
confidence, when I killed the man in this place ? Be assured 
that I trusted, in the first place, to a conviction that I was 
doing what was right, and, in the next, to a persuasion that 
you would form a just judgment concerning the deed. For 
I knew that you yourselves, in the case of Archias, Hypates, 
and their accomplices, 1 whom you found guilty of practices 
like those of Euphron, did not wait for a legal decision, but 
inflicted vengeance on them as soon as you could, in the per- 
suasion that sentence of death has already been pronounced 
by all men on those who are openly impious, acknowledged 
traitors, and attempting to make themselves tyrants. 8. Was 
not Euphron, then, guilty of all these crimes ? Having found 
the temples full of gold and silver offerings, he exhibited them 
stripped of all. A traitor who could more manifestly be than 
Euphron, who, though most friendly to the Lacedaemonians, 
chose your side instead of theirs, and, having given you 
pledges, and received pledges from you, deserted you again, 
and gave up the harbour of Sicyon to your enemies ? Was 
not he a tyrant, too, without excuse, who made slaves, not 
merely free, but even citizens, and who put to death, banished, 
and deprived of their property, not those who had been guilty 
of crimes, but those whom he pleased, and who were the most 
honourable men in Sicyon ? 9. Returning again also to the city, 
by the aid of the Athenians, your greatest enemies, he took 

1 Who were killed by the Theban conspirators when the citadel 
of Thebes was recovered from the Lacedaemonians. B. iv. c. 4. 



CH. 3.] DEFENCE OF THE ASSASSIN. 543 

up arms against your own harmost, and, when he was unable 
to expel him from the citadel, he collected a sum of money, 
and came off hither. Had he openly collected an armed force 
against you, you would have felt grateful to me for killing 
him ; and now, when I have taken vengeance on the man 
who came prepared with money, intending to corrupt you with 
it, and to persuade you to make him once more master of Si- 
cyon, how can I with justice meet death at your hands ? Men 
who are compelled to any act by force of arms, are wronged, 
but are not proved to be• unjust ; but those who are corrupted 
by money to act contrary to justice, are not only wronged, 
but covered with disgrace. 

10. " If indeed he had been an enemy to me, and a friend 
to you, I confess that it would not have been well for me to 
put him to death before you ; but how could he who was a 
traitor to you be a greater enemy to me than to yourselves ? 
But some one, by Jupiter, may say, ' He came hither of 
his own free will." 1 Then, if any one had killed him at a 
distance from your city, he would have received praise ; and 
now, when he had actually come back to it to add other crimes 
to his previous ones, will any one say that he was not justly 
put to death ? When can any man show that there are terms 
of peace to be observed by Greeks with traitors, or persons 
that change sides time after time, or tyrants ? 1 1'. Recollect, 
besides, that you yourselves made a decree that exiles might 
be brought off 2 to justice out of any of the allied cities ; and 
as for that man who, though an exile, returned without the 
sanction of a common decree 3 of the allies, can any one say 
that it was not just that he should die? I say therefore, Ο 
men of Thebes, that if you put me to death, you will have 
avenged the cause of your greatest enemy ; but that, if you 

1 These words are nothing to the purpose. I think that Xenophon 
must have written ικέτης ων ήλθε, or something similar. To a "sup- 
pliant" is justly opposed one who is " at a distance from a city," 
to which he wishes to flee for refuge. Weiske. But, as Schneider 
observes, there is nothing in the text to support this conjecture. 
Mr. Grote, in his abstract of this speech, ch. lxxix., supplied, 
"confiding in the laws of the city." 

2 'Αγώγιμους εΙναιΓ\ Αγώγιμος indicates one who may be appre- 
hended by any person in any place whatsoever, and hurried off to 
a magistrate, or to prison, or to punishment. See Reisk. lnd. Graecit. 
Demosth. Morus. 

3 As there was no decree permitting his return, he was still 
αγώγιμος. 



544 HELLENICS. [β. VII. 

pronounce me to have acted justly, you will evidently support 
both your own interest and that of all your allies." 

12. The Thebans, on hearing these representations, gave 
judgment that Euphron had suffered with justice. The people 
of his city, however, took his body home, and buried it in the 
market-place, as that of a well-deserving man ; and they hon- 
our him as a protector of their city. Thus most men, as it 
appears, pronounce their own benefactors to be honourable 
characters. 



CHAPTER IV. 



The town of Oropus, in alliance with the Athenians, is seized by a party of 
exiles from it. The Arcadians enter into an alliance with the Athenians, 
who, at the same time, in vain attempt to make themselves masters of 
Corinth. The Corinthians become allies of the Lacedaemonians and The- 
bans, on condition that they be allowed to abstain from war. Dionysius 
the younger sends aid to the Lacedaemonians, who take Sellasia. The 
Eleians take possession of Lasion. The Arcadians, after occupying Elis, 
are driven from it, but, as the Eleians are divided into factions, overcome 
one faction by the aid of the other. The Achaeans join the Eleians ; the 
Arcadians occupy Olurus, but are expelled from it. The Arcadians are 
successful in another expedition. The Lacedaemonians, incited by the 
Eleians to make war on the Arcadians, seize on Cromnus, which is imme- 
diately besieged by the Arcadians, 111 success of Archidamus. Exiles 
from Elis take Pylos. The Lacedaemonians endeavour to bring off their 
garrison from Cromnus, but more than a hundred of them fall into the 
hands of the Arcadians. The time of the Olympic games approaches ; 
contentions between the Arcadians and Eleians as to the celebration of 
them. The Arcadians appropriate the sacred treasures at Olympia to the 
payment of their soldiers ; the Mantineans and others oppose this sacri- 
lege. The Arcadians ask assistance from the Thebans, who refuse it, and 
make peace with the Eleians. The chief men of the Arcadians, and a 
Theban general, make several of the Eleians and Mantineans prisoners at 
a banquet ; but most of them escape. The Theban general is accused by 
the Arcadians at Thebes ; Epaminondas is favourable to him, and threat- 
ens to make war on the Arcadians for having made peace without the 
authority of the Thebans. 

i. The affair of Euphron has now been related ; and I 
shall return to the point from which I digressed to give an 
account of it. While the Phliasians were still fortifying 
Thyamia, and Chares continued with them, Oropus 1 was 
seized by the citizens who had been exiled from it. As the 

1 A town on the frontiers of Boeotia and Attica, for the possession 
of which the inhabitants of both countries were frequently contend- 
ing. It was now in the hands of the Athenians. 



CH. 4.] ARCADIANS IX ALLIANCE WITH ATHENS. 545 

Athenians took the field with their whole force to recover it, 
and recalled Chabrias from Thy ami a, the harbour of Sicyon 
was again occupied by the citizens themselves and Arcadians. 
But of the allies of the Athenians none came to their aid; 
and they in consequence retreated, putting Oropus into the 
hands of the Thebans until the disputes about the possession 
of it should be judiciously settled. 

2. Lycomedes, understanding that the Athenians were dis- 
satisfied with their allies, because, though they themselves had 
taken great trouble in their behalf, no one gave them assist- 
ance in return, prevailed on the Ten Thousand 1 to treat with 
them respecting an alliance. At first, some of the Athenians 
were displeased that, as they were friends to the Lacedaemo- 
nians, they should join in alliance with their enemies, but 
when, after some consideration, they found that it was not 
less for the interest of the Lacedaemonians than for their own, 
that the Arcadians should stand in no need of the Thebans, 
they consented to form an alliance with the Arcadians. 3. 
Lycomedes, after completing the negotiation, lost his life, as 
he was returning from Athens, by a most singular interposi- 
tion of the gods ; for when there were a large number of ships 
going to sail, and he had fixed upon the one which he pre- 
ferred, agreeing with the captain to land him wherever he 
might desire, he determined on landing in that very spot where 
the exiles happened to be, and thus lost his life ; but the alli- 
ance was ratified. 

4. Demotion 2 having chanced to observe in the public as- 
sembly of the Athenians, that "the alliance with the Arcadians 
appeared to him to be a judicious measure," but adding that 
'• they ought to enjoin upon the generals to take care that 
Corinth might be preserved to the people of Athens," the 
Corinthians, hearing of this remark, immediately despatched 
efficient garrisons of their own men to all places where there 
Were Athenians in garrison, and gave them notice " to depart) 
as they no longer wanted men for their garrisons." They 
complied with this requisition; and when tint Athenians from 
the garrisons had assembled in the city of Corinth, the Cor- 
inthians made proclamation, that "if any Athenian had been 
wronged, he should give in his name, as he would receive 

:. 38. 
2 Of this man I find no mention elsewhere. Sc/tncidcr. 
VOL. ii. 2 Ν 



546 HELLENICS. [β. VII. 

what was just." 1 5. While affairs were in this state, Chares 
arrived with his fleet at Cenchreire ; and, when he learned 
what had been done, he gave out that, " having heard of a 
design formed upon the city, he had come to its aid." The 
Corinthians, though they did not refuse him commendation, 
would nevertheless not admit his ships into the harbour, but 
desired him to steer off. To the heavy-armed troops 2 they 
did justice, and sent them away. In this manner were the 
Athenians kept out of Corinth. 6. Their cavalry, however, they 
were obliged to send to the aid of the Arcadians, in conform- 
ity with the terms of the alliance, if any hostile power in- 
vaded Arcadia. But they never entered Laconia in a hostile 
manner. 

The Corinthians, reflecting how difficult it would be for 
them to maintain themselves in security, as they had previ- 
ously been overpowered by land, and as the Athenians were 
also become unfavourable to them, resolved to take into their 
pay bodies both of foot and horse. At the head of these, they 
at once protected their city, and did great damage to their 
neighbouring enemies. However, they sent deputies also to 
Thebes, to ask " whether, if they came thither in form, they 
could obtain peace?" 7. The Thebans desiring them to 
come, as peace would be made with them, the Corinthians 
entreated them also to allow them to consult their allies, "since 
they would make peace," they said, "in conjunction with such 
as desired it, and leave such as preferred war to continue at 
war." As the Thebans allowed them to do so, the Corinthians 
went to Lacedaemon, and said, 

8. "We are come to you, men of Lacedaemon, as your 
friends, and we entreat, that if you see any prospect of safety 
for us, should we continue at war, to inform us what it is, 
but, if you think our affairs reduced to the utmost extremity, 
to make peace in concert with us, should it be for your ad- 
vantage ; for with no people would we more gladly secure 
safety than with you. But if you think it for your interest 
to continue the war, we beg you at least to allow us to make 
peace for ourselves ; for, if we are now preserved, we may 
again, at some time, be in a condition to serve you ; but if 

1 As to their pay, since they were mercenaries. Compare sect. 5. 
Weiske. 

2 The Athenian troops that had been in the garrison. 



en. 4.J cokintii in alliance with tiiebes. 547 

we are ruined, it is plain that we shall never be of service to 
you hereafter." 

9. The Lacedaemonians, on hearing these solicitations, ad- 
vised the Corinthians to make peace, and gave permission to 
such of the other confederates as were unwilling to continue 
the war with them, 1 to desist from it ; as for themselves, they 
said that " they would go on with the war, and do whatever 
might please the gods, but would never submit to be deprived 
of Messene, 2 which they had inherited from their forefathers." 

10. The Corinthians, on receiving this permission, proceeded 
to Thebes to make peace. The Thebans, however, required 
of them "to swear to an alliance with them ;" but they re- 
plied that " an alliance with them would not be peace, but 
merely a change in the war;" adding that " they were come 
to make, if the Thebans would consent, a fair peace." 3 The 
Thebans, admiring their spirit, since, though in peril, they 
would not go to war with their benefactors, 4 consented to a 
peace with them and the Phliasians, and whatever other 
parties had come with them to Thebes, on the condition that 
" they should each keep their own territory ;" and oaths were 
taken to the observance of it. 

li. The Phliasians, when an arrangement was thus made, 
withdrew at once from Thyamia ; but the Argives, though 
they had sworn to make peace on the same terms as the Phli- 
asians, yet, when they could not arrange that the Phliasian 
exiles 5 should remain in Tricaranon, as if they were in their 
own city, took possession of the place, and put a garrison in 
it, saying that the land on which it stood, and which they had 
lately laid waste as belonging to their enemies, was their own ; 
and though the Phliasians invited them to submit the matter 
to arbitration, they refused to comply. 

12. About this period, as Dionysius the elder had recently 

1 The Lacedaemonians. 

2 See c. 1, sect. 27, 86. Weiske. 

3 Ίην ciKcitav tlpijvrjv.] \'c/(i//i, et qua recit hoc nomi?ie appcUatur, 
pacet/i. Weiske. 

4 The Athenian•? They seem, beyond every other people, to 
have deserved the name of benefactors from the Thebans. " i 

1 Those who were of the Argive party. 

β 'ilr ri> ri) 'κιντών πόλη ϊχοντα<\] TanqUOm ft SftenJ in OWttoti 

i. e. Phliunte. Leunclavius. With whom Weiske concurs. Scl 
der would willingly read ννταν instead of ίχοντας. 

'2 Ν Ί 



548 HELLENICS. [β. VII. 

died, his son sent twelve ships, with Timocrates as their com- 
mander, to the aid of the Lacedaemonians. Timocrates, on 
his arrival, assisted them in the reduction of Sellasia, 1 and, 
having accomplished that object, sailed off home. 

Not long after this the Eleians took possession of Lasion* 2 
which had formerly belonged to them, but which had now 
united itself with the Arcadians. 13. The Arcadians did not 
overlook the proceeding, but instantly called their forces to- 
gether, and marched to the relief of the place. The three 
hundred, and also four hundred, 3 of the Eleians, came out to 
oppose them. After the Eleian troops had lain encamped in 
front of the enemy during the day, on a level piece of ground, 
the Arcadians in the night went up to the top of the hill 
which overhung the Eleians, and, at day-break the next 
morning, marched down upon them. The Eleians, seeing that 
the Arcadians were coming on with the advantage of the 
ground, and that they were far more numerous than them- 
selves, were ashamed to flee while they were yet at a distance, 
and advanced to meet them, but, on receiving their charge, 
took to flight ; and, as they had to retreat through difficult 
places, they lost many of their men and many of their arms. 

14. The Arcadians, having achieved this object, proceeded 
against the towns of the Acroreians, 4 and having captured 
them all, except Thraustus, arrived at Olympia, where they 
erected a palisading round the hill of Saturn, 5 placed a gar- 
rison on it, and made themselves masters of the mountain of 
Olympia. They took also the town of the Marganians, some 
of the people delivering the place into their hands. Such 
being the success of the Arcadians, the Eleians were in utter 
despair ; the Arcadians advanced up to the city of Elis, and 
penetrated into it as far as the forum, where however the 
cavalry and the rest of their troops made a stand against 

1 It had revolted at the time that the peri oeci deserted the Spar- 
tans, vi. 5. 25. See Diod. Sic. xv. 64. Dindorf. 

2 iii. 2. 30. Diod. Sic. xv. 77. 

3 The three hundred appear to be, in round numbers, their in- 
fantry, and the four hundred their cavalry. See sect. 16. Weiske. 

4 Morus was the first that interpreted this word as the name of a 
people. The Άκρώρειοι are mentioned above, iii. 2. 21. Steph. Byz. 
calls Acrorii a city of Triphylia, and adds that the inhabitants are 
likewise so called. Schneider. 

5 To Κρόνω v.~] Montem Satumo sacrum. Weiske. 



CH. 4.] THE ARCADIANS INVADE ELIS. 549 

them, drove them out, killed some of their men, and erected a 
trophy. 

15. There had been for some time previous discord in Elis ; 
for the party of Charopus, Thrasonides, and Argivus 1 were 
forming the government in a democracy ; while that of Stal- 
cas, Hippias, and Stratolas were trying to bring it to an oli- 
garchy. But when the Arcadians, with so large a force, 
appeared as supporters to those inclined to a democracy, the 
party of Charopus grew consequently bolder, and having bar- 
gained with the Arcadians for aid, took possession of the 
citadel. 16. The cavalry and the three hundred, however, 
were not slow to act, but instantly marched up and expelled 
them ; so that about four hundred of the citizens, with Ar- 
givus and Charopus, were forced to become exiles. But not 
long after, these exiles, uniting with them a party of Arcadians, 
seized upon Pylos; 2 and many of the populace from the city 
went out to join them, as it was a fine place, and they had the 
great force of the Arcadians to support them. 

The Arcadians, too, afterwards made another incursion 
into the territory of the Eleians, being persuaded by the exiles 
that the city of Elis w r ould come over to them. 17. But the 
Achasans, who were then in friendship with the Eleians, de- 
fended their city ; so that the Arcadians retired without 
doing anything further than laying waste the country. Hear- 
ing, however, as soon as they had quitted the territory of Elis, 
that the Pellenians were in that country, they accomplished 
an extremely long march by night, and seized on Ultimo, 3 a 
place that belonged to them ; for the Pellenians had now gone 
over again into alliance with the Laceda3monians. 18. But 
when they heard of the seizure of Olurus, they made a circuit, 
as large as they could, and lodged themselves in their own city 
of Pellene. They then maintained a war with the Arcadians 
in Olurus, and with all their own populace; 1 and, though 

1 See c. 1, sect. 33. 

2 Not the city on the coast of Messene, hut a town in Elis, dis- 
tant from the city of Elis about eight stadia according t<> Pauea- 

nias, vi. p. 009, or, according to Diod. Sic. \iv. 17, seventy stadia. 
Schnc 

\ town of Achaia, subject to Pellene. Wciskc. 
4 That if imeider, with the exiles whom the Arcadians 

had made prisoners, and whom they forced to fight on the Arca- 
dian side against their own countrymen. 



550 HELLENICS. [β. VII. 

they were but few, they did not cease from hostilities till they 
had reduced Olurus by siege. 

19. The Arcadians made yet another incursion into Elis. 
But as they were encamped between Cyllene and the city of 
Elis, the Eleians made an attack upon them ; but the Arca- 
dians sustained their charge, and defeated them. Androma- 
chus, the commander of the Eleian cavalry, who appears to 
have been the adviser of the engagement, committed suicide ; 
the rest of the Eleians retreated into their city. There was 
killed in this battle a Spartan named Soclides, who chanced 
to be present ; for the Lacedaemonians were now become allies 
to the Eleians. 20. Bat the Eleians, being hard pressed within 
their own territory, sent ambassadors to the Lacedaemonians, 
and entreated them to make war on the Arcadians, thinking 
that they should thus stop the course of the Arcadians most 
effectually, if they were assailed on both sides. In conse- 
quence Archidamus took the field with the forces of Sparta, 
and seized upon Cromnus ; and then, leaving there three of 
his twelve 1 companies as a garrison, returned home. 21. The 
Arcadians, however, as their troops were still assembled after 
their expedition into Elis, hastened to the relief of Cromnus, 
and encircling it with a double line of palisading, besieged, 
while they themselves were within defences, the Lacedaemo- 
nians who were in the town. The government of the Lace- 
daemonians, annoyed at this siege of their own countrymen, 
sent out an army, Archidamus taking the command also on 
that occasion. Having arrived at the scene of warfare, Ar- 
chidamus laid waste as much as he could of Arcadia and Sci- 
ritis, and tried every means in his power to draw off the 
besiegers. But the Arcadians were not the more induced to 
move, and paid no regard to all his proceedings. 22. Archida- 
mus, however, taking a view of a hill, over which the Arcadians 
had carried their exterior line of palisading, 2 thought that he 
might secure it, and that, if he had it in his possession, the 
besiegers at the foot of it would not be able to maintain their 
position. As he was leading round his troops, accordingly, 
towards that quarter, and his peltasts, advancing before the 

1 Compare c. 5, sect. 10. Bindorf. 

2 The Arcadians had extended their outermost circuit of palisading 
round the city in such a manner that the hill was in the same line 
in which the rampart and ditch ran. Morus. 



CH. 4.] ILL SUCCESS OF AKCHIDAMUS. 551 

rest, caught sight of the Epariti 1 on the outside of the palis- 
ading, they at once fell upon them, and the cavalry endeavoured 
to support their charge. The Arcadians did not retreat, but 
collected themselves into a body, and remained quiet. The 
Lacedaemonians charged them a second time, but as they did 
not then retire, but even advanced upon their assailants, and 
as a great noise now arose, Archidamus himself came up to 
the support of his party, turning aside into the carriage-road 
that leads to Cromnus, and leading on his men two abreast, 
the order in which he happened to have them. 2.3. When they 
drew near each other, the party of Archidamus in a line, 2 as 
men proceeding along a road, and the Arcadians in a body, 
with their shields close together, the Lacedaemonians were 
unable to withstand the mass of Arcadians, and Archidamus 
was soon wounded through the thigh, and those that fought 
in front of him, Polyaenidas, and Chilon who had married 
the sister of Archidamus, were killed ; and indeed in all not 
less than thirty of the Spartans lost their lives on the occa- 
sion. 24. When the Lacedaemonians however had retreated 
along the road, and reached the open ground, they then formed 
again to receive the enemy ; while the Arcadians stood their 
ground, in battle-array as they were, and, though inferior in 
number, were in much higher spirits, as having advanced on 
the retreating enemy, and having killed several men. The 
Lacedaemonians indeed were greatly dejected, as they saw 
Archidamus wounded, and heard the names of those who 
were killed, men of great bravery and almost of the highest 
rank. 25. And a-, when they were near each other, one of 
the old men exclaimed, " Why should we prolong the contest, 
my fellow-soldiers, and not rather make a truce and separ- 
ate ? " both sides listened to the proposal gladly, and made a 
truce. The Lacedemonians then took up their dead and 
marched away ; and the Arcadians, returning to the spot from 
which they first began to advance, erected a trophy. 

2<3. While the Arcadians were thus employed round Crom- 

1 See note on sect. 3.3. 

2 Kara id-par.] In the Anabasis, iv. G. G, Μ κέρας άγαν signifies 
to lead troops in a long line, of which the front is much mor< 
tensive than the depth. See Hipparch. iv. 3. In Cvrop. i. <>. t3, 

κατά κ -roar αγην is opposed to ΐπΐ φάλαγγος ay(u>, "to lead in a 
dense body." Schneider. 



552 HELLENICS. [β. VII. 

mis. the Eleians from the city went in the first place against ' 
Pylos, 1 and fell in with the Pylians who had been repulsed 
from Thalamae. 2 The cavalry of the Eleians, catching sight 
of them as they were riding up, made no hesitation, but at- 
tacked them at once, and killed some of them, while others 
fled to a hill. When the infantry however came up, they 
overthrew those on the hill also, of whom they killed some, 
and took others alive to the number of nearly two hundred. 
Whatever of their prisoners were foreigners they sold; all 
that were exiles they put to the sword. The Pylians, with 
their town, as none came to their aid, they soon after reduced 
under their power, and also recovered the town of the Marga- 
neans. But the Lacedaemonians, marching to Cromnus some 
time after in the night, made themselves masters of that part 
of the palisading which was in the quarter of the Argives, 3 
and instantly called on such of the Lacedaemonians as were 
besieged in the place to come forth. As many, accordingly, 
as happened to be near, and quickly took advantage of the 
opportunity, came out, but those whom a number of the 
Argives, gathering to the rescue, intercepted, were shut up 
within, 4 and being made prisoners, were divided among the 
captors, the Argives taking one part, the Thebans one, the 
Arcadians another, and the Messenians another. The number 
of Spartans and perioeci captured at this time was in all more 
than a hundred. 

28. As soon as the Arcadians ceased to be engaged with 
affairs at Cromnus, they again turned their attention to the 
Eleians, and not only occupied Olympia with a stronger 
garrison, but, as the Olympic year was coming on, prepared 
to celebrate the Olympic games in conjunction with the people 
of Pisa, who assert that they were the original guardians of 
the temple. 5 But when the month had arrived in which the 

1 Into which the exiles from Elis had lately betaken themselves 
in company with the Arcadians ; see sect. 28. 

2 It appears to have been a town or fortress situated not far from 
Pylos, and consequently in the territory of Elis. Weiske. 

3 The Argives were now acting with the Arcadians. Dindorf. 

4 Within the palisading of the Arcadians ; between the palisading 
and the wall of the town. 

5 This affair is related with more brevity by Diodorus Siculus, 
xv. 78. Hence it happened that the Eleians did not reckon this 
Olympiad, in which everything was conducted by force, and the 
Pisans and Arcadians took the management of the games, in the 



CH. 4.] CONTEST AT OLYMPIA. 553 

Olympic games are performed, and the days on which the 
grand assembly comes together, the Eleians, making open 
preparations for the purpose, and calling on the Achoeans to 
aid them, began to march along the road to Olympia. 29. The 
Arcadians had not supposed that they would come to inter- 
rupt them, and were, with the people of Pisa, conducting the 
festival. The chariot-race they had already finished, as well 
as the foot-race of the pentathlum ; * and those who had come 
to wrestle were not then on the course, but were wrestling 
between the course and the altar ; for the Eleians had now ad- 
vanced under arms to the sacred grove. The Arcadians ad- 
vanced towards them only so far as to draw themselves up on 
the bank of the river Cladaus, which, running by the Aids, 2 
discharges itself into the Alpheius ; and some allies were 
there to support them, about two thousand heavy-armed 
Argives, and about four hundred Athenian cavalry. 3 30. 
The Eleians drew themselves up on the other side of the river, 
and, after sacrificing, advanced at once to charge them ; and 
though in former times they had been held in contempt, as to 
warlike qualifications, by the Arcadians and Argives, and 
held in contempt also by the Achaeans and Athenians, they 
nevertheless, on that day, advanced at the head of their 
allies as if they were the bravest of mankind, and put the 
Arcadians, with whoni they engaged first, immediately to 
flight, and, receiving the charge of the Argives, who came 
to their support, got the advantage over them. 31. Even 
when they had repulsed the enemy as far as the space be- 
tween the senate-house and the temple of Vesta, and the 
theatre which extends towards them, they, nevertheless, con- 
tinued the contest, and forced them back to the very altar, 
but, being galled with missiles from the porticos, the senate- 
house, and the great temple, and having to contend with the 
enemy also on the ground, a number of the Eleians were 
killed, and among them Stratolas, the commander of the three 

number of the Olympiads. The month was the Athenian Heca- 
tombseon. Schneider, 

1 The pentathlum consisted of the five exercises of leaping, 
running, throwing the discus, throwing the spear, and wrestling. 

2 A sacred grove, which Xenophon, a little above, calls re τίμι- 
νος. Schneider* 

3 Concerning the Athenian cavalry, sent to the aid of the Area- 
dianSj see above, sect. (i. Schneider. 



554 HELLENICS. Ι Β. VII. 

bundred. 1 The conflict being ended, they retired to their 
own camp ; but the Arcadians and their party were so much 
in dread of the following day, that they did not rest the whole 
night, employing themselves in cutting up the elaborately 
decorated tents, and constructing a rampart for their defence. 
The Eleians, on their part, advancing towards the enemy 
next day, and seeing the strong wall in front of them, with 
numbers of men mounted on the temples, retired to the city, 
having proved themselves such characters as a god, by in- 
spiring them with valour, may enable men to show themselves 
even in a single day, and such characters as men, even in the 
longest time, could not enable those who are not naturally 
brave to be. 

33. As the commanders of the Arcadians were appropriat- 
ing the sacred treasures to their own use, and maintaining their 
Epariti 2 with the aid of them, the Mantineans were the first 
to pass a resolution that "they should not use the sacred 
money ; " and having themselves raised the contribution due 
from their own city for the payment of the Epariti, they sent 
it to the commanders. But the commanders, charging them 
with weakening the Arcadian power, summoned their magis- 
trates before the Ten Thousand, and, as they did not obey 
the summons, passed sentence upon them, and despatched the 
Epariti to bring the condemned before them. The Manti- 
neans however closed their gates, and would not admit them 
into the city. 34. But, in consequence, some others, even 
among the Ten Thousand themselves, soon proceeded to re- 
mark that " they ought not to use the sacred money, nor to 
leave on their posterity for ever the stain of such a crime against 
the gods." As it was therefore resolved in the council that 

1 Sect. 13, 16. 

2 The Epariti, mentioned here and in sect. 22 and 36, are mer- 
cenary soldiers in the army of the Arcadians. In c. .5, sect. 3, de- 
puties from the Epariti are also said to have been sent by the Arca- 
dians to Lacedaemon. See Hesychius. Stephanus Byzantinus, 
citing this passage of Xenophon, calls them Eparitae, a tribe of 
Arcadians, their name being derived from a city named Eparis, 
the name of which he acknowledges, however, that he has nowhere 
read. Moms supposes them to have been a body of Arcadian 
soldiers, and I can offer no better suggestion ; they seem to me to 
have been somewhat similar to the three hundred of the Eleians. 
That they were citizens, collected from different cities and towns, 
is apparent from sect. 34. Schneider. 



CH. 4.] STRATAGEM OF THE ARCADIANS. 555 

" they would no longer use the sacred treasures," those of the 
Epariti who could not subsist among them without pay, soon 
deserted their ranks, while such other persons as could, en- 
couraging one another, enrolled themselves among the Epariti, 
not that the j might be subject to the others, but that the 
others might be subject to them. But such of the command- 
ers as had had the management of the sacred money, knowing 
that if they were called to account, they would be in danger 
of being put to death, sent messengers off to Thebes, and ac- 
quainted the Thebans that " unless they despatched an army 
thither, the Arcadians would be likely to join the Lacedaemo- 
nians again. " 35. The Thebans accordingly prepared to take 
the field ; but those who most consulted the interests of the 
Peloponnesus, prevailed on the supreme council of the Arca- 
dians to send ambassadors to the Thebans, and to request them 
" not to enter Arcadia under arms, unless the government of 
the Arcadians invited them." Nor did they only send this 
message to the Thebans, but also reasoned among themselves 
that " they had no need of war ; " for they thought that they 
had no cause to hold the presidency of the temple of Jupiter, 
but that they should act with greater justice and piety by re- 
storing it to the Eleians, and should by that means give 
greater satisfaction to the god ; and as the Eleians had 
similar wishes, it was resolved by both sides to establish a 
peace. A truce was made accordingly. 

36. The oaths being taken, and not only all the other 
parties, but also the Tegeans, and the Theban captain who 
was then in Tegea with three hundred heavy-armed Boeotians, 
having sworn, the other Arcadians, who were then in Tegea, 
remained there, and made feasts and enjoyed themselves, pour- 
ing libations and singing paeans in the belief that peace was 
settled ; but the Theban captain, and such of the Arcadian 
commanders as feared to be called to account, shut the gates 
in the wall of Tegea, in concert with the Boeotians and such 
of the Epariti as were ready to support them, and then, sending 
parties to those who were carousing together, made prisoners 
of the principal personages ; and as Arcadians were there 
from all the cities of the country, all desirous of haviog peace, 
the prisoners must have been very numerous ; so that the 
gaol was soon filled with them, as well as the town-house. 
37. But as those thrown into confinement were many, so 



556 HELLENICS. [β. VII. 

there were many, too, that leaped down from the wall, and 
many others that had been let out through the gates, (for no 
one used violent measures with another, who was not afraid of 
losing his own life,) it threw the Theban officer, and those 
that acted with him, into great perplexity, to find that of the 
Mantineans, whom they most wished to have in their power, 
they had secured but few, for, as their city was near at hand, 
almost all of them had gone off home. 

38. When it was day, and the whole people of Mantineia 
knew what had taken place, they immediately sent to the 
other cities of Arcadia, and told them to be ready under arms, 
and to guard the roads. These measures they themselves 
adopted, and sending also messengers to the people of Tegea, 
demanded such of the Mantineans as they had in custody, and 
stated, at the same time, that " they thought it just that no one 
of the Arcadians should be kept in prison or put to death, be- 
fore he was brought to trial ; and, if any persons had charges to 
make against them," the messengers added that " the govern- 
ment of the Mantineans would be responsible for producing 
before the general assembly of the Arcadians whatever indi- 
viduals any one might require." 39. The Theban captain, 
hearing of this communication, was at a loss how to act in tho 
affair, but at last released all the prisoners ; and, on the fol- 
lowing day, having called together as many of the Arcadians 
as were willing to meet, he stated, in defence of his conduct, 
that -" he had been deceived; for he had heard," he said, 
" that the Lacedaemonians were under arms upon the frontiers, 
and that certain of the Arcadians were going to betray Tegea 
into their hands." Those who heard this statement let him 
depart indeed, (though they knew that he spoke falsely as to 
themselves,) but sending deputies afterwards to Thebes, they 
accused him as deserving of death. 40. But they reported 
that Epaminondas (for he was then commander-in-chief) ob- 
served that the Theban captain acted much more properly 
when he seized the men than when he set them at liberty ; 
" for inasmuch as you, when we went to war on your account, 
made peace without our consent, why may not any person, in 
that particular, justly charge you with treachery? But be 
assured," added he, " that we will both march into Arcadia, 
and will prosecute the war in concert with those who are of 
our sentiments." 



CH. 5.] EPAMINONDAS TAKES THE FIELD. 557 



CHAPTER V. 

Epaminondas, at the head of the Thcbans and their allies, invades the Pelo- 
ponnesus, and having in vain waited for the Athenians, whom he hoped to 
intercept, proceeds to Tegea ; whence, having heard that Agesilaus had 
left home with his forces, he directs his course towards Sparta, which he 
would have surprised in a defenceless condition, had not Agesilaus hast- 
ened his return. Epaminondas is unsuccessful in a battle near Sparta, and 
hurries off to Tegea, despatching his cavalry to Mantineia, where the 
cavalry of the Athenians had arrived, who save a supply of provisions for 
the Mantineans. Epaminondas prepares for another engagement, and, 
after deceiving the enemy by a short delay, breaks through their line, and 
forces them to retire, but is himself killed. His troops being unable to 
turn their success to advantage, many of them are killed, and it begins to 
be doubted to which side the victory ought to belong. Nor was anything 
settled by this battle, though almost all the forces of Greece were engaged 
in it ; on the contrary, greater disturbances ensued. 

i. When these words were reported to the general assem- 
bly of the Arcadians, and throughout the several cities, the 
Mantineans, and such other Arcadians as cared for the inter- 
ests of the Peloponnesus, as well as the Eleians and Achaeans, 
forthwith concluded that the Thebans evidently wished the 
Peloponnesus to be in as weak a condition as possible, in order 
that they might without difficulty enslave it. 2. " For why," 
said they, " do they wish us to continue at war, but that we 
may distress one another, and may both stand in need of their 
interference ? Or why, when Ave tell them that Ave do not 
want them at present, are they preparing to take the field? 
Is it not plain that they intend to march forth for the purpose 
of doing us injury ?" 3. They also sent to Athens to ask as- 
sistance ; and deputies from the Epariti proceeded to Lacedse- 
mon, calling on the Lacedaemonians, "should any power come 
to enslave the Peloponnesus, to join, if they pleased, in stop- 
ping 1 its progress*" Concerning the command, however, they 
settled at once 2 that each people should lead in its own ter- 
ritory. 

i. While these matters were in progress, Epaminondas took 
the field, with all the Boeotians and Eubceans, and many of 
the Thessalians, who had been sent partly from Alexander, 8 

1 Koirlj ΐιακωΧνίΐν.'] "Τθ hinder in common." 

1 λι•τόϋίν.\ Bx eo ipto tempore* Schneider and Weieke. 

3 Tyrant of Pliers, of whom Xenophon speaks, vi. 1. 84. Ho had 



558 HELLENICS. [β. VII. 

and partly from his adversaries. 1 The Phocians did not ac- 
company him, for they said that " the treaty made with them 
was such, that they were to give assistance if any enemy came 
against Thebes, but that it was not expressed in the treaty 
that they were to take the field against other powers. 5. 
Epaminondas however considered that the Argives and Mes- 
senians would join him in the Peloponnesus, as well as such 
of the Arcadians as favoured the Theban interests, and these 
were the people of Tegea, Megalopolis, Asea, Pallantium, and 
whatever other towns, from being small, and situated in the 
midst of the greater states, were compelled to take part with 
them. 6. Epaminondas accordingly marched forth with ex- 
pedition ; but when he came to Nemea, he made some delay 
there, hoping that he would surprise the Athenians as they 
were passing by, 2 and thinking that such good fortune would 
not only have a great effect on the Theban allies, so as to 
raise their spirits, but on the enemy, so that they would fall into 
despondency ; and, to say all in a word, he thought that in 
whatever way the Athenians suffered loss, it would be all gain 
to the Thebans. 7. During his stay at Nemea, all the Pelo- 
ponnesians that were of the same sentiments met together at 
Mantineia. But as Epaminondas heard that the Athenians 
had given up the thought of going by land, and were prepar- 
ing to proceed by sea, in order to go to the support of the Ar- 
cadians through Laconia, 3 he removed his camp from Nemea 
and went off to Tegea. 

8. That the expedition proved fortunate for him, I cannot 
say ; but whatever proofs could be given of forethought and 
valour, he appears to me to have been wanting in none. I 
cannot but commend in him, in the first place, that he formed 
his camp within the walls of Tegea, where it was much safer 
than it would have been if he had pitched it without, and 
whatever he did was much better concealed from the enemy ; 

formerly been the bitterest enemy of the Thebans, but, after he was 
defeated by Pelopidas, the Thebans had obliged him to promise 
that he would support them in the field in whatever war they might 
demand his services. Plutarch, Pelop. c. 35. Morus. 

1 Those towns which had been previously under the oppressive 
dominion of Alexander, but which the Thebans, after defeating 
him, had restored to liberty. Morus. 

2 To the aid of the Athenians. Weiske. 

3 Δίά Αακίδαίμονος.] i. e. per Laconicam. Schneider. 



CH. Ο.] EPAMINONDAS MARCHES TO SPARTA. 509 

while, if lie found himself in want of anything, it was much 
easier for him, being in a city, to procure it. As the enemy, 
on the other hand, were encamped on open ground, it was 
easy to see whether everything went right among them, or 
whether they committed any error. And though he judged 
himself to be superior to the enemy, he did not lead out his 
troops to attack them, as long as he saw that they had the ad- 
vantage of the ground. 9. But finding that no city came over 
to him, and that the term of his command was fast advancing, 
he thought that he must do something, or else he expected to 
bring on himself much dishonour in place of his former glory. 
When he learned, therefore, that the enemy were keeping on 
their guard round Mantineia, and were sending for Agesilaus 
and all the Lacedaemonians, and was also informed that Agesi- 
laus had marched out, and was then at Pellene, 1 he gave, one 
night after supper, the necessary orders to his troops, and led 
them off straight towards Sparta; 10. and had not a Cretan, 
under some divine influence, gone and told Agesilaus that the 
army was advancing, Epaminondas would have taken the city 
like a bird's nest deserted by those that should have defended 
it. But as Agesilaus had notice of his approach, and antici- 
pated him in returning to the city, the Spartans were in array 
and on their guard, though they were burfew indeed in num- 
ber, for all their cavalry was absent in Arcadia, as well as 
their mercenary troops, and the three of their twelve' 2 com- 
panies of foot. 1 1. Epaminondas, therefore, when he went into 
the city' 1 of the Spartans, where, while he and his men would 

1 Ag< nlaus was not at this time in Achaia, as appears from the 
course of Xenophon's narrative, as well as from Pausanias, ix. 8, 
and especially from Plutarch, AgesiL c. 34. It is therefore not 
Pellene, the will-known town of Achaia, mentioned above, c. 2, 
sect. IS. and c. 1, sect. 18, which is to he understood here, but a far 
more obscure town of Laconia, on the borders of Arcadia, which 
Pliny, II. X.iv. 6, and Schol. ApolL Khod.i. 177, assign to Arcadia, 
and which appears to be the same that Pausanias, iii. 20, calls in 

the Doric dialect Pellana, and which Schneider shows to be men- 
tioned by Diodorus Siculus, xv. 67. U'cisAc. 
1 Se< ι. 20. 

3 'Eytrtro —h' rij wSXh.'] Morns and Weiske interpret l* ry π^λα 

urbem. But Polybius, as Schneider obse 
ix. Sj that Epaminondas took a portion of the city of Sparta, 
and entered as far as the forum, but retired on hearing th 
Laus was approaching. Xenophon's words seem certainly to have 



560 HELLENICS. [β. VII. 

have had to fight on the ground, they would also have been 
assailed with missiles from the tops of the houses ; and where 
the larger would have had no superiority in the struggle over the 
smaller number, he did not enter it, but, after taking possession 
of an eminence, where he thought that he should have some 
advantage, he went down, and did not go up, to the city. 1 12. 
As to what happened afterwards, we may ascribe it either to 
divine influence, or we may say that none can resist desperate 
men ; for when Archidamus, 2 though he had not even a hun- 
dred men, advanced against him, and, having crossed that 3 
which might have proved some hindrance, proceeded up the 
ascent to charge the enemy, then those fire-breathing Thebans, 
who had previously defeated the Lacedaemonians, who were 
infinitely superior in number, and who had also the advantage 
of the ground, did not even stand the charge of Archidamus 
and his party, but gave way before them. 13. The men in the 
front ranks of Epaminondas were killed, but as those from 
the city, exulting in their success, pursued farther than was 
prudent, they also suffered loss ; 4 for it had been prescribed 
by divine providence, as it would seem, how far victory should 
be granted to each party. Archidamus erected a trophy on 
the spot where he had had the superiority, and gave up under 
truce the bodies of the enemy who had fallen there. 

14. Epaminondas, concluding that the Arcadians would come 
to the aid of Sparta, had no desire to fight with them and all 
the Lacedaemonians in conjunction, especially when they had 
met with success, while his own men were under disappoint- 
ment. He therefore marched back with all possible expedition 
to Tegea, where he caused his heavy-armed men to halt, but 

a larger meaning than Morus and Weiske allow them. Mr. Grote, 
chap, lxxx., represents Epaminondas as " actually entering the city 
of Sparta," referring to this passage of Xenophon as his authority. 

1 κατέβαινε και ουκ άνε£>αινεν εις την ττό\ιν.~] From the brevity of 
this narrative, in which the partiality of Xenophon for the Lacedae- 
monians is eminently manifested, it is difficult to understand every 
thing fully without having an exact knowledge of the ground. But 
of this we may feel assured, that καταξαίνειν means to descend to 
lower ground, and άνα£αίνειν to ascend to higher ground. Schneider. 

2 Son of Agesilaus. 3 The Eurotas. Gail. 

4 Άποθνήσκονσοί.^ It might be supposed from this word that they 
were all killed, but, as Archidamus erected a trophy, we may sup- 
pose that there were some survivors. I have therefore given the 
word a mild translation. 



CH. 5.] ΜΑΝΤΙΝΕΙΑ DEFENDED BY ATHENIANS. 561 

despatched bis cavalry to Mantineia, entreating them to bear 
up under the toil, and telling them it was likely that all the 
cattle of the Mantineans were without the city, as well as all 
the people, especially as it was the season for gathering in their 
corn. 15. The cavalry accordingly commenced their march. 
But the cavalry of the Athenians, which had started from 
Eleusis, and, after supping on the Isthmus, had passed by 
Cleonae, happened to have come up to Mantineia, and had 
quartered themselves in the houses within the walls. As soon 
as the enemy, therefore, were seen riding up, the Mantineans 
besought the Athenian cavalry " to give them whatever sup- 
port they could, since all their cattle and farm-slaves, as well 
as many children and old men of the free population, were 
without the city;" and the Athenians, on hearing their en- 
treaties, sallied out to give aid, though both themselves and 
their horses were still without refreshment. 16. Who again 1 
must not admire, on this occasion, the spirit of those men, 
who, though they saw before them an enemy far more numer- 
ous than themselves, and though ill success had attended their 
cavalry at Corinth, 2 took no thought of those matters, nor were 
daunted at having to fight with Theban and Thessalian ca- 
valry, considered to be of all cavalry the best, but, thinking 
that they would be disgraced if, when they were present, they 
should give no assistance to their allies, engaged with the 
enemy as soon as they saw them, longing to maintain their 
hereditary glory ? n. By their exertions in the field, they 
were the cause of everything belonging to the Mantineans, 
that was out of the city, being preserved. Many brave men 
on their side were killed ; and they themselves killed many 
brave men on that of the enemy ; for none on either side had 
weapons so short that they could not reach one another. 
Their own dead they did not abandon ; some of the dead 
bodies of the enemy they gave up under a truce. 

is. Epaminondas now reflecting that he must quit Tegea 
in a few days, as the time allotted for the expedition would 
soon expire, and that, if he should leave those undefended to 

1 Av.~\ This particle is intended to allude to the like spirit dis- 
played oy the Lacedaemonians, sect. 12. WtUke. 

2 He refers, 1 suppose, to the affair mentioned in c. 1, sect, .",, (>, 
or 29, when the Athenians are said to have been repulsed from 
Oneium, the fortress of the Corinthians. Schneider. 

VOL. II. 2 ο 



562 HELLENICS. [β. VII. 

whom he came as an ally, they would be besieged and reduced 
by their enemies, and he himself would suffer greatly in re- 
putation, having been repulsed - at Sparta, with a numerous 
body of heavy-armed troops, by a handful of men, having been 
defeated in a cavalry engagement at Mantineia, and having 
been the cause, by his hostile expedition into the Pelopon- 
nesus, of the Lacedaemonians, Arcadians, Achaeans, 1 Eleians, 
and Athenians, forming a union, judged it, on these accounts, 
impossible for him to withdraw without fighting ; for he 
thought that, if he should conquer, he should cause all his 
previous failures to be forgotten, and conceived that, if he 
should die, his death would be glorious in the endeavour to 
leave the sovereignty of the Peloponnesus to his country. 19. 
That he should have reasoned thus, appears to me by no 
means surprising ; for such are the reasonings of men ambi- 
tious of honour ; but that he had so disciplined his army, that 
they sunk under no toil, either by night or day, shrunk from 
no danger, and, though they had but scanty provisions, were 
yet eager to obey, seems to me far more wonderful. 20. For 
when at last he gave them orders to prepare for battle, the 
cavalry, at his word, began eagerly to polish their helmets, 
the heavy-armed troops of the Arcadians marked the clubs 
on their shields as if they were Thebans, 2 and all the men 

1 As to the union of this people with the others, Xenophon has 
not previously mentioned any regular treaty; for that of which he 
speaks in c. 1, sect. 43, was not of such force that they should be 
compelled to act as allies to the Lacedaemonians in the field. But 
that they were present in this battle is confirmed by Diodorus Sicu- 
lus, xv. 88. 

2 Έπεγράφοντο — ρόπαλα, ως Θηβαίοι δντες.] The texts of Weiske, 
Schneider, and all preceding editors, have έπεγράφοντο — , ρόπαλα 
έχοντες, ως Θηβαίοι δντες, the commentators all following Morus in 
referring έπεγράφοντο to the shields, Dindorf very judiciously ejected 
έχοντες, which is wanting in four manuscripts, with the following 
note : " As we have noticed above, iv. 4. 10, that the shields of dif- 
ferent nations or tribes were inscribed with the initial letters of 
their names, so the Thebans, and the Arcadians who on this occasion 
imitated them, had a club, the insigne of the Theban Hercules, 
painted on their shields. The only man that was able to extract this 
sense from the passage was Eckhel, in his Doctr. Num. vol. ii. p. 
203, where he has illustrated a Theban coin stamped with a Boeo- 
tian shield having a club on it ; although hedid not arrive at the 
discovery that έχοντες should be omitted, as it is in two manuscripts 
of Paris and two of ours." 



CH. 5.] BATTLE OF ΜΑΝΤΙΝΕΙΑ. 563 

sharpened their spears and swords, and brightened their 
bucklers. 

21. After he had led them out thus prepared, it is well to 
consider how he acted. First of all, as was to be expected, 
he drew up his forces, and, in doing so, appeared to give 
manifest indications that he was preparing for a battle. When 
his army however was drawn up as he wished, he did not 
lead it the shortest way towards the enemy, but conducted it 
towards the mountains on the west and over against ] Tegea ; 
so as to produce a notion in the enemy that he would not 
fight that day ; 22. for when he came near the hills, after his 
main body was drawn out to its full extent, he ordered his 
men to file their arms at the foot of the heights, so that he 
appeared to be encamping. By acting in this manner, he 
slackened the determination for engaging which was in the 
hearts of most of the enemy, and caused them to quit their 
posts on the field. But when he had brought up to the front 
the companies which on the march had been in the wings, 
and had made the part in which he was posted strong and in 
the shape of a wedge, he immediately gave orders for his 
troops to resume their arms, and began to advance, while 
they followed him. As for the enemy, when they saw the 
Thebans advancing, contrary to what they had expected, not 
one of them could remain quiet, but some ran to their posts, 
some formed themselves in line, others bridled their horses, 
others put on their breastplates ; yet all were more like men 
going to suffer some harm than to inflict any on others. 

23. Epaminondas led on his army like a ship of war with 
its beak directed against the enemy, expecting that wherever 
he assailed and cut through their ranks, he would spread 
disaster among their whole force ; for he was prepared to 
settle the contest with the strongest part of his troops ; the 
weaker he had removed to a distance ; knowing that if they 
were defeated they would cause dismay among his own men 
and confidence in the enemy. 24. The enemy, on their part, had 
drawn up their cavalry like a body of heavy-armed infantry, 
of a close depth, 1 without any foot to support them; 2 but 

1 "ίίσπεη οπλιτών φάλαγγα βάθος Ιφεζής.'} The last word, says 
Schneider, (whose text has tZijc,) denotes the continuous depth of the 
body of men standing one behind the other, without being broken 
by the interspersion of infantry. 

2 Έρημον πεζών άμίππων.'] The αμιπποι are- infantry attached to 

2 ο 2 



564 HELLENICS. [β. VII. 

Epaminondas, on the contrary, had formed of his cavalry a 
strong wedge-like body, and had posted companies of foot to 
support them, judging that when he had broken through the 
cavalry of the enemy, he would have defeated their whole 
force, since it is hard to find men that will stand when they 
see some of their own party in flight ; and that the Athenians 
might not send succour from their left wing to the part of the 
enemy nearest them, he posted over against them, upon some 
high grounds, parties of horse and heavy-armed foot, wishing 
to inspire them with the apprehension that if they stirred to 
aid others his own troops would attack them in the rear. 

25. Such was the mode in which he commenced the en- 
gagement; nor was he deceived in his expectations; for, 
being successful in the part on which he made his attack, he 
forced the whole body of the enemy to take to flight. But 
when he himself fell, 1 those who survived him could make no 
efficient use of their victory ; for though the main body of the 
enemy fled before them, his heavy-armed troops killed none of 
them, nor even advanced beyond the spot where the charge 
took place ; and though the cavalry also retreated, his own 
cavalry did not pursue, or make any slaughter either of horse 
or foot, but, like men who had been conquered, slipped away 
in trepidation amidst their fleeing adversaries. The other 
parties of foot, indeed, and the peltasts, who had shared in the 
success of the cavalry, advanced up to the enemy's left wing, 
as if masters of the field, but there the greater part of them 
were put to the sword by the Athenians. 

26. When the conflict was ended, the result of it was quite 
contrary to what all men had expected that it would be ; for 
as almost the whole of Greece was assembled on the occasion, 
and arrayed in the field, there was no one who did not sup- 
pose that, if a battle took place, one side would conquer and 
be masters, and the other be conquered and become subjects ; 
but the divine power so ordered the event, that both parties 
erected trophies as being victorious, neither side hindering 

the cavalry, or interspersed among them; as those of the Germans 
mentioned by Caesar, B. G. i. 48, and those of the Dahae, by Quintus 
Curtius, vii. 7. Weiske. 

1 He fell by the hand of Gryllus, the son of Xenophon, as Pausa- 
nias, viii. 11, is inclined to think. Others have been named as the 
authors of the blow, but Pausanias considers that there is most evi- 
dence in favour of Gryllus. 



CH. Ο.] RESULT OF THE BATTLE OF ΜΑΝΤΙΝΕΙΑ. 565 

the other in the erection ; both parties, as conquerors, restored 
the dead under a truce, and both parties, as defeated, received 
them under truce ; and neither party, though each asserted 
the victory to be its own, was seen to gain any more, either in 
land, or towns, or authority, than it possessed before the 
battle took place. Indeed there was still greater confusion 
and disturbance in Greece after the conflict than there had 
been before it. 

Let, it suffice for me to have written to this point ; subse- 
quent occurrences will perhaps be an object of attention to 
some other author. 



THE END. 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 

TO THE HELLENICS. 



The second column of this Table shows the dates of the events related in the pas- 
sages to which references are given in the first. The expression, 01. XCII. £ de- 
notes that the occurrences to which it alludes, happened in the third and fourth 
years of the ninety-second Olympiad. 

The dates b. c. are those of the ordinary Chronological Tables ; but it is to be remem- 
bered that the Olympic year commenced at Midsummer, the time at which the 
Olympic games were celebrated, and that, consequently, if an event took place in 
the latter half of the Olympic year, the date b. c. must be diminished by one. 



Bk. C. Sect. 






B. C. 


Bk. C. Sect. 




B. C. 




1. 1. 1. 


01. XCII 


2. 


411 


V. 2. 8. 01. 


XCVIII. 4. 


385 




I. 2. 4. 




3. 


410 


V. 2. 12. 


XCIX.l. 


384 




I. 3. 1. 




3 

4* 


410, 9 


V. 2. 11. 


Ά 


383, 


2 


I. 4.21. 


XCIII. 


1. 


408 


V. 3. 1. 


3. 


382 




1.6. 1. 




1 
3• 


408,7 


V. 3. 8. 


4. 


381 




I. 6. 27. 




3. 


406 


V. 3. 19. 


C. 1. 


380 




II. i.io. 




3 

4" 


406,5 


V. 3. 21. 


1 


380, 


79 


II. 3. 3. 


XCIV. 


1. 


404 


V. 4. 13. 


2 

r 
ci.f. 


379, 


8 


II. 4. 22. 




1 


404, 3 


V. 4. 47. 


378, 


7 


III. 1. 1. 




3 

4.' 


402, 1 


V. 4. 58. 


377, 


6 


III. 1. 4. 


XCV 


1. 


400 


V. 4. 61. 


1 


376, 


5 


III. 1. 8. 




2. 


399 


VI. 1. 1. 


2. 


375 




III. 2. 6. 




3. 


398 


VI. 2. 3. 


3. 


374 




III. 2.11. 




3 

4* 


398,7 


VI. 2. 31. 


4. 


373 




III. 2.23. 


XCIV. 


4. 


401 


VI. 3. 1. 


CII. ί . 


373, 


2 


III. 2. 25. 


XCV. 


2 
3' 


399,8 


VI. 4. 4. 


2. 


371 




III. 3. 1. 




4. 


397 


VI. 4. 27. 




371, 


70 


III. 4. 3. 


XCVI 


-1 


397,6 


VI. 4. 34. 


370, 


69 


III. 4. 20. 




2. 


395 


VI. 4. 35. 


CV.2. 


359 




IV. 1.41. 




s• 


395,4 


VI. 5. 1. 


CII. 2. 


371 




IV. 3. 10. 




3. 


394 


VI. 5. 6. 


3. 


370 




IV. 4. 19. 




s 

r 

1 • 


394,3 


VI. 5. 10. 


4. 


369 




IV. 5. 1. 


XCVII. 


393,2 


VII. 1.25. 


CIII.l. 


368 




IV. 6. 1. 




2. 


391 


VII. 1. 33. 


2. 


367 




IV. 7. 1. 




2 
3' 


391,90 


VII. 1. 44. 


CII. 4. 


369 




IV. 8. 1. 


XCVI. 


3. 


394 


VII. 2. 1. 


CIII.l. 


368 




IV. 8. 7. 




3 

4* 


394,3 


VII. 2. 2. 


CII. 4. 


369 




IV. 8. 12. 


XCVII. 


1 
2' 


392, 1 


VII. 2. 10. 


CIII.l. 


368 




IV. 8. 30. 




3 

4" 


390, 89 


VII. 2. 16. 


2. 


367 




V. 1. 1. 


XCVIII 


1. 


388 


VII. 4. 1. 


3. 


366 




V, 1.25. 




1 
2' 


388,7 


VII. 4. 12. 


4. 


365 




V. 1. 30, 




2. 


387 


VII. 4. 28. 


CIV. 1. 


364 




V. 2. 1. 




3' 


387,6 


VII. 4. 36. 


2. 


363 




V. 2. 3. 




3 

4' 


386,5 











INDEX. 



The Numbers to which C. is prefixed refer to the Cyropaedia ; those to which no letter 
is prefixed, to the Hellenics. The first number refers to the Book, the second to 
the Chapter, the third to the Section. 



Abarnis prom. ii. 1. 29. 

Abradatas, C. v. 1. 1, 2 ; vi. 1. 45, 48 ; 
3. 36 ; 4. 2. His death and fune- 
ral rites, vii. 1. 32; 3. 4, 10, 11, 
13, 17. 

Abydos, i. 1. 5 ; 2. 15 ; iv. 8. 5 ; v. 
L 25. People of, ii. 1.18; iv. 8. 

3, 6, 35, 37. 
Academy, ii. 2. 8 ; vi. 5. 49. 
Acanthians, v. 2. 23. 
Acanthus, v. 2. 11 ; 3. 6. 
Aearnania, vi. 3. 37. 
Acarnanians, iv. 2. 17; 6.1,3; 7. 

1 ; vi. 5. 23. 
Aclueans, i. 2. 18 ; iii. 2. 26 ; iv. 2. 

18; vi. 2. 2; 4. 18 ; 6. 7 ; vii. 1. 

41, sq.; 4. 17, 28; 5. 1, 18. 
Achaean mountains at Phthia, iv. 

3.9. 
Achaia, iv. 3. 10, 23; vi. 2. 2; vii. 

1. 41, sq. 
Achilleium, iii. 2. 17 ; iv. 8. 17. 
Acrisius of Sicyon, vii. 1. 10. 
Acrocorinth, iv. 4. 4. 
Acrorians, iii. 2. 30; iv. 2. 1G; vii. 

4. 14. 

Adeas of Sicyon, vii. 1. 45. 
Adeimantus Athen. i. 1. 21 ; 7. 1 ; 

ii. 1. 30, 32. 
Adusius, C. vii. 4. 1, 8; viii. 6. 7. 
^Ερ.τ, iv. 8. ■>. 
iEgina,ii.2. 19; v. 1.2. 
^Eginetans, ii. 2. 3, 9 ; v. 1. 2 ; 1. 61 ; 

vi.2. 1. 



.Egospotami, ii. I. 21. 

iEgosthena Megar. v. 4. 18; vi. 4. 

26. 
.Egypt, C. i. 1. 4; viii. 6. 20. 
^Egyptian Larisa. See Larisa. 
^Egyptians, C. vi. 2. 10 ; 3. 20 ; vii. 

1. 29, 32, 34, 36, 41. 
.Eneas of Stymphalus, vii. 3. 1. 
iEnesias Laced, ii. 3. 9. 
^Enianes, iii. 5. 6; iv. 3. 15. 
^Eolia, iii. 1. 10; 2. 13; iv. 8.33. 

C. viii. 6. 7. 
.Eolians, iii. 4. 11 ; iv. 3. 10. C. vi. 

2. 20. 

^Eschines Athen. ii. 3. 2, 13. 
.Ethiopia, C. viii. 6. 21; 8. 1. 
iEtolians, iv. 6. 14. 
yExonians, ii. 4. 26. 
Agamemnon, iii. 4. 3 ; vii. 1. 34. 
Agathinus, Corinthian, iv. 8. 10. 
Agesilaus, iii. 3. 2, sq. ; 4. 4, sq. ; iv. 

1.2; 3. 3, s?.; 4.19; 5.; 6. 3 ; 

v. 1. 31,5?.; 2. 3,32; 3. 15, 17, 

20; 4.13, 25, 35,55, 58; vi. 4. 

5; 5. 5, 12, 15, sq. ; vii. 5. 9, sq. 
Agesipolis, iv. 2. 9 ; 7.2; v. 2. 3, 

4; 3. 8, 19. 
Ageeistratue Laced, ii. 3. 10. 

i. I. 33 ; ii. 2. 7, sq. ; 3. 

iii. 2. 22, sq. ; 3. 1, sq. 

Agiaitadas, C. ii. 2. 11. 

Agrigentam, i. 5.21 ; ii. 2. 21. 
Agyrrhius Athen. iv. 8. 31. 
Alcctas Laced, v. 4. 56, sq. 



568 



INDEX. 



Alcetas, king of Epirus, vi. 1. 7 ; 

2. 10. 
Alceunas, C. v. 3. 42. 
Alcibiades, i. 1. 5, 9, 10, 18 ; 3. 2, 

10,13; 4.10,13, 18,20,^.; 5. 

16; ii. 1.25; 3.42. 
Alcibiades, his cousin, i. 2. 13. 
Alcimenes, Corinthian, iv. 4. 7. 
Alea, name of Minerva, vi. 5. 27. 
Alexander of Thessaly, vi. 4. 34, sq. ; 

vii. 5. 4. 
Alexias Athen. ii. 1. 10. 
Alexippidas Laced, ii. 3. 10. 
Alpheius, iii. 2.29; vi. 2. 31. 
Altis, vii. 4. 29. 
Alypetus Laced, v. 4. 52. 
Alyzia, v. 4. 65. 
Amphidolians, iii. 2. 25, 29 ; iv. 2. 

16. 
Ampheium, v. 4. 8. 
Amphipolis, iv. 3. 1. 
Amyclse, vi. 5. 30 ; vii. 2. 3. 
Amyclseans, iv. 5. 11. 
Amyntas, king of Macedonia, v. 2. 

12, 38 ; 3. 9. 
Anaetius Athen. ii. 3. 2. 
Anaxibius Laced, iv. 8. 35, sq. 
Anaxicrates Byzant. i. 3. 18. 
Anaxilaus Byzant. iv. 8. 35, 36. 
Andamyas, C. v. 3. 38. 
Andrians, i. 4. 21, sq. ; ii. 1. 31, sq. 
Androcleides of Thebes, iii. 5. 1 ; v. 

2.31. 
Andromachus of Elis, vii. 4. 19. 
Andros, i. 4. 2] ; 5. 18. 
Angenidas Laced, ii. 3. 10. 
Antalcidas Laced, iv. 8. 12, sq. ; v. 

1. 6, 25, 29; vi. 3. 12. 
Antandros, i. 1. 25 ; 3. 17 ; ii. 1. 10 ; 

iv. 8. 35. 
Antigenes Athen. i. 3. 1. 
Antiochus, Arcadian, vii. 1. 33, 38. 
Antiochus Athen. i. 5. 11, sq. 
Antiphon Athen. ii. 3. 40. 
Antisthenes Laced, iii. 2. 6. 
Anytus Athen. ii. 3. 42. 
Apaturia, i. 7. 8. 
Aphytis, v. 3. 19. 
Apollo, iii. 5. 5 ; vi. 4. 2, 30 ; 5. 27. 

C. vii. 2. 15. 
Apollonia, v. 2. 11; 3. 1, sq. 



Apollonians, v. 2. ] 2. 
Apollophanes of Cyzicus, iv. 1. 29. 
Arabians, C. i. 1. 4; 5. 2; vi. 2. 

10; vii. 4. 16. 
Aracus Laced, ii. 1.7; 2.6; 3.10; 

vi. 5. 33. 
Araspas, C. v. 1. 1, 8, 17, 32 ; vi. 1. 

36; 3. 14, 21. 
Arcadians, iii. 2. 19 ; 5. 12 ; vi. 5. 

11, 22; vii. 1. 18, sq., 22, 25, 28 ; 

2.31,5?. ; 4. 2,sq., 12,23,28,33, 

36, 40; 5. 1. 
Archedemus Athen. i. 7. 1 . 
Archestratus Athen. i. 5. 16 ; ii. 2. 

15. 
Archias of Thebes, v. 4. 2 ; vii. 3. 7. 
Archidamus, father of Agesilaus, v. 

3. 13. 
Archidamus, son of Agesilaus, 

25, sq. ; vi. 4. IS, 19 ; vii. 1« , 

sq., 31 ; 4. 21, sq. ; 5. 12, sq. 
Archidamus of Elis, vii. 1. 33. 
Archytas Laced, ii. 1. 10; 3. 10. 
Aresias Athen. ii. 3. 2. 
Arginusee, i. 6. 27. 
Argives, i. 3. 13 ; ii. 2. 7 ; iii. 2. 21 ; 

5. 11; iv.2. 16; 3.15; 4. l,s?., 

19; 5.1; 7. 2,3; 8. 13, sq. ; v. 

1. 29, sq. ; vi. 5. 46; vii. 1. 25, 

28, 44; 2. l,sq.; 4. 11,30, sq. 
Argivus of Elis, vii. 1. 33; 4. 15, 16. 
AriEeus, iv. 1. 27. 
Aribasus, Cappadoc. C. iv. 2. 3] . 
Ariobarzanes, i. 4. 7 ; v. 1 . 28 ; vii. 

i. 27. C. viii. 8. 4. 
Aristarchus Athen. i. 7. 28 ; ii. 3. 

46. 
Aristocles Athen. vi. 3. 2. 
Aristocrates Athen. i. 4. 21 ; 5. 16 ; 

6.29; 7.2. 
Aristodemus Laced, iv. 2. 9. 
Aristogenes Athen. i. 5. 16; 6. 29; 

7. 1. 
Aristogenes, Sicilian, i. 2. 8. 
Aristolochus Laced, v. 4. 22. 
Aristomenes Laced, i. 1. 35. 
Ariston Byzant. i. 3. 8. 
Aristophon Athen. vi. 3. 2. 
Aristoteles Athen. ii. 2. 18 ; 3. 2, 

46. 
Armenians, C. ii. 1. 6; iii. 1. 10. 



INDEX. 



569 



Their king, ii. 4. 12; iii. 1. G, 

8, 14, 38, 42. 
Arnapes, a Persian, i. 3. 12. 
Arsamas, C. vii. 1. 3, 8. 
Artabatas, C. viii. 3. 18 ; 6. 7. 
Artabazus. Mede, C. i. 4. 27; iv. 1. 

23; v. 1. 23; vi. 1. 9, 31, 34; vii. 

5.48; viii. 3. 25; 4. 1,12, 24. 
Artabazus, a Persian, C. v. 3. 38. 
Artacamas, C. viii. 6. 7. 
Artagersas, C.vi. 3. 31 ; vi. 1. 22,27. 
Artamas, king of the Greater Phry- 

gia, C. ii. 1. δ. 
Artaozus, C. vi. 3. 31. 
Artaxerxes, v. 1 . 30, sq. C. viii. 8. 1 2. 
Artuchas, Ilyrcanian, C. v. 3. 38. 
-Asea, vi. 5. 11. 
Asea^s vii. 5. 5. 

ai. 4. 5; iv. 8.5, 27; v. 1.31. 
Α.. itas, C. vi. 3. 32. 
Asine, vii. 1. 25. 
Aspendus, iv. 8. 30. 

riaii kimr, C. i. 5. 3; ii. I. 5; 

iii. 3. 26,44, 63; iv. 1. 8. His 

successor, vi. 1. 25 ; vii. 5. 30. 
Astyages, king of the Medea, C. i. 2. 

Γ: 5. 2; iii. 1. 10. 
Astyochus Laced, i. 1. 31. 
Astyre, Diana of, iv. 1. 41. 
Atarneus, iii. 2. 11. 
Athenadas of Sicvon, iii. 1. 18. 
Athens, ii. 3. 24; vi. 2. 9, &c. 
Athenians, i. 1. 1, 22, 33 ; 2. 1, sq. ; 
y. ; 1. 1. sq. ; 5. 13, sq. ; 6. 

15, sq. ; 7. H, sq. ; ii. 1, sq. ; 2. 

10, sq.; 3. 1, sq.; 1.21; iii. 1. 

1, sq.; 5. 16; iv. 1.18; B. 12; 
v. 1. I3,#f.; 1.34,*?.; vi. 1. 10; 

2. 1, K) ; 3. 1 ; l. 20; 5. 1, *.; 

vii. 1. 1, sq. ; 1. 1, sq. 
Aulis, iii. 4. 3; 5. 5; vii. 1. 34. 
Aulon, iii. 2 §, 10. 

Autol ui, ii. 1. 8. 

Autoclcs A then. ii. 3. 2, 7. 

Babvlon,C. ii. 1.5; v. 2. B; vii. 2. 

11 ; 5. 7, 11, 15, 29; viii. 
Bacchus, temple of, at Aphytus, v. 

Bactrians, C. i. 1. 1 ; 5. 2. Tlieir 
king, v. 1. 2. 



Bagaeus, Persian, iii. 4. 13. 

Bendideum, ii. 4. 11. 

Bithynians, i. 3. 2, sq. ; iii. 2. 2, sq. 

Bceotarchs, iii. 4. 4. 

Bceotia, vi. 4. 3. 

Boeotians, ii. 4. 30; iii. 2. 25; iv. 

3. 3; 5. 10; v. 1.32, 33; 4. 62. 
Bceotius Laced, i. 4. 2. 
Brasidas Laced, ii. 3. 10. 
Byzantium, i. 1. 35; 3. 14, 15, 18, 

20 ; ii. 2. 1 ; iv. 8. 27. 

Cadmeia, v. 2. 29 ; 4. \,sq.; vi.5.46. 
Cadusians, ii. 1. 13. C. v. 2. 25 ; 3. 

22; 4. 15,22. 
Callias Athen. i. 6. 1 ; son of Hip- 

ponicus, iv. 5. 13; v. 4. 22; vi. 

3. 2, sq. 

Callias Laced, iv. 1. 15. 

Callibius Laced, ii. 3. 13, 14. 

Callibius of Tegea, vi. 5. 6. 

Callicratidas Laced, i. 6. 1 ; ii. 1. 1. 

Callimedon Athen. iv. 8. 13. 

Callisthenes Athen. iv. 8. 13. 

Callistratus Athen. ii. 4. 27. An- 
other, vi. 2.39; 3. 3, 10, sq. 

Callixenus Athen. i. 7. 8, 35. 

Calydon, iv. 6. 1, 14. 

Camarina, ii. 3. 5. 

Cambyees, father of Cyrus, C. i. 2. 
1 ; 4. 25 ; 6. 2; viii. 5. 23. 

Cambyses, son of Cyrus, C. viii. 7.11. 

Cannonus Athen. i. 7. 20. 

Cappadocians, C. i. 1.1; vi. 2. 10 ; 
vii. 4. 16 ; viii. 6. 7. 

Cardia, i. 1. 11. 

Carduchas, vi. 3. 30. 

Caria, iii. 2. 12. 

Carians, iii. 2. 15. C. i. 5. 3; ii. 1. 
5 ; vti. 1. 1, 7 ; viii. 6. 7. 

Carthaginians, f. 1.37; 5.21; ii. 3.5. 

Came, vi. 5. 25 ; vii. 1. 28. 

Castolus, i. 1. 3. 

Catina, ii. 3. 5. 

Cane, iv. 1. 20. 

Caystriao plain, C. ii. 1. 5. 

Ο ΐιΓίΐι, iii. 2. L0. 

CedreaB, ii. 1. 15. 

Celt», vii. I. 20, 31. 

Celnsa, Iv. 7. 7. 

Cenchxeiae, iv. 5. 1 ; vi, 5. 51 ; vii. l. '». 



570 



INDEX. 



Ceos, v. 4. 61. 
Cephallenia, vi. 2. 31, 33. 
Cephisodotus Athen. ii. 1. 16. An- 
other, vi. 3. 2 ; vii. 1. 12. 
Cephisophon Athen. ii. 4. 36. 
Gephisus, river in Attica, ii. 4. 19. 

In Bceotia, iv. 3. 16. 
Ceramicus at Athens, ii. 4. 33. 
Ceramicus in Caria, i. 4. 8 ; ii. 1. 15. 
Ceres, vi. 3. 6. 

Chabrias Athen. iv. 5. 19; v. 1. 10, 
sq.; 4. 61; vi. 2.39; vii. 1. 25. 
Chserelaus Athen. ii. 3. 2. 
Chaerilas Laced, ii. 3. 10. 
ChsBron Laced, ii. 4. 33. 
Chalcedon, i. 3. 2 ; ii. 2. 1 ; iv. 8. 

28. 
Chaldeans, C. iii. 1. 34 ; 2. 1, 7 ; vii. 

2.5. 
Chares Athen. vii. 2. 18, 20 ; 4. l,sq. 
Charicles Athen. ii. 3. 2. 
Charmides Athen. ii. 4. 19. 
Charon, Theban, v. 4. 3. 
Charopus of Elis, vii. 4. 15. 
Chersonesus, Thracian, i. 5. 17 ; iii. 
2. 8—10 ; iv. 2. 6 ; 8. 39. People 
of, i. 3. 10 ; iii. 2. 8. 
Chians, ii. 1. I, sq. 
Chilon Laced, vii. 4. 23. 
Chios, i. 1. 32; ii. 6. 
Chremon Athen. ii. 3. 2. 
Chrysantas, C. ii. 2. 19 ; 3. 5 ; 4. 
22;iv.l.3,4; 3.15; v.3.36; vi. 
2. 21; vii. 1.3; 5.55; viii. 1.1; 
3.16; 4. 11; 6. 7. 
Chrysopolis, i. 1. 22; 3. 12. 
Cilicians, C. i. 5. 3 ; ii. 1. 5 ; vi. 2. 

10 ; vii. 4. 2 ; viii. 6. 8. 
Cinadon Laced, iii. 3. 4, 11. 
Cissidas Syrac. vii. 1. 28. 
Cithaeron, v. 4. 37, 47, 55, 59 ; vi. 

4.5. 
Cios, i. 4. 7. 
Cladaus, vii. 4. 29. 
Clazomenae, i. 1. 10, 11; v. 1. 31. 
Cleander of Sicyon, vii. 1. 45. 
Clearchus Laced, i. 1. 35 ; 3. 15. 
Cleigenes, v. 2. 11. 
Cleinomachus Laced, ii. 3. 10. 
Cleiteles, vi. 5. 37. 
Cleitorians, v. 4. 36, sq. 



Cleocritus Athen. ii. 4. 20, sq. 
Cleombrotus Laced, v. 4. 14, 16, 59; 

vi. 1. 1 ; 4. 3, 6, sq. 
Cleomedes Athen. ii. 3. 2 
Cleon Laced, v. 4. 39. 
Cleonoe, vii. 5. 15. 
Cleonymus Laced, v. 4. 25 ; vi. 4. 14. 
Cleophon Athen. i. 7. 35. 
Cleosthenes Laced, ii. 3. 10. 
Cleostratus, i. 3. 13. 
Cnidus, iv. 3. 12 ; 8. 22. 
Cocylitans, iii. 1. 16. 
Coeratadas, Boeotian, i. 3. 15, 21, 22. 
Colonae, iii. 1. 13, 16. 
Colophon, i. 2. 4. 
Colophonians, ib. 
Collytus. See Thrasybulus. 
Conon Athen. i. 4. 10; 5. 16, 18; 

6. 15,19,38; 7.1; ii. 1. 28, sq. ; 

iv. 8. 1, 2,10, 13,16. 
Corcyra, v. 4. 64 ; vi. 2. 4, 8, sq. 
Coressus, i. 2. 7. 
Corinth, iv. 4. 6, 14, 18, 19 ; 8. 15 

v. 1. 34, 36; vi. 5. 49; vii. 4.4 
Corinthians, ii. 1. 32, sq. ; 4. 30 

iii. 2. 25; 5. 17; iv. 2. 14; Ζ 

15; 4.; 5.4; v. 3. 27 ; vi. 4. 18 

5. 15, 40; 29. 52 ; vii. 1. 2, 23 

4. 6, sq. 
Coroneia, iv. 3. 1 6. 
Coryphasium, i. 2. 18 
Craneinm, iv. 4. 4. 
Crannonians, iv. 3. 3. 
Cratesippidas Laced, i. 1. 32 ; 5. 1. 
Cratistus Laced, i. 1. 35. 
Cremaste, iv. 8. 37. 
Cretans, iv. 2. 16 ; 7.6; vii. 5. 

10. 
Creusis, iv. 5. 10; v. 4. 16, 60; vi. 

4.3. 
Crinippus Syrac. vi. 2. 36. 
Critias Athen." ii. 3. 2, 24—56 ; 4. 

8, 19. 
Crocinas, Thessalian, ii. 3. 1. 
Croesus, C. i. 5. 3; ii. 1. 5 ; iv. 1. 

8; 2. 29; vi. 2. 9, 10, 11; vii. 1. 

23, 25, 27 ; 2. 1, 5, 12, 15, 26 ; 3. 

1. 4, 12; viii. 2. 15. 
Crommyon, iv. 4. 13 ; 5. 19. 
Cromnus, vii. 4. 20, 21, sq. 
Cronium, vii. 4. 14. 



INDEX. 



571 



Cyaxares, uncle of Cvrus, C. i. 4. 
9, 22; 5. 2, 4; ii. 1. 5, 7, δ ; 4. 
5; iii. 3. 25, 29; iv. 1. 13; 5.8, 
52; v. 5. 1, 8,37, 44; vi. 1. 6; 
3. 2 ; viii. 5. 19. 

Cydon Byzant. i. 3. 18. 

Cyllene, iii. 2. 27, 30 ; vii. 4. 19. C. 
vii. 1. 45. 

Cvlon, iii. 5. 1. 

Cyme, iii. 4.27. C. vii. 1.45. 

Cynoscephalae, v. 4. 15. 

Cyprians, C. vi. 2. 10 ; vii. 4. 2 ; 
viii. 6. 8. 

Cyprus, v. 1. 10, 31. C. viii. 6. 21 ; 
8. 1. 

Cvrenian chariots, C. vi. 1. 27 ; 
'2.8. 

Cyrus, son of Cambyses, and grand- 
son of Astyages, by Mandane, C. 
i. 2. 1 ; visits his grandfather, and 
remains with him, 3. 1, 13; his 
decision in a dispute between two 
boys, 17; his popularity, respect 
for his grandfather, and fondness 
for riding and hunting, 4. 1 — 5 ; 
hunts with Cyaxares and Asty- 
ages, 7, 14; he shows his fitness 
for government at sixteen years of 
age, 16 ; his return to Media, 25 ; 
is sent to the aid of Cyaxares with 
an army, 5. 5, 7 ; his discourse 
with his father on the duties of a 
general, G. 1 ; he provides new 
arms for his men, ii. 1. 11; in- 
stitutes exercises, '2'); his reply 
to the Indian ambassadors, L 8; 
takes the Indian king prisoner, 
iii. 1. 1; his treatment of him, 31 ; 
reconciles the Chaldeans and Ar- 
menians, 2. ; sends lor money to 
the Indian king, 2. 2s ; marches 
Vith Cyaxares against tie 
rians, 3. 20; defeats them, GO; 
takes their camp, iv. i.9; pur- 
the enemy, through a strata- 
gem, without the consent of Cy- 
axares, 1!>; is joined by the Hvr- 

cania: institutes ι 

cavalry, 3. 3 ; Bends for reinforce- 
ments from Persia, ■>. L6j his 

' letter to Cyaxa: 
see Panthca, v. 1. 7; retains the 



Medes with him, 18; visits Go- 
bryas, 2. 1 ; again lays waste 
Assyria, 3. 1 ; marches to Baby- 
lon, and in vain endeavours to 
bring the Assyrian king to a bat- 
tle, 5 ; aids Gadatas, 29 ; his reason 
for addressing his generals by 
name, 46 ; delivers Gadatas, 4. 7 ; 
avenges the ill-treatment of the 
Cadusians, 23 ; makes the Assy- 
rian king agree to spare the hus- 
bandmen, 24 ; why he is unwill- 
ing to lead his army close to Ba- 
bylon, 41 ; takes three fortresses, 
51 ; sends for Cyaxares; 5. 1 ; 
meets him, 5 ; soothes his an^er, 
37 ; discourses on the plans of his 
own winter-quarters, vi. 1. 12 ; 
invents scythed chariots, 27 ; 
builds towers on wheels, 52 ; al- 
lays the fears of his troops, 2. 14 ; 
prepares to march against Croesus, 
23 ; his arrangement of his forces, 
3. 21 ; his exhortation to his offi- 
cers, 4. 12; his arms, vii. 1. 2; 
exhortation to his soldiers, 10 ; 
his horse is wounded, and he is 
thrown off, 37 ; takes Sardes and 
Croesus, 2. 1 ; his kind treatment 
of Croesus, 26 ; mourns the death 
of Abradatas, 3. 2 ; marches to 
Sardis, subduing the Phrygians, 
Cappadocians, and Arabians, ib. ; 
his return to Babylon, 4. 12 ; 5. 1 ; 
makes a trench and tow r ers, 9. 
12 ; takes the city by drawing off 
the water from the Euphrates, 15; 
enters the palace, 57 ; chooses 
eunuchs for his body-guard, 58 ; 
appoints guards of the palace and 
city, 66 ; arranges the duties (»f 
the attendants at the palace, viii. 
1.9; (.-(inverses with ('nous Oil 

generosity, 2. 15: conducts a pro- 

:i. •'). 1 ; his upright tiara, 
and other apparel, 13 ; adoration 
paid to him, 1 1 ; entertains his 
friends at a banquet, 1. 1 ; | 

I to his pan UtS, ■"'. 1 ; visits 

nes and unites him to Ba- 
bylon, 17; marries the daughter 
- ; sends out sa- 



572 



INDEX. 



traps, 6. 1 ; his arrangement of 
messengers foi carrying news, 17 ; 
his end approaches, 7. 3 ; his 
speech to his sons, 6 ; dies, 28. 

Cyrus the younger, i. 4. 3 ; 5. 2, 3 ; 
ii. 1.8, 13, 15; iii. 1. 1. C. viii. 
8.3. 

Cythera, iv. 8. 8. 

Cvzicus, i. 1. 11, 14, 16, sq. Peo- 
ple of, i. 1. 19, 20; iv. 1. 29. 

Dai'pharnes, C. viii. 3. 21. 
Darius, i. 2. 19; ii. 1. 8. Dariaeus, 

ib. 
Dascyleium, iii. 4. 13; iv. 1. 15. 
Datamas, C. v. 3. 38. 
Datamas, C. viii. 3. 17. 
Dauchus, C. vi. 3. 29. 
Deceleia, i. 1. 33, sq. ; 2. 14 ; 3. 22 ; 

ii. 2. 7 ; 3. 3. 
Deigma in the Pirseeus, v. 1. 21. 
Deinon Laced, v. 4. 33 ; vi. 4. 14. 
Delphic oracle, C. vii. 2. 15. 
Delphinium, i. 5. 15. 
Delphion of Phlius, v. 3. 22. 
Demeenetus Athen. v. 1. 10, 26. 
Demaratus Laced, iii. 1. 6, 
Demarchus Syrac. i. 1. 29. 
Demostratus Athen. \i. 3. 2. 
Demoteles Laced, vii. 1. 32. 
Demotion, vii. 4. 4. 
Deras, vii. 1. 22. 
Dercylidas Laced, iii. 1. 8, 9, 16, 

17, sq.) 2. 1, sq.; 4 6; iv. 3. 1, 

sq. ; 8. 3. 
Derdas, v. 2. 38, sq. ; 3. 1, sq. 
Diana, iv. 2. 10; τι. 5. 9; vii. 1. 

34; of Astyre, iv. 1.41; of Ephe- 

sus, i. 2. 6 ; iii. 4. 18 ; of Leuco- 

phrys, iii. 2. 19; of Munychia, ii. 

4. 11. 
Diodes, ii. 3. 2. 
Diomedon Athen. i. 5. 16; 6. 22, 

29; 7.2, 16. 
Dion Athen. iv. 8. 13. 
Dionysius the elder, ii. 2, 24 ; 3. 5 ; 

vi. 2.4, 33; vii. 1. 20, 22. 
Dionysius the younger, vii. 4. 12. 
Dionysius Athen. v. 1. 26. 
Diopeithes Laced, iii. 3. 3. 
Dioscuri, vi. 3. 6. 
Diotimus Athen. i. 3. 12; v. 1. 25. 



Diphridas Laced, iv. 8. 21, sq. 
Dolopians, vi. 1. 7. 
Dorieus of Rhodes, i. 1. 4; 5. 
Dorotheus, i. 3. 13. 
Dracon of Pella, iii. 2. 11. 
Dracontides Athen. ii. 3. 2. 



19. 



Ecbatana, C. viii. 6. 22. 

Ecdicus Laced, iv. 8. 20, sq. 

Eion, i. 5. 15. 

ElaBiis, ii. 1. 20. 

Eleians, iii. 2. 21, sq. ; iv. 2, 16 ; vi. 

2. 2; 5. 5, 19, 23; vii. 1. 18, sq.; 

2. 7 ; 4. 12, sq. ; 5. 1, 18. 
Eleusis, ii. 4. 8, 9, 19, 24; vii. 5. 

15. 
Eleutherae, v. 14. 4. 
Elimia, v. 2. 38. 
Elis, iii. 2. 25. 

Elymia in Arcadia, vi. 5. 13. 
Embas, C. v. 3. 38. 
Enyalius, ii. 4. 17. 
Epaminondas, vi. 4. 15; vii. 1. 15, 

sq. ; 4. 39, sq. ; 5. 3, sq. 
Eparatus Laced, ii. 3. 10. 
Epariti, vii. 4.22, 33, 36; 5. 3. 
Epeium, iii. 2. 30. 
Ephesians, i. 2. 10; 5. 12, 15. 
Ephesus, i. 2. 6; 5. 14; iii. 2. 11 ; 

4. 4, 7, 16 ; v. 1. 7. Territory of 
Ephesus, iii. 2. 14. 

Epicydidas Laced, iv. 2. 2 ; v. 4. 39. 
Epidaurus, iv. 2. 16 ; vi. 2. 2; vii. 

1. 18, 25. 
Epidocus, i. 1. 29. 
Epieiceia, iv. 2. 14; 4. 13. 
Epitalium, iii. 2. 25, 29, 30. 
Erasinides Athen. i. 5. 16 ; 6. 29 ; 

7. 2. 
Erasistratus Athen. ii. 3. 2. 
Eratosthenes Athen. ii. 3. 2. 
Erythree, v. 4. 49. 
Eteonicus Laced, i. 1. 32 ; 6. 26, 

35, sq. ; ii. 1. 5, sq. ; 2. 5 ; v. 1. 

1, sq. 
Etymocles Laced, v. 4. 22, 32 ; vi. 

5. 33. 

Euagoras of Cyprus, ii. 1. 29 ; iv. 8. 

24; v. 1. 10; of Elis, i. 2. 1. 
Eualces Athen. iv. 1. 40. 
Euarchippus Laced, i. 2. 1 ; ii. 3. 

10. 



INDEX. 



573 



Euboea, ii. 3. 10. 

Euboeans, iv. 3. 15; vi. 5. 23; vii. 

5.4. 
Eubotas of Cyrene, i. 2. 1. 
Eubulus Athen. i. 1. 22. 
Eucleia, festival, iv. 4. 2. 
Eucleides \then. ii. 3. 2. 
Eucles, Sicilian, i. 2. 8. 
Euctemon Athen. i. 2. 1. 
Eudamidas Laced, v. 2. 24. 
Eudicus Laced, v. 4. 39. 
Eudicus Laced, ii. 3. 1. 
Eumathes Athen. ii. 3. 2. 
Tunc-mus Athen. v. 1. 5, 7, 9. 
Euphratas, C. vi. 3. 28. 
Euphrates, C. vii. 5. 8. 
Euphron of Sicyon, vii. 1. 44, sq. ; 

2. 11, sq. ; 3. 2, sq. 
Eurotas, v. 4. 28; vi. 5. 27, 30. 
Eurymedon, iv. 8. 30. 
Euryptolemus Athen. i. 3. 1 2, sq. ; 

4. 19; 7. 16. 
Eurysthenes, iii. 1. 6. 
Eurystheus, vi. 5, 47. 
Euta?a, vi. 5. 12, 20. 
Euthycles Laced, vii. 1. 33. 
> itresians, vii. 1. 29. 
Euxenus Laced, iv. 2. 5. 
Euxine Sea, C. viii. 6. 21 ; 8. 1. 
Exarchus Laced, ii. 3. 10. 

Gabceus, C. ii. 1. 5; iv. 2. 30. 
Gadataa, C. v. 2. 28; 3. 15, 26; 

4. 1, 29, 34; vii. 5. 30; viii. 

4. 2. 
Galaxidonis Laced, iii. 5. 1. 
Gambreiuin, iii. 1. 6. 
Gauriuin, i. 4. 22. 
Gela, ii. 3. ■>. 
GelanOT or Geranor Laced, vii. 1 . 

25. 
Gereetus, iii. 4. 3; v. 4. 61. 

9, iii. 1. 15, L9, 
Gnosius Svrac. i. 1. 29. 
Gobryas, O. iv. 6. 1, 4; v. 2. G, 11; 

vii. 5. 30 ; viii. 4. 7, 25. 
Gongylus Eretr. iii. 1. <). 
Gordieium, i. 1.1. 
GorglOD Eretr. iii. 1. 0. 
Gorgopas Laced, v. 1. 5, sq. 
Greeks in the army of Cyrus the 

younger, iii. 1. 2, &c. 



Greeks of Asia, C. i. 1. 4 ; ii. 1. 5 ; 

vi. 2. 10 ; vii. 4. 9. 
Gryneium, iii. 1. 6. 
Gylis Laced, iv. 3. 21, 23. 
Gytheium, i. 4. 11 : vi. 5. 32. 

Hagnon Athen. ii. 3. 10. 

Halae, ii. 4. 34. 

Halians, iv. 2. 16; vi 2. 3; vii. 

2.2. 
Haliartus, iii. 5. 17. 
Halipedon at Athens, ii. 4. 30. 
Halisarne, iii. 1.6. 
Hamaxitus, iii. 1. 13, 16. 
Hannibal, i. 1. 37. 
Hegesandridas Laced, i. 1. 1 ; 3, 

17. 
Helicon, Mount, iv. 3. 18. 
Helixus of Megara, i. 3. 15, 21. 
Hellespont, i. 1. 2; ii. 1. 20; iii. 2. 

8, sq. People on the, iii. 4. 11, 

sq. ; iv. 3. 17. 
Helos, vi. 5. 32. 
Helots, i. 2. 18 ; iii. 3. 6, sq. ; vi. 5. 

28; vii. 2.2. 
Heraclea Trachinia, i. 2. 18 ; vi. 4. 

27. 
Heracleans, iii. 5. 6 ; vi. 4. 9; 5. 

23. 
Heraclides Syrac. i. 2. 8. 
Heraea, iii. 2. 30 ; 3. ] . 
Hermans, vi. 5. 11, 22. 
Heramm at Corinth, iv. 5. 5, sq. ; 

at Phlius, vii. 2. 1, sq. 
Hercules, iii. 3. 3; vi. 3. 6. Tem- 
ple of, in ^Egina, v. 1. 10; at 

Chalcedon, i. 3. 7 ; at Thebes, vi. 

4. 7. 
Herippidas Laced, iii. 4. 6, 20 ; iv. 

1.11,5(7.; 2.8; 3.15,18; 8.11. 
Hermion, vi. 2. 3. 
Hermionians, iv. 2. 16; vii. 2. 2. 
Hermocrates Syrac. i. 1. 27; i 

13. 
Ilermogenes Athen. iv. 8. 13. 
Eiermon, i. 6. 32. 
Herodaa Syrac. iii. 1. 1. 
Hieramenee, ii. 1. 9. 
Hieras Laced, v. l. 3, tq. 
Hieron Atlicn. ii. 3. 2. Laced. 

vi. 1. 9. 

Himera, i. 1. 37. 



574 



INDEX. 



Hippias of Elis, vii. 4. 15 ; of Sa- 

mos, i. 6. 29. 
Hippocrates Laced, i. 1. 23; 3. 5, sq. 
Hippodameion, ii. 4. 11. 
Hippodamus Sicyon. vii. 1. 45. 
Hippolochus Athen. ii. 3. 2. 
Hippomachus Athen. 'ii. 4. 19. 
Hippon Syrac. i. 2. 8. 
Hipponicus Athen. vi. 3. 2. Phlia- 

sian, v. 3. 13. 
Histiaeans, ii. 2. 3. 
Hyampolitans, vi. 4. 27. 
Hypates Theb. vii. 3. 7. 
Hypatodorus, v. 4. 49. 
Hypermenes Laced, vi. 2. 25. 
Hyicanians, C. i. 5. 2; iv. 2. 1; 

v. 3. 24, 38. 
Hystaspes, C. ii. 2. 2; iv. 2. 46; 

vii. 1. 19; 4.8; viii. 4. 9, 25. 

Iberians, vii. 1. 20. 

Ichthys prom. vi. 2. 31. 

Ida, i. 1. 25. 

Idaeus Laced, iv. 1. 39. 

Ilarchus Laced, ii. 3. 10. 

Ilians, iii. 1. 16. 

Ilium, i. 1. 4. 

Illyrians, C. i. 1. 4. 

Imbros, iv. 8. 15 ; v. 1. 31. 

Indians, C. i. 5. 3 ; ii. 4. 7 ; iii. 2. 

25 ; vi. 2. 1, 2, 12. 
Ionia, iii. 2. 14; v. 1/28. C. viii. 

6. 7. Cities of, iii. 2. 12. 
Ionians, iii. 4. 11 ; iv. 3. 17. C. vi. 

2. 10. 
Iphicrates Athen. iv. 4. 9, 16; 5. 

13, sq.; 8. 34, sq.; v. 1.25; vi. 

2. 13, sq.; 3. 3; 4. 1 ; 5. 49, sq. 
Isanor Laced, ii. 3. 10. 
Isarchus Laced, ii. 3. 10. 
Ischolaus, vi. 5. 24, sq. 
Isias, ii. 3. 10. 

Ismenias, iii. 5. 1 ; v. 2. 25, sq. 
Isthmian games, iv. 5. 1. 
Isthmus of Corinth, iv. 5. 1 ; 8. 8 ; 

of Thrace, iii. 2. 10 ; of Pallene, 

v. 2. 15. 

Jason of Pherae, vi. 1. 4; 4. 20, sq. 
Juno, C. i. 4. 12. 

Jupiter, Olympic, iii. 2. 22, 26; 7. 
2; vii. 4. 35. 



Jupiter Patrius, C. i. 6. 1 ; viii. 7. 3. 
King, ii. 4. 19; iii. 3. 21 ; vii. 5. 
57; viii. 3. 11, 24. 

Labotes Laced, i. 2. 18. 
Lacedaemon. See Sparta. 
Lacedaemonians, i. 1. 7, et passim. 
Laconia, vii. 1. 25, 29. 
Lacrates Laced, ii. 4. 33. 
Lampsacus, i. 2. 15, sq. ; ii. 1. 18; 

iii. 2. 6. 
Larisa, ^Egyptian, iii. 1. 7, 16. C. 

vii. 1. 45. In Thessaly, vi. 4. 33. 
Larisaeans, ii. 3. 4 ; iv. 3. 3. 
Larisus, iii. 2. 23. 
Lasion, iii. 2. 30 ; vii. 4. 12. 
Lasionians, iv. 2. 16. 
LechEeum, iv. 4. 7, 17 ; 5. 7, 8, 10, 

19; v. 1.29. 
Lemnos, iv. 8. 15; v. 1. 31. 
Leon Athen. i. 5. 16; 6. 16; vii. 

1. 33, 37. Laced, ii. 3. 10. Sala- 

min. ii. 3. 39. 
Leonteichus Athen. v. 1. 26. 
Leontiades Theb.v. 2. 25, sq.; 4. 7, 19. 
Leontines, ii. 3. 5. 
Leoty chides, iii. 3. 1. 
Lepreans, iii. 2. 25; vi. 5. 11. 
Lesbos, i. 2. 11; 6. 26; ii. 2. 5; 

iv. 8. 28. 
Letrians, iii. 2. 25, 30; iv. 2. 16. 
Leucas, vi. 2. 3, 26. 
Leucolophides Athen. i. 4. 21. 
Leucophrys, iii. 2. 19; iv. 8. 17. 
Leuctra, vi. 4. 4. 
Leuctrum, vi. 5. 24. 
Libya, C. vi. 2. 8. 
Libys Laced, ii. 4. 28. 
Lichas Laced, iii. 2. 21. 
Locrians, Opuntian, iii. 5. 3, sq. 

Ozolian, iv. 2. 17; 3. 15, 22. 
Locris, iii. 5. 3; iv. 3. 21. 
Lycasthus Athen. vi. 3. 2. 
Lycaonians, C. vi. 2. 10. 
Lycarius Laced, ii. 3. 10. 
Lyceium, i. 1. 33; ii. 4. 27. 
Lyciscus Athen. i. 7. 13. 
Lycomedes Mantin. vii. 1 . 23, sq. ; 

4. 2, sq. 
Lycophron of Pherae, ii. 3. 4. 
Lycurgus Laced, i. 3. 18. 
Lydia, C. vi. 2. 21 ; vii. 4. 14. 



INDEX. 



575 



Lysander Laced, i. 5. 1, sq. ; 6. 1, 
'sq. ; ii. 1. 6, sq. ; 2. 2, sq. ; 3. 6, 
*?.; 4.28,*?.; iii. 3. 3; 4.2.7, 

sq. ; 5. 6, sq. 
Lysander of Sicyon, vii. 1. 45. 
Lysias Athen. i. 6. 30. 
Lysimachus Athen. ii. 4. 8, 26. 
Lysippus Laced, iii. 2. 29, sq. 

Macedonia, v. 2. 12, 13 ; vi. 1. 11. 

Macedonian army, v. 2. 43. 

Macedonians, v. 2. 12, 40. 

Macistus, iii. 2. 30. 

Madatas, C. v. 3. 41. 

Madytus, i. 1. 3. 

Maeander, iii. 2. 14, 17 ; 4. 12, 21 ; 

8.17. 
Magadidians, C. i. 1. 4. 
Malea, prom, of Laconia, i. 2. 18 ; 

vi. 5. 24. 
Malea, prom, of Lesbos, i. 6. 26. 
Mandane, C. L 2.1; 3. I; 4,1. 
Mania Dardan. iii. 1. 10, sq. 
Mantineia, iv. 5. 18 ; v. 2. 7, sq. ; 

vi. 5. 15 ; vii. 5. 7, sq. 
Mantineans, iii. 2. 21 ; iv. 2. 13; 4. 
17; v. 2. l,sq.; vi. 4. 18; 5.3; 
vii. 4. 33; 5. 1. Territory of, 
vi. 5. 15, 17. 
Mantitheus Athen. i. 1. 10; 3. 13. 
Maracians, vi. 1. 7. 
Maragdus, C. ii. 1.5; iv. 2. 31. 
Margane, vii. 4. 11. 
Marganians, iii. 2. 25, 30 ; iv. 2. 16; 

vi. 5. 2; vii. 4. 14, 26. 
Mars, C. vii. 1.26. 
Modes, i. 2. 19. C. i. 3. 2, 18 ; ii. 1. 6. 
Media, C. i. 4, 17 ; ii. 1. 1 ; 4. 20. 
Medochus, iv. 8. 26. 
Megabates, iv. 1. 28. 
Megabyzus, C. viii. 6. 7. 
Megalopolitans, vii. 5. 5. 
Megara, i. 1. 36; 2. 14; ii. 4. 1; 
iv. 4. 13; v. 1. 55, 58. 
Una Laced, iii. 4. 6. 
Melanippus, vi. 2. 35. 
Melanopus Athen. vi. 3. *2. 
Melanthius Allien, ii. 3. 46. 
Bfeletufl Allien, ii. 4. 36. 
Melians, iii. 5. 6 ; iv. 2.17; vi. 5. 23. 
Melians, islanders, ii. 2. 3, 9. 
Melobius Athen. ii. 3. 2. 



Melon Theb. v. 4. 2, sq. See Menon. 

Melus, iv. 8. 7. 

Menander Athen. i. 2. 16 ; ii. 1. 16, 

26. 
Menascus Laced, iv. 2. 8. 
Menecles Athen. i. 7. 38. 
Menecrates Syrac. i. 1. 29. 
Menon or Melon of Thespiae, v. 4. 

55. 
Messene, v. 2. 3 ; vii. 1. 27, 36. 
Messenians, vi. 5. 33 ; vii. 4. 27 ; 

5. 5. 
Methvmne, i. 2. 12 ; 6. 13, 37 ; iv. 

8.29. 
Methymnaeans, i. 6. 13, 14. 
Midea, vii. 1.28,29. 
Midias Dardan. iii. 1. 14, sq. 
Migdon Laced, iii. 4. 20. 
Milesians, i. 6. 8. 

Miletus,i. 1.31; 2.2; 5.1; 6.2,7. 
Mindarus Laced, i. 1. 4, 11, 14, sq. 
Minerva, i. 1. 4 ; 3. ] ; 6.2; iii. 1. 

21, 22. See Alea. 
Misgolaidas Laced, ii. 3. 10. 
Mithras, C. vii. 5. 53. 
Mithridates, C. viii. 8. 4. 
Mitraeus, ii. 1. 8. 
Mitrobates, i. 3. 12. 
Mnasippus Laced, vi. 2. 4, sq., 15. 
Mnesilochus Athen. ii. 3. 2. 
Mnesithides Athen. ii. 3. 2. 
Munychia, ii. 4. 11. Diana of Mu- 

nychia, ib. 
Myrina, iii. 1. 6. 
Myscon Syrac. i. 1. 29. 
Mysians, iii. 1. 13; iv. 1. 24. 
Mytilene, i. 6. 16, 26 ; ii. 2. 5 ; ir. 

8. 28. Mytilenueans, ib. ; i. 6. 22. 

Narthacium, iv. 3. 9. 

Naubates Laced, iii. 2. 6. 

Naucleidas Laced, ii. 4. 36. 

Nancies Laced, vii. 1. 41. 

Naupactus, iv. 6. 14. 

Nauplia, iv. 7. 6. 

Neandriane, iii. 1. 10. 

Nemea, iv. 2. 14; 7. 3; vii. 2.5; 

5. 6, 
Neptune, iv. 5. 1, 2, 4; 7. 4. The 

earth-ehaker, vii. 5. 
NicerattLfl Athen. ii. 3. 39. 
Nicias Athen. ii. 3. 39. 



576 



INDEX. 



Nicolochus Laced, v. i. 6, sq., 25 ; 

4. 65. 
Nicophemus Athen. iv. 8. 8. 
Nicostratus Athen. ii. 4. 6. 
Notium prom. i. 2. 4, 11 ; 5. 12, sq. 

Ocellus Laced, v. 4. 22. 
Ocyllus Laced, vi. 5. 33. 
Odeum at Athens, ii. 4. 9. 
CEatse, vi. 5. 26. 
QEniadae, iv. 6. 14. 
GEnoe in Attica, i. 7. 28. Near Cor- 
inth, iv. 5. 5, 19. 
CEtamns, i. 2. 18 ; iii. 5. 6. 
CEum, vi. 5. 24, sq. 
Olontheus Laced, vi. 5. 33. 
Olurus, vii. 4. 17, sq. 
Olympia, iii. 2. 26 ; iv. 7. 2 ; vii. 4. 

28. 
Olympian games, vii. 4. 28. 
Olympian Jupiter. See Jupiter. 
Olympus, vii. 4. 14, 28. 
Olynthians, v. 2. 13, sq. ; 3. 1 ; 4. 54. 
Olynthus, v. 2. 12, 27, 37 ; 3. 9. 
Oneium, vi. 5. 51 ; vii. 1. 15, 41, sq. ; 

2.5. 
Onomacles Athen. ii. 3. 2. Laced. 

ii. 3. 10. 
Onomantius Laced, ii. 3. 10. 
Opuntian Locrians. See Locrians. 
Orchomenians, iii. 5. 6 ; iv. 2. 17 ; 

3. 15; v.4. 36; vi. 4.10. 
Orchomenus in Arcadia, vi. 5. 15, 

sq., 29. 
Orchomenus in Boeotia, iii. 5. 17; 

iv. 3. 15; v. 1. 29. 
Oreum, v. 4. 56. 
Oropus, vii. 4. 1. 
Orsippus Laced, iv. 2. 8. 
Otys, iv. 1. 3, sq, 
Ozolian Locrians. See Locrians. 

Pactolus, iii. 4. 22. C. vi. 2.11. 
Pagasae, v. 4. 56. 
Palaegambrium, iii. 1. 6. 
Pallantium, vi. 5. 9. 
Pallantians, vii. 5. 5. 
Pamphilus Athen. v. 1. 2. 
Pangaeum, v. 2. 17. 
Pantacles Laced, i. 3. I ; ii. 3. 10. 
Panthea, C. iv. 6. 11; v. ]. 1 ; vi. 
1.33,45; 4.3; vii. 3. 4, 14. 



Paphlagonia, iv. 1. 2, sq. 
Paphlagonians, C. i. 5. 3 ; ii. 1. 5 ; 

vi. 2. 10 ; viii. 6. 8. 
Paralus, ship, ii. 1. 28, sq. ; 2. 3. 
Parapita, iv. 1. 39. 
Parium, i. 1. 13. 
Parrhasians, vii. 1. 28. 
Pasimachus Laced, iv. 4. 10. 
Pasimelus Corinth, iv. 4. 4, 7. 
Pasippidas Laced, i. ] . 32; 3. 13, 17. 
Patesiadas Laced, ii. 3. 10. 
Pausanias, king, ii. 2. 7 ; 4. 29, sq. ; 

iii. 5. 6, sq. ; v. 2. 3. 
Peiraeeus, ii. 3. 11; 4. 1 3 sq. ; iv. 

8.9. 
Peireeum, iv. 5. 1, sq. 
Peisander Laced, iii. 4. 29 ; iv. 3. 

12, sq. 

Peisias, or Peithias, of Argos, vii. 1. 

41. 
Peison Athen. ii. 3. 2. 
Pella, v. 2. 13. 
Pellene in Achaia, vii. 1. 18 ; 2. 18, 

20; 4. 18. In Laconia, vii. 5. 9. 
Pellenians, Achaean, iv. 2. 20; vi. 5. 

29; vii. 1. 15; 2. 2, 11, sq. ; 4. 

17. 
Pelles (?) Laced, iv. 3. 23. 
Pelopidas Theb. vii. 1. 33, sq. 
Peloponnesus, iv. 6. 14; vi. 2. 9; 

3. 6; vii. 1. 23; 5. 1, sq. 
Peloponnesians, i. 1. 6 ; 6. 33, sq. ; 

ii. 2. 7; 4. 21; iii. 1.4; 5.6. 
Percote, v. 1. 25. 
Pergamus, iii. 1. 6. 
Pericles Athen. i. 5. 16; 6. 29; 7. 

16. 
Perinthus, i. 1. 21. Perinthians, ib. 
Perseus, C. i. 2. 1. 
Persia, C. i. 3. 3 ; ii. 1. 1 ; vii. 5. 67. 
Persians, iii. 4. 24, sq.-, iv. 1. 30. 

C. i. 2.; 3.2; 4. 27; v. 2. 16; 

vii. 5. 67; viii. 3. 1, 11 ; 8. . 
Perseidae, C. i. 2. 1. 
Phaedrias Athen. ii. 3. 2. 
Phanias Athen. v. 1. 26. 
Phanosthenes Athen. i. 5. 18. 
Pharax Laced, iii. 2. 12 ; iv. 5. 6 ; 

vi. 5. 33. 
Pharnabazus, i. 1. 6, sq. ; 2. 16; 3. 

5, sq. ; 4. 1, sq. ; iii. 1. 9, sq. ; 2. 

l.sq., 9, 13; 4.10; iv. 1.1,7, 



INDEX. 



577 



15, sq. ; 3. 11 ; 8. 1, 3, 6, sq. ; v. 

1. 28. 

Pharnabazus, son of, iv. i. 38, sq. 
Pharnuchus, C. vi. 3. 32 ; vii. 1 . 22 ; 

viii. 6. 7 . 
Pharsalians, iv. 3. 3; vi. 1, 2, sq. 
Pharsalus, vi. 4. 34. 
Phea, iii. 2. 30. 
Pheidon Athen. ii. 3. 2. 
Pherae, iv. 8. 7. 
Pheraeans, ii. 3. 3 ; vi. 4. 31. 
Pheraulas, C. ii. 3. 7 ; viii. 3. 2, 6, 

31, 35, 49. 
Philiscus, Abydenian, vii. 1. 27. 
Philocles Athen. i. 7. 1 ; ii. 1. 30, sq. 
Philodices Athen. i. 3. 13. 
Phiiasians, iv. 2. 16; 4. 15 ; v. 2. 

9, sq. ; 3. 10, sq. ; vi. 4. 9 ; 5. 14, 

sq. ; vii. 1.1; 2. 1 ; 4. 1, sq. 
Phlius, iv. 4. 15 ; 7. 3 ; v. 2. 8 ; vii. 

2. 4, 11, *?. 

Phocaea, i. 3. 1 ; 5. 11 ; 6. 33. 

Phocians, iii. 5. 3, sq. ; 4. 3. 15 ; vi. 
1.1; 2.1; 4.9,21; 5.23, 30; 
vii. 5. 4. 

Phocis, iii. 5. 4 ; vi. 1. 1 ; 4. 27. 

Phoebidas Laced, v. 2. 24, sq. ; 4. 
41, sq. 

Phoenicia, iii. 4. 1. 

Phoenicians, C. i. 1. 4; vi. 2. 10. 

Phoenicus, iv. 8. 7. 

Phrixa, iii. 2. 30. 

Phrygia, iv. 1. 1. 

Phrygia, Lesser, C. ii. 1. 5. Phry- 
gia on the Hellespont, vii. 4. 8 ; 
viii. 6. 7. 

Phrygia, Greater, C. vii. 4. 10 ; viii. 
6.7. 

Phrygians, C. i. 5. 3 ; vi. 2. 10. 

Phthia, iv. 3. 9. 

Phyle, ii. 4. 2, sq. 

Phyllidas Theb. v. 4. 2, 4, sq. 

Pisans, vi. 1. 28, sq. 

Pityas Laced, i. 6. I ; ii. 3. 10. 

Plataeae, v. 4. 11, 48; vii. 1. 31. 

Plataeans, v. 1. 10; vi. 3. J, 0. 

Pleistolas Laced, ii. 3. LO. 

Plynteria, i. 1. VI. 

Podanemus Laced, iv. 8.11; v. 3. 13. 

Pollis Laced, iv. 8. 1 1 ; v. 4. 61. 

Polyaenidas Laced, vii. 4. 23. 

VOL. II. 2 ρ 



Polyanthes Corinth, iii. 5. 1. 
Polyarchus Athen. ii. 3. 2. 
Polybiades Laced, v. 3. 20, 26. 
Polycharmus, Pharsalian, iv. 3. 8. 
Polydamas, Pharsalian, vi. 1. 2, sq, 
Polydorus, vi. 4. 33. 
Polyphron, vi. 4. 33, sq. 
Poly tropus Corinth, vi. 5. 11. 
Polyxenus Syracus. v. 1. 26. 
Potamis Syracus. i. I. 29. 
Potidaea, v. 2. 15, 39; 3. 6. 
Potniae, v. 4. 51. 
Pras, iv. 3. 9. 
Prasise, vii. 2. 2. 
Praxitas Laced, iv. 4. 7 ; 5. 19. 
Priene, iii. 2. 17 ; iv. 8. 17. 
Proaenus Corinth, iv. 8. 11. 
Procles of Phlius, v. 3. 13; vi. 5. 

38; vii. 1.1. Of Teuthrania, iii. 

1.6. 
Proconnesus, i. 1. 18; 3. 1 ; iv. 8. 

36; v. 1. 26. 
Prometheus of Thessaly, ii. 3. 36. 
Prothous Laced, vi. 4. 2. 
Protomachus Athen. i. 5. 16 ; 6. 

30; 7. 1. 
Proxenus Syracus. i. 3. 13. Of 

Tegea, vi. 5. 7. 
Pygela, i. 2. 2. 
Pylus in Elis, vii. 4. 16, 26. 
Pylians, ib. 

Pyrrholocus, Argive, i. 3. 13. 
Pythian games, vi. 4. 30. 
Pythodorus Athen. ii. 3. 1. 

Red Sea, C. viii. 6. 20, 21 ; 8. 1. 
Rhambacas, C. v. 3. 42. 
Rhamphias Laced, i. 1. 35. 
Rhathines, iii. 4. 13. C. viii. 3. 32. 
Rheomithres, C. viii. 8. 4. 
Rhium, iv. 6. 14; 8. 11. 
Rhodes, i. 1. 2; 5. 1,19; 6. 3; iv. 

8, 20; v. 1. 5. 
Rhodians, i. 6. 18 ; iv. 8. 20. 
Rhuuteum, i. 1.2. 

Sabaris, C. iii. 1. 2. 
Sacians, C. v. 2. 25 ; 3. 22, 38. 
Sacian, cup-bearer, C. i. 3. 8, 11. 
Sacian, a private man, C. viii. 3.25. 
31, 35. 






578 



INDEX. 



Salaminian ship, vi. 2. 14. 
Salamis, ii. 29. 
Sambaulas, C. ii. 2. 28. 
Samians, i. 6. 25, 29; 7. 30; ii. 2. 

6; 3.6. 
Samius Laced, iii. 1.1, 
Samos, i. 4. 8, sq.; ii. 1. 12; 3. 3. 
Sardes, i. 1. 10; 5. 1; iii. 4. 25; 

iv. 1.27. C.vii. 2. 3, 11; 4.12. 
Sardian territory, iii. 4. 21. 
Saturn, hill of, vii. 4. 14. 
Satyrus Athen. ii. 3. 54. 
Scepsis, iii. 1. 15, sq. 
Scilluntians, vi. 5. 2. 
Scionseans, ii. 2. 3. 
Sciritse, v. 2. 24 ; 4. 52, sq. C. iv. 2. 1. 
Sciritis, vi. 5. 25. 
Scolus, v. 4. 49. 
Scopas, vi. 1. 19. 
Scotussseans, iv. 3. 3. ■ 
Scyros, iv. 8. 15; v. 1.31. 
Scythes Laced, iii. 4. 20. 
Scythians, C. i. 1. 4. 
Selinus, i. 1. 37. 
Selinuntians, i. 2. 8, 10. 
Sellasia, ii. 2. 13, 19 ; vi. 5. 27 ; vii. 

4.12. 
Selybria, i. 1. 21 ; 3. 10. 
Sestos, i. 1. 11, sq. ; 2. 13 ; ii. 1. 20, 

25 ; iv. 8. 3, sq. 
Seuthes, iii. 2. 2, 9 ; iv. 8. 26. 
Sicily, i. 1. 37; 5. 21; vi. 2. 9. 
Sicilians, ii. 2. 24. 
Sicyon, iv. 2. 14; 4. 1, 7, 14; vii. 

1.18,44; 2.11, 15; 3. 1; 4. 1. 
Sicyonians, iv. 2. 16 ; 4. 10 ; vi. 4. 

18; vii. 1.22; 2. 1, sq., 11, 20. 
Sidus, iv. 4. 13 ; 5. 19. 
Sisyphus, iii. 1. 8. 
Socleidas Laced, vii. 4. 19. 
Socrates Athen. ' i. 7. 15. 
Sophocles Athen. ii. 3. 2. 
Sostratidas Laced, ii. 3. 10. 
Sparta, iii. 2. 20 ; 3. 1 ; iv. 8. 7 ; 

vi. 4. 16; vii. 5. 9. C. νί. 2.11. 
Spartans, iii. 3. 5. sq.; v. 1. 11; 

vi. 4. 15 ; 5. 21, 25. 
Spartolus, v. 3. 6. 
Sphagise, vi. 2. 31. 
Sphodrias Laced, v. 4. 15, sq., 23, 

sq. ; vi. 4. 14. 



Spithridates, iii. 4. 10; iv. 1. 

20, sq. 
Stages, i. 2. 5. 
Stalcas, vii. 4. 15. 
Stasippus Laced, vi. 4. 18; 5. 

sq., 36. 
Stesicles Athen. vi. 2. 10. 
Sthenelaus Laced, ii. 2. 2. 
Stratolas, vii. 4. 15, 31. 
Stratus, iv. 6. 4. 
Strombichides Athen. vi. 3. 2. 
Struthas, iv. 8. 17, sq. 
Susa, C. viii. 6. 23. 
Syracuse, i. 1. 29, 31 ; vi. 2. 35 

vii. 1. 22. 
Syracusans, i. 1. 18, 26, sq.; 2. 8 

sq.; ii. 2. 24; 3.5. 
Syria, (Assyria,) C. v. 4. 51 ; vi. 1 

27; 2. 19, 22; viii. 3. 24; 6. 20 

Syria, Lower, vi. 2. 11. 
Syrians, i. 1. 4; 5. 2. 

Tanagra, v. 4. 49. 
Tanagraeans, v. 4. 49. 
Tanaoxares, younger son of Cyrus, 

C. viii. 7. 11. 
Tegea, iii. 5. 7, 25; v. 1. 33; 4. 

37 ; vi. 5. 9, 15, sq. ; vii. 4. 36 ; 

5. 7, 14. 
Tegeans, iv. 2, 13; vi. 4. 18; 5. 9, 

sq. ; vii. 4. 36 ; 5. 5, sq. 
Teleutias Laced, iv. 4. 19; 8. 11, 

23, sq. ; v. 1. 2, sq. ; 2. 37; 3. 

3, sq. 
Temnus, iv. 8. 5. 
Tenea, iv. 4. 19. 
Tenedos, v. 1. 6. 
Teuthrania, iii. 1. 6. 
Thalamae, vii. 4. 26. 
Thambradas, C. v. 3. 38. 
Thamneria, ii. 1. 13. 
Thasos, i. ]*. 12,32; 4. 9; v. 1. 7. 
Thebans, ii. 2. 19; iii. 2. 21 ; v. 

4, sq. ; iv. 3. 17, sq. ; 5. 10 ; v. 1. 
32, sq.; 2. 25, sq. ; 4. 2; vi. 1. 
1; 2. 1; 3. 1, 19, sq. ; 4. 3, sq. ; 

5, 22, sq. ; vii. 1. 15, sq. ; 2. 5 ; 
3. 4, sq. ; 4. 1 , sq. 

Thebes, ii. 4. 1, sq. ; iii. 5. 3 ; v. 2. 

25; 4. 19; vi. 3. 1; vii. 4. 34. 
Thebes, plain of, iv. 1.41. 



5 7f-cgZ)j Jtn^^y 






INDEX. 



579 



,iemistogenes Syracus. iii. 1. 2. 
jieogenes Athen. i. 3. 13 ; ii. 3. 2. 
neognis Athen. ii. 3. 2. 
heopompus of Miletus, ii. 1. 30. 
neramenes Athen. i. 1. 12, 22; 6. 
7. 4; ii. 2, 16, sq. ; 3. 2, sq. 
herimachus Laced, iv. 8• 29. 
hersander Laced, iv. 8. 18, sq. 
'lespiie, v. 4. IS, 38. 
\ hespians, iv. 2. 20; v. 4. 42, sq. ; 
I vi. 3. 1 ; 4. 10. 
' .lessalians, iv. 3. 7, sq. ; vi. 1. 8. 
ily, ii. 3. 4, 36; vi. 1. 2. 
ibrachus Laced, ii. 4. 33. 
ibron Laced, iii. 1.4, 6•?. ; iv. 8. 
17, sq* 

isbae, vi. 4. 3. 
orax Laced, ii. 1. 9, 28. 
oricus, i. 2. 1. 

race, i. 4. 9; ii. 2. 5; iii. 2. 9; 
r. 8.26. 

racians, iii. 2. 8. Bithynian, i. 
!. 2. Odrysian, iii. 2. 5. 
racium, i. 3. 20. 
. rasonidas, vii. 4. 15. 

Indus of Stvria, L 1. 12; 4. 
•, sq.; 5. 11; 6. 35 j ii. 3. 42, 
y. ; 4. 2, s?. ; iii. J. 16 ; iv. 8. 
. sq. 

bulus, Collytian, v. 1. 26. 
-. iii. 2. 27, sq. 
\ihen. i. 1. 8, 33, 34; 
. 1, sq.; 3. 5; 4. 10; 5. 16; 7. 

aystus, vii. 4. 11. 

: 21. 
amia, vii. 2. 1 ; 1. 1. 

mbrara, C. vi. 2. 1 1 ; vii. 1. 10. 
ma :i. i. 1. 1. 

. \ ;. 2. .17 '. 
. iv. 8. 21. 

π of the ki 
' . iii. 1. 7, 1 I. : • 

1. 21. 

Ithen. vii. 1. 33, 38. 



Timocrates Athen. i. 7. 3. 
Timocrates Laced, vii. 1. 13. 
Timocrates, Rhcdian, iii. 5. 1. 
Timocrates Syracus. vii. 4. 12. 
Timolaus, Corinthian, iii. 5. 1 ; iv. 

2. 11. 
Timomachus Athen. vii. 1. 41. 
Timotheus Athen. v. 4. 63 ; vi. 2. 2. 
Tiribazus, iv. 8. 12, sq. ; v. 1. 6, sq. 
Tisamenus Athen. iii. 3. 11. 
Tisiphonus, vi. 4. 37; 5. 1• 
Tissaphernes, i. 1. 9, 31 ; 2. 6, 8 ; 

5. 2, 8, sq.; iii. 1.3, sq.; 2. 12, 

sq. ; 4. 1, sq. 
Tithraustes, iii. 4. 25 ; 5. 1. 
Tlemonidas Laced, v. 3. 3. 
Torone, v. 3. 18. 
Toronaeans, ii. 2. 3. 
Trachinia Heraclea. See Eeracka. 
Tralles, iii. 2. 19. 
Tricanuram, vii. 2. 11 ; 4. 11. 
Triphylian cities, iii. 2. 30. 
Triphylians, iv. 2. 16; vi. 5. 2 ; vii. 

1.26. 
Triptolemus, vi. 3. 6. 
Tripyrgia, v. 1. 10. 
Trffizen, vi. 2. 3. 
Troezenians, iv. 2. 16. 
Trojan chariots, C. vi. 1. 27 ; 2. 8. 
Troy, iii. 4. 3; vii. 1. 34. 
Tvdeus Athen. ii. 1. 16, 26. 
Tyndaridie, vi. 5. 31. 

Venus, temple of, at Megara, v. 4• 

58. 
Veeta, ii. 3. 52; vii. 4. 31. C. i. 6. 

1 ; vii. 5. 'u '. 

Xenias, iii. 2. 27. 
Xenoclet Laced, iii. 4. 20. 

S, ii. 1. 8. 

Zacynthnfl \\. 2. 3. 
Zenifl Dardan. iii. 1. 10. 
ZeUXippOi Laced, ii. 3. 10. 

Zoster, v. 1. 9. 



NOTANDUM. 



In the "Notanda" appended to the volume containing the Anabasis 
and Memorabilia of Socrates, a reference is given to Mr. Ainsworth's 
Geographical Commentary, "p. 226." It should have been p. 323. The 
passage of the Anabasis to which allusion is made, is iv. 6. 4. 



JOHN CHILDS AND SON. BUNGAY. 



y 



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